The Tinguian
Social, Religious, and Economic Life of a Philippine Tribe
By
Fay-Cooper Cole
Assistant Curator of Malayan Ethnology
1922
CONTENTS
List of Illustrations
Introduction
I. Geographical Relations and History
II. Physical Type and Relationships
III. The Cycle of Life
Birth
Childhood
Engagement and Marriage
Death and Burial
The Layog
IV. Religion and Magic
V. The Ceremonies
1. The Minor Ceremonies
2. The Great Ceremonies
3. Special Ceremonies
VI. Social Organization. Government. The Village
VII. Warfare, Hunting, and Fishing
VIII. Economic Life
Rice Culture
Cultivated Plants and Trees
Wild Plants and Trees
Plants and Trees Used in the Treatment of Disease
Use of Betel-Nut, Tobacco, and Stimulants
Domestic Animals
IX. Products of Industry
Iron-Working
Spinning and Weaving
Manufacture of Rope and String
Bark Cloth
Basket Making
Mats
Dyes
Net Making
Manufacture of Pottery
Pipe Making
Method of Drying Hides
X. Decorative Art
XI. Personal Adornment, Dances, and Musical Instruments
XII. Music, By Albert Gale
Conclusions
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Text-Figures
1. Child's Cradle and Jumper
2. Diagram of a Game
3. Cross Sections Showing Types of Graves
4. Ceremonial Paraphernalia
5. Household Objects
6. Spoons and Ladles
7. Types of Knives
8. Head-axes
9. Spears
10. Shields
11. Chicken Snare
12. Bird Snares
13. Fishing Devices
14. Grass Knife; Root Adze; Rice Cutter
15. Agricultural Implements
16. Devices Used in Spinning and Weaving
17. Rope-Making Appliances
18. Bark Beater
19. Basket Weaves
20. Net Needle and Mesh Stick
21. Tobacco-Pipes
22. Designs on Pipes and Pottery
23. Decorative Designs
24. Patterns Used in Weaving
25. Blanket Designs
26. Musical Instruments
PLATES
Frontispiece: Map of Northwestern Luzon.
I. The Province of Abra, Looking Inland from the Coast Range.
II. Abra, Looking toward the Sea from the Top of the Cordillera
Central.
III. Manabo Man.
IV. Man of Ba-ak.
V. Manabo Woman.
VI. Woman of Patok.
VII. A Mountain Tinguian from Likuan.
VIII. A Young Man from Likuan.
IX. Girl from the Mountain Village of Lamaw (Photograph from
Philippine Bureau of Science).
X. A Woman from Lamaw (Photograph from Philippine Bureau
of Science).
XI. A Typical Small Boy (Photograph from Philippine Bureau
of Science).
XII. The Baby Tender.
XIII. A Betrothed Maiden.
XIV. The Wedding.
XV. Mothers and Babies.
XVI. Funeral of Malakay.
XVII. The Whipping at a Funeral.
XVIII. Inapapaiag. An Offering to the Spirits.
XIX. The Medium's Outfit.
XX. Ceremonial Houses.
XXI. Balaua. The Greatest of the Spirit Structures.
XXII. Spirit Houses in a Garden.
XXIII. The Kalangan: A Spirit House; Second in Importance.
XXIV. The Saloko. A Split Bamboo, in which Offerings are
Placed. Ceremonies.
XXV. The Saloko. A Spirit Bamboo, in which Offerings are Placed.
XXVI. Ready to Launch the Spirit Raft on the River.
XXVII. The Tangpap. An Important Spirit Structure.
XXVIII. Gateway at Likuan.
XXIX. Pottery Houses, for the Spirit of the Rice.
XXX. A Medium Making an Offering to the Guardian Stones.
XXXI. Ceremonial Pounding of the Rice.
XXXII. Renewing the Offering on the Spirit Shield.
XXXIII. Singeing a Pig at a Ceremony.
XXXIV. Offering of the Pigs to the Spirits.
XXXV. The Sayang Ceremony.
XXXVI. Potters at Work.
XXXVII. A Family of Laba-an.
XXXVIII. The Village of Sallapadin.
XXXIX. Typical Houses.
XL. House Building.
XLI. Roofing a House.
XLII. Water Carriers (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).
XLIII. A Tinguian Housewife (Photograph from Philippine Bureau
of Science).
XLIV. A Warrior.
XLV. Hunter Fitted for the Trail.
XLVI. Hunting Party on Mt. Posoey.
XLVII. Shooting the Blowgun.
XLVIII. Highland Field and Terraces at Patok.
XLIX. The Rice Terraces near Likuan.
L. Plowing in the Lower Terraces.
LI. Taking Rice Sprouts from the Seed Beds.
LII. Transplanting the Rice.
LIII. Bird Scarers in the Fields.
LIV. Harvesting the Rice.
LV. The Rice Granary.
LVI. Pounding Rice (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).
LVII. Winnowing and Sifting (Photograph from Philippine Bureau
of Science).
LVIII. Drying Corn.
LIX. Breaking the Corn between Two Stones.
LX. Preparing Tobacco.
LXI. Feeding the Pigs.
LXII. A Typical Forge of the Iron Workers.
LXIII. Ginning Cotton and Sizing the Thread.
LXIV. Beating Cotton on a Carabao Hide.
LXV. Spinning (Photograph from Philippine Bureau of Science).
LXVI. Weaving a Blanket.
LXVII. Basket Making.
LXVIII. Basket Types.
LXIX. Basket Types.
LXX. The Net Maker.
LXXI. Ceremonial Blanket.
LXXII. Blankets Showing Designs.
LXXIII. Blankets Showing Designs.
LXXIV. Woven Belts and Clouts.
LXXV. Men of Sallapadin.
LXXVI. Typical Dress of the Man.
LXXVII. Women in Full Dress.
LXXVIII. Customary Dress of the Woman.
LXXIX. Women's Arm Beads.
LXXX. Woman Wearing Girdle and Clout (Photograph from Philippine
Bureau of Science).
LXXXI, 1. Dancing Tadek at a Ceremony.
LXXXI, 2. Beating the Copper Gongs.
LXXXII. The Nose Flute.
LXXXIII. Playing on Bamboo Guitars.
THE TINGUIAN
INTRODUCTION
It seems desirable, at the outset, to set forth certain general
conclusions regarding the Tinguian and their neighbors. Probably no
pagan tribe of the Philippines has received more frequent notice in
literature, or has been the subject of more theories regarding its
origin, despite the fact that information concerning it has been
exceedingly scanty, and careful observations on the language and
physical types have been totally lacking.
According to various writers, these people are descended from Chinese,
Japanese, or Arabs; are typical Malay; are identical with the Igorot;
are pacific, hospitable, and industrious; are inveterate head-hunters,
inhospitable, lazy, and dirty. The detailed discussion of these
assertions will follow later in the volume, but at this point I wish
to state briefly the racial and cultural situation, as I believe it
to exist in northwestern Luzon.
I am under the impression that at one time this whole region was
inhabited by pygmy blacks, known as Aeta or Negrito, small groups of
whom still retain their identity. With the coming of an alien people
they were pressed back from the coasts to the less hospitable regions
of the interior, where they were, for the most part, exterminated,
but they intermarried with the invaders to such an extent that to-day
there is no tribe or group in northwestern Luzon but shows evidence
of intermixture with them. I believe that the newcomers were drawn
from the so-called primitive Malay peoples of southeastern Asia; that
in their movement eastward and northward they met with and absorbed
remnants of an earlier migration made up of a people closely related
to the Polynesians, and that the results of this intermixture are
still evident, not only in Luzon, but in every part of the Archipelago.
In northern Luzon, I hold, we find evidences of at least two series
of waves and periods of migration, the members of which are similar
physical type and language. It appears, however, that they came
from somewhat different localities of southeastern Asia and had, in
their old homes, developed social organizations and other elements
of culture radically different from one another--institutions and
groupings which they brought with them to the Philippines, and which
they have maintained up to the present time.
To the first series belong the Igorot [1] with their institutions of
trial marriage; division of their settlements into social and political
units known as _ato_; separate dormitories for unmarried men and women;
government by the federated divisions of a village as represented by
the old men; and a peculiar and characteristic type of dwelling.
In the second wave series we find the Apayo, the western division at
least of the people known as Kalinga, the Tinguian, and Ilocano. [2] In
none of these groups do we find the institutions just mentioned. Trial
unions are unknown, and marriage restrictions are based solely on
blood relationship; government is through the headman aided by the
elders of his village, or is a pure democracy. Considerable variation
exists between the dwellings of these four peoples, yet they conform
to a general type which is radically different from that of the Igorot.
The Apayao and Kalinga divisions of this second wave series, by reason
of their environment, their more isolated localities and consequent
lack of frequent communication with the coast, have a simpler culture
than that of the Tinguian; yet they have, during many generations,
developed certain traits and institutions now apparently peculiar
to them. The Tinguian and Ilocano, on the other hand, have had the
advantages of outside communication of extensive trade, and the
admixture of a certain amount of foreign blood.
These last two groups evidently left their ancient home as a unit,
at a time prior to the Hindu domination of Java and Sumatra, but
probably not until the influence of that civilization had begun to
make itself felt. Traces of Indian culture are still to be found in
the language, folklore, religion, and economic life of this people,
while the native script which the Spanish found in use among the
Ilocano seems, without doubt, to owe its origin to that source.
After reaching Luzon, this people slowly broke up into groups which
spread out over the provinces of Ilocos Sur and Norte, Union and
Abra. The partial isolation of some of these divisions, local feuds,
the universal custom of head-hunting, and the need of human victims to
accompany the spirits of the dead, all doubtless aided in separating
the tribe into a number of dialect groups,--groups which nevertheless
retained the old culture to a surprising degree.
Long before the arrival of the Spanish, Chinese and Japanese
traders were visiting the Ilocos coasts. We are also informed that
merchants from Macao and India went there from time to time, while
trade relations with Pangasinan and the Tagalog provinces were well
developed.
The leavening influence of trade and contact with other peoples
resulted in such advancement that this people was early mentioned as
one of the six "civilized" tribes of the Philippines.
Upon the arrival of Salcedo, the greater portion of the coast people
accepted the rule of Spain and the Christian religion, while the
more conservative element retired to the interior, and there became
merged with the mountain people. To the Spaniards, the Christianized
natives became known as Ilocano, while the people of the mountain
valleys were called Tinguian, or mountain dwellers.
If the foregoing sketch is correct, as I believe the data which follow
prove it to be, we find in the Tinguian of to-day a people living
much the same sort of life as did the members of the more advanced
groups at the time of the Spanish invasion, and we can study in them
early Philippine society stripped of its European veneer.
This second and concluding section of Volume XIV gives the greater part
of the results of an investigation carried on by me with the assistance
of Mrs. Cole among the Tinguian, from January, 1907, to June, 1908;
the funds for which were furnished Field Museum of Natural History by
the late Robert F. Cummings. The further generosity of Mrs. Cummings,
in contributing a fund toward the printing of this publication is
also gratefully acknowledged.
A collection of texts and a study of the language are contemplated
for a separate volume, as is also the detailed treatment of the
anthropometric data.
For the transcription of the phonograph records and the chapter on
Music, I am indebted to Mr. Albert Gale. His painstaking analysis
establishes beyond question the value of the phonograph as an aid in
ethnographic research.
The photographs, unless otherwise noted, were taken by the author in
the field.
CHAPTER I
GEOGRAPHICAL RELATIONS AND HISTORY
The Tinguian are a pagan Philippine people who inhabit chiefly the
mountain province of Abra in northwestern Luzon. From this center
their settlements radiate in all directions. To the north and west,
they extend into Ilocos Sur and Norte as far as Kabittaoran. Manabo,
on the south, is their last settlement; but Barit, Amtuagan,
Gayaman, and Luluno are Tinguian mixed with Igorot from Agawa
and Sagada. Villaviciosa is an Igorot settlement from Sagada, but
Bulilising, still farther south, is predominantly Tinguian. Sigay in
Amburayan is said to be made up of emigrants from Abra, while a few
rancherias in Lepanto are likewise much influenced. The non-Christian
population of Ilocos Sur, south of Vigan, is commonly called Tinguian,
but only seven villages are properly so classed; [3] four others
are inhabited by a mixed population, while the balance are Igorot
colonies from Titipan, Sagada, and Fidilisan. Along the Cordillera
Central, from the head-waters of the Saltan (Malokbot) river as far
south as Balatok, is found a population of mixed Tinguian, Kalinga,
and Igorot blood. Kalinga predominates north of Balbalasang and
along the Gobang river, while the Igorot is dominant in Guina-an,
Lubuagan, and Balatok. Tinguian intermarriage has not extended far
beyond Balbalasang, but their culture and dress have affected the
whole region. [4] From this belt there have been extensive migrations
into Abra, the newcomers for the most part marrying with the Tinguian,
but in the Ikmin river valley emigrants from Balatok formed the towns
of Danok, Amti, and Doa-angan, which have remained quite isolated up
to the present time. Agsimao and other towns of the Tineg group, in
the extreme northern end of Abra, are made up chiefly of Apayao mixed
with Kalinga, while all the villages on the headwaters of the Binongan
have received emigrants from the Kagayan side. The population of the
towns properly classed as Tinguian is approximately twenty thousand
individuals. [5]
From the foregoing it is seen that, with the exception of a few
villages of mixed descent, all their territory lies on the western
side of the Cordillera Central, [6] the great mountain range which
runs from north to south through northern Luzon.
As one emerges from the jungle, which covers the eastern slopes of
these mountains, and looks down over the province of Abra, he sees
an exceedingly broken land (Plates I and II), the subordinate ranges
succeeding one another like the waves of the sea. The first impression
is one of barrenness. The forest vanishes, and in its place are long
grassy slopes, broken here and there by scattered pines and lower
down by dense growths of the graceful, feathery bamboo. But this lack
of trees is more fancied than real, for as one proceeds down any of
the valleys he meets with side canyons, where the tropical jungle
still holds sway, while many a mountain side is covered with a dense
undergrowth of shrubs, plants, and vines. It seems probable that the
forest once covered the western slopes of the mountains, but accident
and intention on the part of man has cleared broad sections. As soon
as the shade is removed, the land is invaded by a coarse grass (the
_cogon_), and this is burned over each year in order to provide feed
for the stock and to make good hunting grounds. The young trees are
killed off and reforesting prevented.
Numerous streams plunge from the high mountains toward the coast. In
places they rush through deep gorges between high mountains, again
they pass peacefully through mountain valleys. Everywhere they are
fed by minor streams and waterfalls until at last, as they emerge
into the broader valleys of the Abra and its tributaries, they are
rivers of respectable size.
The great central valley of Abra is far from being a level plain. In
places, as about Manabo, Bukay, and Bangued, there are stretches
of level land; but, for the most part, the country is rough and
broken. This valley is cut off from the sea by the Coast Range of
mountains which forms the provincial line between Abra and Ilocos
Sur, while another heavy spur forms the northern limits of Abra from
Ilocos Sur to the Cordillera Central. Two small and rather difficult
passes afford entrance from the coastal plain into the valley, but
the chief avenue of communication is the cut through which the Abra
river reaches the sea. So narrow is this entrance that, at high water,
the river completely covers the floor and often raises its waters
ten or fifteen feet up the canyon side. In recent years a road has
been cut in the rocks above the flood waters, but even to-day most
of the traffic between Abra and the coast is carried on by means of
rafts which are poled up the river. [7]
The rainfall averages about one hundred inches, and most of this
precipitation takes place between May and the end of September. This,
coupled with the lack of forest, causes the rivers to become rushing
torrents during the rainy season, while during the balance of the year
most of them are mere rivulets. Under these conditions there has been
no development of navigation by the mountaineers. On occasion they may
construct a bamboo raft, but they possess no boats of any description.
The great fluctuation of the streams makes fishing an uncertain
occupation; yet at least a dozen varieties of fish are known, and
enough are taken to add materially to the food supply.
Deer and pig are fairly abundant, and a considerable number is killed
each year; wild carabao roam the mountain sides and uninhabited
valleys, but they are dangerous animals, and can seldom be taken with
the primitive weapons of the natives. Wild chickens are plentiful,
and many are snared, together with smaller birds. In fact, there
is sufficient game and fish to support a considerable population,
if the people would turn seriously to their capture, so that the
oft repeated statement that the mountaineers of Abra were forced to
agriculture is not entirely accurate. It seems much more probable that,
at the time of their entrance into the interior valleys, the Tinguian
were already acquainted with terraced hillside fields, and that they
developed them as needed.
The soil is fairly fertile, the rainfall abundant during the growing
season, and the climate warm enough to insure good crops. The
thermometer ranges between 80° and 85° during the day, but there is
generally a land or sea breeze, so that actual discomfort from the
heat is unusual. The nights are somewhat cooler, but a drop of a few
degrees is felt so keenly that a person may be uncomfortarble at 70°.
Fogs and cold rains are not uncommon during the wet season, while one
or more typhoons can be expected each year. Earthquakes are likewise
of occasional occurrence, but the construction of the houses is such
that storms and earthquakes do much less damage than along the coast.
There is no doubt that the natural ruggedness of the country and the
long rainy season have had a strong influence on the people, but this
has been chiefly in isolating them in small groups. The high mountains
separating the narrow valleys, the lack of water transportation, the
difficulty of maintaining trails, have all tended to keep the people
in small communities, while the practice of head-hunting has likewise
raised a barrier to free communication. Thus, the settlements within
a limited area have become self-sustaining groups; a condition which
has existed long enough to allow for the development of five dialects.
The traditions of the Tinguian furnish us with no stories of an earlier
home than Luzon, but there are many accounts of migrations from the
coast back into the mountains, after the arrival of the Spaniards
and the Christianization of the Ilocano. The fact that there is an
historical background for these tales is amply proven by fragments
of pottery and the like, which the writer has recovered from the
reported sites of ancient settlements.
The part played by this people in Philippine history is small indeed,
and most of the references to them have been of an incidental nature.
Apparently, they first came in contact with the Spanish in 1572 when
Salcedo was entrusted with the task of subduing that part of Luzon
now known as the Ilocano provinces. The people he encountered are
described as being more barbarous than the Tagalog, not so light
complexioned, nor so well clad, but husbandmen who possessed large
fields, and whose land abounded in rice and cotton.
Their villages were of considerable size, and each was ruled over by a
local headman who owed allegiance to no central authority, There was
a uniform, well recognized code of law or custom, and a considerable
part of the population could read and write in a native script similar
to that of the Tagalog. They also possessed gold, which was reported
to have come from rich mines in the interior, and on primitive forges
were turning out excellent steel weapons, but the use of fire-arms
was unknown. According to _Reyes_, their weapons consisted of lances,
bows and arrows, bolos, great shields which protected them from head
to foot, blow guns and poisoned arrows. The newcomers also found a
flourishing trade being carried on with Manila and the settlements
in Pangasinan, as well as with the Chinese. This trade was of such
importance that, as early as 1580 pirate fleets from Japan frequently
scoured the coast in search of Chinese vessels and goods, while from
time to time Japanese traders visited the Ilocos ports.
Apparently trade relations were not interrupted for a considerable
time after the arrival of the Spaniards, for in 1629 Medina states
that ships from China, Macao, and India "are accustomed to anchor in
these ports--and all to the advantage of this district." [8]
That pre-Spanish trade was not restricted to the Ilocos provinces,
but was active along the whole northern coast of Luzon has been amply
proved by many writers. In fact, the inhabitants of Pangasinan not
only had trade relations with Borneo, Japan, and China, [9] but it
now seems probable that they can be identified as the Ping-ka-shi-lan
who, as early as 1406, sent an embassy to China with gifts of horses,
silver, and other objects for the emperor Yung-lo. [10]
Trade relations of an even earlier date are evident throughout all
this area, in the presence far in the interior of Chinese pottery of
the fourteenth century and possibly of the tenth. [11]
With friendly relations so long established, it is to be expected
that many evidences of Chinese material culture would be found in all
the northern provinces; and it is not unlikely that a considerable
amount of Chinese blood may have been introduced into the population
in ancient times, as it has been during the historic period. It does
not seem probable, however that either the influence of Chinese blood
or culture need have been stronger in the Ilocos provinces than in
the other regions which they visited.
When Salcedo attempted a landing at Vigan, he was at first opposed; but
the superior weapons of the Spaniards quickly overcame all resistance,
and the invaders took possession of the city, which they rechristened
Fernandino. From this center they carried on an energetic campaign
of reduction and Christianization. As fast as the natives accepted
the rule of Spain, they were baptized and taken into the church, and
so rapid was the process that by 1587 the Ilocano were reported to be
Christianized. [12] In fact, force played such a part that Fray Martin
de Herrada, who wrote from Ilocos in June, 1574, protested that the
reduction was accomplished through fear, for if the people remained
in their villages and received the rule of Spain and the Church, they
were accepted as friends and forthwith compelled to pay tribute; but
if they resisted and fled to other settlements, the troops followed
and pillaged and laid waste their new dwellings. [13]
Paralleling the coast, a few miles inland, is a range of mountains on
the far side of which lie the broad valleys of the Abra river and its
tributaries. The more conservative elements of the population retreated
to the mountain valleys, and from these secure retreats bade defiance
to the newcomers and their religion. To these mountaineers was applied
the name Tinguianes--a term at first used to designate the mountain
dwellers throughout the Islands, but later usually restricted to his
tribe. [14] The Tinguian themselves do not use or know the appellation,
but call themselves Itneg, a name which should be used for them but
for the fact that they are already established in literature under
the former term.
Although they were in constant feuds among themselves, the mountain
people do not appear to have given the newcomers much trouble until
toward the end of the sixteenth century, when hostile raids against the
coast settlements became rather frequent. To protect the Christianized
natives, as well as to aid in the conversion of these heathens, the
Spanish, in 1598, entered the valley of the Abra and established a
garrison at the village of Bangued. [15]
As before, the natives abandoned their homes and retreated several
miles farther up the river, where they established the settlement
of Lagangilang.
From Bangued as a center, the Augustinian friars worked tirelessly to
convert the pagans, but with so little success that _San Antonio_,
[16] writing in 1738, says of the Tinguian, that little fruit was
obtained, despite extensive missions, and that although he had made
extraordinary efforts, he had even failed to learn their number.
In the mountains of Ilocos Sur, the missionaries met with somewhat
better success, and in 1704 _Olarte_ states that in the two preceding
years one hundred and fifty-six "infidel Tinguianes" had been converted
and baptized. Again, in 1760, four hundred and fifty-four converts are
reported to have been formed into the villages of Santiago, Magsingal,
and Batak. [17] About this time the work in Abra also took on a more
favorable aspect; by 1753 three Tinguian villages, with a combined
population of more than one thousand, had been established near
Bangued, and in the next century five more settlements were added to
this list. [18]
In general the relations between the pagan and Christianized natives
were not cordial, and oftentimes they were openly hostile; but
despite mutual distrust the coast people have on several occasions
enlisted the aid of the mountaineers against outside enemies. In
1660 a serious revolt occurred in Pangasinan and Zambales, and
the rebels, after gaining control of these provinces, started on a
looting expedition in the northern districts. In the face of strong
resistance they proceeded as far north as Badok, in Ilocos Sur,
burning and pillaging many villages including the capital city of
Vigan (Fernandino). The Tinguian came to the aid of the hard-pressed
Ilocano, and their combined forces fell upon the enemy just outside
the village of Narbacan. The tribesmen had previously made the road
almost impassable by planting it thickly with sharpened sticks; and,
while the invaders were endeavoring to remove these obstacles, they set
upon them with great fury and, it is said, succeeded in killing more
than four hundred of the Zambal, a part of whom they beheaded. [19]
As Spanish rule was extended into the Tinguian territory, Ilocano
settlers pressed in and acquired holdings of land. This led to many
bitter disputes which were consistently settled in favor of the
converts; but at the same time many inducements were offered the
pagans to get them into the Christianized village. All converts were
to be exempted from paying tribute, while their villages received
many favors withheld from the pagan settlements. This failing to
bring the desired results, all the nearby villages of the Tinguian
were incorporated with the civilized pueblos, and thereafter they had
to furnish the major part of all taxes and most of the forced labor.
Following the appointment of Gov. Esteban de Penñarubia in 1868,
the tribesmen suffered still greater hardships. Under his orders all
those who refused baptism were to be expelled from the organized
communities, an edict which meant virtual banishment from their
old homes and confiscation of their property. Further, no Tinguian
in native dress was to be allowed to enter the towns. "Conversions"
increased with amazing rapidity, but when it was learned that many of
the new converts still practiced their old customs, the governor had
the apostates seized and imprisoned. The hostile attitude of Penñarubia
encouraged adventurers from the coast in the seizure of lands and
the exploitation of the pagans, and thus a deep resentment was added
to the dislike the Tinguian already held for "the Christians." Yet,
despite the many causes for hostility, steady trade relations have been
maintained between the two groups, and the influence of the Ilocano
has been increasingly strong. A little more than a half century ago
head-hunting was still common even in the valley of Abra, where it is
now practically unknown. As a matter of dire necessity the mountain
people made raids of reprisal against the hostile Igorot villages
on the eastern side of the great mountain range, and it is still the
proud boast of many a man in the vicinity of Manabo that he took part
in the raid which netted that village a score of heads from the towns
of Balatok and Lubuagan. But, as will be seen later, head-hunting
was by no means limited to forays against other tribes; local feuds,
funeral observances, and the desire for renown, all encouraged the
warriors to seek heads even from nearby settlements. Those incentives
have not been entirely removed, and an occasional head is still taken
in the mountain districts, but the influence of the Ilocano, backed
by Spanish and American authority, is rapidly making this sport a
thing of the past.
The rule of Governor Penñarubia had so embittered the Tinguian against
the "white man" that a considerable number joined the insurrecto
troops to fight against the Spaniards and Americans. These warriors,
armed with spears, shields, and head-axes, made their way to Malolos,
where they joined the Filipino troops the day of the first American
bombardment. The booming of cannon and the bursting of shells was
too much for the warriors, and, as they express it, "the first gun
was the beginning of their going home."
Friendly relations with the insurgents were early destroyed by bands
of armed robbers who, posing as Filipino troops, looted a number of
Tinguian villages. In several localities the tribesmen retaliated by
levying tribute on the Christianized villages, and in some instances
took a toll of heads to square accounts. At this juncture the Americans
appeared in Abra, and the considerate treatment of the pagans by the
soldiers soon won for them a friendly reception. Later, as the result
of the efforts of Commissioner Worcester, the Tinguian villages were
made independent of Ilocano control, and the people were given the
full right to conduct their own affairs, so long as they did not
disturb the peace and welfare of the province.
Under American rule the Tinguian have proved themselves to be
quiet, peaceable citizens; a few minor disturbances have occurred,
but none of sufficient importance to necessitate the presence of
troops in their district. They have received less attention from the
Government than most of the pagan tribes, but, even so, a measure of
progress is discernible. They still stoutly resist the advances of
the missionaries, but the few schools which have been opened for their
children have always been crowded to overflowing; trade relations are
much freer and more friendly than a decade ago; and with the removal
of unequal taxes and labor requirements, the feelings of hostility
towards "the Christians" are rapidly vanishing. It now seems probable
that within one or two generations the Tinguian will again merge with
the Ilocano.
CHAPTER II
PHYSICAL TYPE AND RELATIONSHIPS
From the time of the Spanish invasion up to the present, nearly every
author who has mentioned the people of northern Luzon has described the
Tinguian as being different from other Philippine tribes. The majority
of these writers has pictured them as being of larger stature than
their neighbors; as lighter in color, possessing aquiline features
and mongoloid eyes; as being tranquil and pacific in character, and
having a great aptitude for agriculture. From these characteristics
they have concluded that they are probably descended from early Chinese
traders, emigrants, or castaways, or are derived from the remnants of
the pirate band of the Chinese corsair Limahon (Lin-fung), which fled
into the mountains of Pangasinan after his defeat by Salcedo in 1574.
These conjectures are strengthened by the reported discovery,
in early times, of graves in northwestern Luzon, which contained
bodies of men of large stature accompanied by Chinese and Japanese
jewels. The undisputed fact that hundreds of ancient Chinese jars and
dishes are still among the cherished possessions of the Tinguian is
also cited as a further proof of a close relationship between these
peoples. Finally it is said that the head-bands, jackets, and wide
trousers of the men resemble closely those of the fishermen of Fukien,
one of the nearest of the Chinese provinces. [20]
Two writers, [21] basing their observations on color, physical
resemblances, and the fact that the Tinguian blacken their teeth
and tattoo their bodies, are convinced that they are the descendants
of Japanese castaways; while _Moya_ [22] states that the features,
dress, and customs of this people indicate their migration from the
region of the Red Sea in pre-Mohammedan times.
Finally, _Quatrefages_ and _Hamy_ are quoted as regarding the Tinguian
as modern examples of "the Indonesian, an allophylic branch of the
pure white race, non-Aryan, therefore, who went forth from India
about 500 B.C." [23]
_Dr. Barrows_ [24] classes all the pagan tribes of northern Luzon--the
pygmies excepted--with the Igorot, a position assailed by _Worcester_,
[25] particularly in regard to the Tinguian; but the latter writer
is convinced that the Apayao and Tinguian are divisions of the same
people, who have been separated only a comparatively short time.
In the introduction to the present volume (p. 236) I have expressed
the opinion that the Tinguian and Ilocano are identical, and that
they form one of the waves of a series which brought the Apayao and
western Kalinga to northern Luzon, a wave which reached the Islands
at a later period than that represented by the Igorot, and which
originated in a somewhat different region of southeastern Asia. [26]
In order to come to a definite decision concerning these various
theories, we shall inquire into the cultural, linguistic, and physical
types of the people concerned.
The most striking cultural differences between the Igorot and the
Tinguian, indicated in the introduction, will be brought out in more
detail in the following pages, as will also the evidence of Chinese
influence in this region. Here it needs only to be restated, that
there are radical differences in social organization, government,
house-building, and the like, between the Igorot-Ifugao groups,
and the Ilocano-Tinguian-Apayao-Kalinga divisions.
All the tribes of northwestern Luzon belong to the same linguistic
stock which, in turn, is closely related to the other Philippine
languages. There are local differences sufficiently great to make it
impossible for people to communicate when first brought together,
but the vocabularies are sufficiently alike, and the morphology of
the dialects is so similar that it is the task of only a short time
for a person conversant with one idiom to acquire a speaking and
understanding knowledge of any other in this region. It is important
to note that these dialects belong to the Philippine group, and there
seems to be very little evidence of Chinese influence [27] either in
structure or vocabulary. [28]
The various descriptions of the physical types have been of such
a conflicting nature that it seems best at this point to present
rather detailed descriptions of the Tinguian, Ilocano, and Apayao,
and to compare these with the principal measurements of the other
tribes and peoples under discussion.
For purposes of comparison, the Tinguian have been divided into a
valley and mountain group; for, as already indicated, there has been a
considerable movement of the mixed Kalinga-Igorot people of the upper
Saltan (Malokbot) river, of Guinaan Lubuagan and Balatok, into the
mountain districts of Abra, and these immigrants becoming merged into
the population have modified the physical type to a certain extent.
In the detailed description of the Ilocano, all the subjects have
been drawn from the cities of Bangued in Abra, and Vigan in Ilocos
Sur, in order to eliminate, so far as possible, the results of recent
intermixture with the Tinguian,--a process which is continually taking
place in all the border towns. The more general tabulation includes
Ilocano from all the northern provinces.
Aged and immature individuals have been eliminated from all the
descriptions here presented. [29]
_Ilocano_
Observations on 19 Males from Vigan and Bangued
Range Average
Height, standing meters 1.510 to 1.714 1.607
Length of head " .164 to .191 .1787
Breadth of head " .146 to .158 .1522
Height of head " .120 to .144 .1316
Breadth of zygomatic arches " .129 to .148 .1373
Length of nose " .043 to .054 .0485
Breadth of nose " .034 to .046 .0382
Cephalic index 85.1
Length-Height index 73.0
Breadth-Height index 86.2
Nasal index 78.7
_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin scale.
_Hair_--Often black, but usually brown-black. 50 per cent straight
and about 50 per cent slightly wavy. One case closely curled.
_Forehead_--Usually high, broad, and moderately retreating, but
sometimes vaulted.
_Crown and back of head_--Middle arched. Two cases flat.
_Face_--Moderately high; broad and oval. Three cases angular.
_Eye-slit_--Generally slightly oblique, moderately open, almond
shape. Mongolian fold present in 45 per cent.
_Nose_--Root:--Middle broad and moderately high.
Bridge:--Inclined to be concave, but often straight.
Wings:--Middle thick and slightly arched or swelled.
_Lips_:--Middle thick and double bowed (slightly).
_Ears_:--Outstanding. Lobes generally small and close growing, but
are sometimes free.
_Ilocano_ [30]
_Observations Made By Folkmar_ (_See Album of Philippine Types,
Manila_, 1904)
37 Males of Ilocos Norte
Average
Height, standing meters 1.593
Length of head " .180
Breadth of head " .151
Length of nose " .055
Breadth of nose " .040
Cephalic index 84.39
Nasal index 73.12
59 Males of Ilocos Sur
Average
Height, standing meters 1.596
Length of head " .177
Breadth of head " .150
Length of nose " .053
Breadth of nose " .039
Cephalic index 85.06
Nasal index 72.95
31 Males of Union Province
Average
Height, standing meters 1.590
Length of head " .176
Breadth of head " .151
Length of nose " .050
Breadth of nose " .039
Cephalic index 85.72
Nasal index 78.63
193 Males from All Provinces
Average
Height, standing meters 1.602
Length of head " .178
Breadth of head " .151
Length of nose " .052
Breadth of nose " .040
Cephalic index 84.81
Nasal index 75.44
_Valley Tinguian_
Observations on 83 Males (See Plates III, IV)
Range Average
Height, standing meters 1.48 to 1.70 1.572
Length of head " 1.65 to .195 .1811
Breadth of head " .140 to .164 .1507
Height of head, 39 cases " .116 to .144 .1337
Breadth of zygomatic arches " .129 to .148 .1387
Length of nose " .042 to .060 .0499
Breadth of nose " .030 to .043 .0384
Cephalic index 83.2
Length-Height index 72.5
Breadth-Height index 86.5
Nasal index 76.9
_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table.
_Hair_--Varies from black to brownish black. Usually wavy, but straight
in about one third.
_Forehead_--Moderately high and broad; slightly retreating, but
sometimes vaulted. Supra-orbital ridges strongly developed in three
cases.
_Crown and back of head_--Middle arched. Two cases of flattening.
_Face_--Moderately high and broad; cheek bones sufficiently outstanding
to give face angular appearance, tapering from above, but oval faces
are common.
_Eye-slit_--Straight or slightly oblique; moderately wide open and
inclined to be almond shaped; Mongolian fold slightly developed in
about 20 per cent.
_Nose_--Root:--middle broad and high, seldom small or flat.
Bridge:--middle broad and usually straight, but 25 per cent are
slightly concave, while two cases are convex.
Wings:--In most cases are thin, but are commonly thick; both are
slightly arched.
_Lips_--Middle thick and double bowed (slightly).
_Ears_--Outstanding, with small close-growing lobes.
_Valley Tinguian_
Observations on 35 Females (See Plates V, VI)
Range Average
Height, standing meters 1.42 to 1.58 1.474
Length of head " .161 to .186 .1743
Breadth of head " .136 to .155 .1460
Height of head (22 cases) " .119 to .138 .1301
Breadth of zygomatic arches " .123 to .139 .1304
Length of nose " .039 to .056 .046
Breadth of nose " .030 to .042 .0354
Cephalic index 83.7
Length-Height index 74.6
Breadth-Height index 88.6
Nasal index 76.9
_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table.
_Hair_--Usually brown black, but black is common. Sometimes straight,
but generally slightly wavy.
_Forehead_--Considerable variation. Usually moderately high, broad,
and vaulted, but is sometimes low and moderately retreating.
_Crown and back of head_--Middle arched. Two cases of flattening.
_Face_--Moderately high and oval. In a few cases angular, tapering
from above.
_Eye-slit_--Generally oblique, moderately open and almond shape. Is
sometimes straight and narrowly open. Mongolian fold slightly developed
in about 25 per cent.
_Nose_--Root:--Moderately broad and either flat or slightly elevated.
Bridge:--Middle broad and slightly concave. In five cases is straight
and in two is convex.
Wings:--Equally divided between thick and thin. Slightly arched.
_Lips_--Middle thick and double bowed (slightly).
_Ears_--Outstanding, with small, close growing lobes.
_Mountain Tinguian_
Observations on 62 Males (See Plates VII-VIII)
Range Average
Height, standing meters 1.45 to 1.71 1.57
Length of head " .171 to .203 .1856
Breadth of head " .140 to .161 .1493
Height of head (59 cases) " .115 to .154 .1316
Breadth of zygomatic arches " .129 to .149 .1385
Length of nose (60 cases) " .043 to .059 .0512
Breadth of nose (60 cases) " .033 to .046 .0399
Cephalic index 80.4
Length-Height index 70.9
Breadth-Height index 87.4
Nasal index 77.9
_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table.
_Hair_--Brown black, and slightly wavy.
_Forehead_--Middle high to high, moderately broad, moderately
retreating, but sometimes vaulted. Supra-orbital ridges strongly
developed in five cases.
_Crown and back of head_--Middle or strongly arched.
_Face_--Moderately high. Cheek bones moderately outstanding giving face
angular appearance, tapering from above. In seven cases face is oval.
_Eye-slit_--Sometimes straight, but usually slightly oblique,
moderately open, almond shape. Mongolian fold in five cases.
_Nose_--Root:--Middle broad and moderately high, but sometimes high.
Bridge:--Middle broad and straight. Seven cases concave and three
convex.
Wings:--Middle thick and arched.
_Lips_--Middle thick, sometimes thin; double bowed.
_Ears_--Outstanding; lobes generally small and close growing.
_Mountain Tinguian_
Observations on 16 Females (See Plates IX-X)
Range Average
Height, standing meters 1.38 to 1.53 1.482
Length of head " .163 to .188 .1782
Breadth of head " .137 to .155 .1452
Height of head " .119 to .137 .1303
Breadth of zygomatic arches " .125 to .138 .1327
Length of nose " .039 to .054 .0461
Breadth of nose " .034 to .042 .0368
Cephalic index 80.1
Length-Height index 73.1
Breadth-Height index 90.0
Nasal index 79.8
_Eyes_--Dark brown, 3-4 of Martin table.
_Hair_--Brown-black and slightly wavy.
_Forehead_--Moderately high and broad; moderately retreating.
_Crown and back of head_--Middle arched.
_Face_--Moderately high and generally oval; sometimes angular tapering
from above.
_Eye-slit_--About equally divided between straight and oblique;
moderately open. Mongolian fold slightly developed in one third
of cases.
_Nose_--Root:--Moderately broad and nearly flat, but sometimes
moderately high.
Bridge:--Middle broad and inclined to be concave. Straight noses occur.
Wings:--Usually thin and inclined to be swelled.
_Lips_--Middle thick and inclined to be double bowed.
_Ears_--Outstanding. Lobes small and close growing.
_Apayao_
Observations on 32 Males
Range Average
Height, standing meters 1.48 to 1.70 1.587
Length of head " .175 to .199 .1877
Breadth of head " .137 to .158 .1492
Height of head " .119 to .155 .1331
Breadth of zygomatic arches " .130 to .149 .1418
Length of nose " .040 to .054 .0466
Breadth of nose " .035 to .044 .0390
Cephalic index 79.5
Length-Height index 70.9
Breadth-Height index 89.2
Nasal index 83.6
_Eyes_--Dark brown, 1 to 4 in Martin table.
_Hair_--Brown black and wavy.
_Forehead_--High and generally moderately retreating, but in about one
third is vaulted. Supra-orbital ridges strongly developed in six cases.
_Crown and back of head_--Rather strongly arched. Six cases (all from
one village) showed slight flattening of occipital region.
_Face_--Usually high. The cheek bones are moderately outstanding
giving face angular appearance, tapering from above. In eight cases
face tapers from below, and in nine is oval.
_Eye-slit_--Usually oblique, moderately open, almond shape. Mongolian
fold in about 50 per cent.
_Nose_--Root:--Middle broad and flat or slightly elevated.
Bridge:--Middle broad and slightly or strongly concave. Seven instances
of straight noses occur.
Wings:--Middle thick, arched or swelled.
_Lips_--Middle thick and slightly double bowed.
_Ears_--Outstanding. Lobes small and close growing.
_Bontoc Igorot_ [31]
_Observations By Jenks_ (_See The Bontoc Igorot, Manila_, 1905)
32 males Average Range
Height, standing meters 1.6028
Length of head " .1921
Breadth of head " .1520
Length of nose " .0525
Breadth of nose " .0462
Cephalic index 79.13 67.48 to 91.48
Nasal index 79.19 58.18 to 104.54
In this group 9 are brachycephalic
20 are mesaticephalic
3 are dolichocephalic
_Color_--Ranges from light brown, with strong saffron undertone,
to very dark brown or bronze.
_Eyes_--Black to hazel brown. "Malayan" fold in large majority.
_Hair_--Coarse, straight and black. A few individuals possess curly
or wavy hair.
_Nose_--Jenks gives no statement, but his photos show the root of the
nose to be rather high; the bridge appears to be broad and straight,
although in some individuals it tends toward concave.
29 females Average Range
Height, standing meters 1.4580
Length of head " .1859
Breadth of head " .1470
Length of nose " .0458
Breadth of nose " .0360
Cephalic index 79.09 64.89 to 87.64
Nasal index 78.74 58.53 to 97.56
In this group 12 are brachycephalic
12 are mesaticephalic
5 are dolichocephalic
Very different results were obtained by _Kroeber_ [32] from the group
of Igorot exhibited in San Francisco in 1906. His figures may possibly
be accounted for by the fact that about one third of the party came
from Alap near the southern end of the Bontoc area, also, as he has
suggested, by the preponderance of very young men. The figures for
this group are as follows:
Observations on 18 Males
Average height 1.550 Range 1.46 to 1.630 "
length of head .186 .176 to .194 "
breadth of head .146 .138 to .153 "
bizygomatic width .135 .129 to .142 "
length of nose .041 .031 to .046 "
breadth of nose .040 .036 to .046 "
cephalic index 78.43
nasal index 99.8
Observations on 7 Females
Average height 1.486 Range 1.440 to 1.530 "
length of head .182 .171 to .191 "
breadth of head .143 .136 to .150 "
bizygomatic width .131 .127 to .136 "
length of nose .037 .033 to .042 "
width of nose .037 .036 to .038 "
cephalic index 78.59
nasal index 99.7
From these descriptive sheets it is obvious that each tribe is made
up of very heterogeneous elements, and each overlaps the other to a
considerable extent; however, the number of individuals measured is
sufficiently great for us to draw certain general conclusions from
the averages of each group.
It is at once evident that the differences between the Ilocano and the
Valley Tinguian are very slight, in fact are less than those between
the valley and mountain people of the latter tribe. The Ilocano
appear to be slightly taller, the length of head a little less, and
the breadth a bit more; yet there is an average difference of only
two points in the cephalic indices of the two groups. The only other
points of divergence are: the greater percentage among the Ilocano of
eyes showing the Mongolian fold, and the occurrence of straight hair
in about half the individuals measured. However, this latter feature
may be more apparent than real; for the Ilocano cut the hair short,
and a slight degree of waviness might readily pass unobserved.
As we pass from the Valley to the Mountain Tinguian, and from them
to the Apayao, we find the average stature almost constant, but the
head becomes longer; there is a greater tendency for the cheekbones
to protrude and the face to be angular, and there is a more frequent
development of the supra-orbital ridges. The root of the nose is
often flat and the bridge concave; while wavy hair becomes the rule
in the mountains. There is a slight decrease, in the Tinguian groups,
of eyes showing the Mongolian fold, but in the Apayao the percentage
again equals that of the Ilocano.
The Apayao present no radical differences to the Mountain Tinguian;
yet, as already noted, the length and height of the head are
slightly greater; the zygomatic arches more strongly developed;
the face more angular; and the nose is broader as compared with its
length. Evidences of former extensive intermixture are here apparent,
while at the present time there is rather free marriage with the
neighboring Kalinga and Negrito.
Comparing these four groups with the Igorot, we find that the latter
averages slightly taller than all but the Ilocano. The breadth of the
head is about the same as the Ilocano; but the length is much greater,
and there is, in consequence, a considerable difference in the cephalic
index. Reference to our tables will show the Ilocano and both Tinguian
divisions to be brachycephalic, while the Igorot is mesaticephalic. The
average index of the Apayao also falls in the latter classification;
but the variation from Igorot is greater than is indicated, for the
Apayao skull is actually considerably shorter and narrower. In the
length and breadth of the nose, the Igorot exceeds any of the groups
studied, while the Malayan (Mongolian?) fold of the eye is reported
in the great majority of cases. The bodily appearance of the Tinguian
and Bontoc Igorot differs little, although the latter are generally of
a slightly heavier build. Both are lithe and well proportioned, their
full rounded muscles giving them the appearance of trained athletes;
neither is as stocky or heavy set as are the Igorot of Amburayan,
Lepanto, and Benguet.
There is great variation in color among the members of all these
tribes, the tones varying from a light olive brown to a dark reddish
brown; but in general the Ilocano and Valley Tinguian are of a lighter
hue than the mountain people.
Observations on the Southern Chinese and the South Perak Malay are
given below, not with the intention of connecting them with any one
of the tribes of Luzon, but in order to test, by comparison, the
theory of the Chinese origin of the Tinguian, and also to secure,
if possible, some clue as to the relationships of both peoples.
_The Southern Chinese_
_Dr. Girard_, [33] as a result of his studies on the Chinese of
Kwang-si, a province of southern China, expresses the belief that
the population is greatly mixed, but all considered they appear more
like Indo-Chinese than like the Chinese proper (that is, Northern
Chinese). _Deniker_ [34] comes to a similar conclusion from a study
of the results obtained by many observers.
_Girard_ gives the following measurements for 25 males of Kwang-si:
Range Average
Height, standing meters 1.528 to 1.748 1.616
Length of head " .1815
Breadth of head " .1435
Height of head " .1270
Length of nose " .04648
Breadth of nose " .03876
Cephalic index 73. to 85. 79.52
Length-Height index 69.9
Breadth-Height index 88.5
Nasal index 67. to 95. 82.98
_Deniker_ (p. 578) gives the average height of 15,582 males, mostly
Hakka of Kwang-tung, as 1.622. The cephalic index of 61 living subjects
and 84 crania, principally from Canton, he finds to be--Living 81.2;
crania 78.2.
_Martin_ [35] presents the following data: Average height of
males--1.614; average height of females--1.498. Cephalic index
(49 males)--81.8. Length-Height index (49 males)--66.5. Nasal index
(49 males)--77.7. [36]
_South Perak Malay_ [37]
_Observations by Annandale and Robinson_ (_Fasciculi Malayenses,
Pt_. I, pp. 105 _et seq_., _London_, 1903).
37 males Range
Average
Height, standing meters 1.488 to 1.763 1.594
Length of head " .173 to .198 .182
Breadth of head " .141 to .162 .149
Height of head (tragus to vertex) " .119 to .146 .135
Breadth of zygomatic arches " .120 to .150 .139
Length of nose " .0413 to .0525 .0477
Breadth of nose " .0337 to .0437 .0358
Cephalic index 82.3
Length-Height index 73.9
Nasal index 81.2
_Color_--Varies from dark olive to red; less commonly olive or
yellowish
white.
_Eyes_--Black, sometimes reddish brown.
_Hair_--Appears to be straight in most cases, but being cut short a
slight waviness might not be noticed. Black.
A comparison of these figures with those of our Luzon groups brings out
several interesting points. It shows that the Tinguian are not related
to the Chinese, "because of their tall stature;" for they are, as a
matter of fact, shorter than either the Chinese or Igorot. It is also
evident that they resemble the southern Chinese no more than do the
people of Bontoc. Further it is seen that both the Tinguian-Ilocano
and the Chinese show greater likeness to the Perak Malay than they
do to each other. As a matter of fact, we find no radical differences
between any of the peoples discussed; despite evident minor variations,
the tribes of northwestern Luzon approach a common type, and this type
appears not to be far removed from the dominant element in southern
China, Indo-China, and Malaysia generally, a fact which probably can
be attributed to a common ancestry in times far past. [38]
With this data before us, we might readily dismiss most of the theories
of early writers as interesting speculations based on superficial
observation; but the statement that the Tinguian are derived from
the pirate band of Limahon has received such wide currency that it
deserves further notice. It should be borne in mind that the scene
of the Chinese disaster was in Pangasinan, a march of three days
to the south of the Tinguian territory. It is unlikely that a force
sufficiently large to impress its type on the local population could
have made its way into Abra, without having been reported to Salcedo,
who then had his headquarters at Vigan.
As early as 1598 the Tinguian were so powerful and aggressive that
active steps had to be taken to protect the coast people from their
raids. Had they been recognized as being essentially Chinese--a
foreign, hostile population--some mention of that fact must certainly
have crept into the Spanish records of that period. Such data are
entirely wanting, while the exceedingly rich traditions of the Tinguian
[39] likewise fail to give any evidence of such an invasion.
The presence of large quantities of ancient Chinese pottery in Abra
must be ascribed to trade, for it is inconceivable that a fugitive band
of warriors would have carried with them the hundreds of jars--many
of large size--which are now found in the interior.
The reputed similarity of the garments of the men to those of Fukien
fishermen is likewise without value, for at the time of the Spanish
invasion both Ilocano and Tinguian were innocent of trousers. It
was not until the order of Gov. Penñarubia, in 1868, barring all
unclad pagans from the Christianized towns, that the latter donned
such garments. To-day many of the men possess full suits, but the
ordinary dress is still the head-band, breech-cloth, and belt.
Finally, it seems curious that the Tinguian should be of "a pacific
character" because of the fact that they are descended from a band
of Chinese pirates.
Summarizing our material, we can say of the Tinguian, that they are a
rather short, well-built people with moderately high, brachycephalic
heads, fairly high noses, and angular faces. Their hair is brown black
and inclined to be wavy, while the skin varies from a light olive
brown to a dark reddish brown. A study of our tables shows that within
this group there are great extremes in stature, head and nasal form,
color, and the like, indicating very heterogeneous elements in its
make-up. We also find that physically the Tinguian conform closely to
the Ilocano, while they merge without a sharp break into the Apayao
of the eastern mountain slopes. When compared to the Igorot, greater
differences are manifest; but even here, the similarities are so many
that we cannot classify the two tribes as members of different races.
We have seen that this people approaches the southern Chinese in
many respects, but this is likewise true of all the other tribes
under discussion and, hence, we are not justified, on anatomic
grounds, in considering the Tinguian as distinct, because of Chinese
origin. The testimony of historical data and language leads us to the
same conclusions. Chinese influence, through trade, has been active
for many centuries along the north and west coast of Luzon, but it
has not been of a sufficiently intimate nature to introduce such
common articles of convenience and necessity as the composite bow,
the potter's wheel, wheeled vehicles, and the like.
The anatomical data likewise prevent us from setting this tribe apart
from the others, because of Japanese or Indonesian origin.
CHAPTER III
THE CYCLE OF LIFE
_Birth_.--The natural cause of pregnancy is understood by the Tinguian,
but coupled with this knowledge is a belief in its close relationship
to the spirit world. Supernatural conception and unnatural births are
frequently mentioned in the traditions, and are accepted as true by
the mass of people; while the possibility of increasing the fertility
of the husband and wife by magical acts, performed in connection with
the marriage ceremony, is unquestioned. Likewise, the wife may be
affected if she eats peculiar articles of food, [40] and unappeased
desires for fruits and the like may result disastrously both for the
expectant mother and the child. [41] The close relationship which
exists between the father and the unborn babe is clearly brought out
by various facts; for instance, the husband of a pregnant woman is
never whipped at a funeral, as are the other guests, lest it result
in injury to the child.
The fact that these mythical happenings and magical practices do not
agree with his actual knowledge in no way disturbs the Tinguian. It is
doubtful if he is conscious of a conflict; and should it be brought to
his attention, he would explain it by reference to the tales of former
times, or to the activities of superior beings. Like man in civilized
society, he seldom rationalizes about the well-known facts--religious
or otherwise--generally held by his group to be true.
It is thought that, when a mortal woman conceives, an _anito_
woman likewise becomes pregnant, and the two give birth at the same
time. Otherwise, the lives of the two children do not seem to be
closely related, though, as we shall see later, the mothers follow
the same procedure for a time after delivery (cf. p. 268).
According to common belief, supernatural beings have become possessed
at times, with menstrual blood or the afterbirth which under their
care developed into human offspring, some of whom occupy a prominent
place in the tribal mythology. [42] In the tales we are told that a
frog became pregnant, and gave birth to a child after having lapped up
the spittle of Aponitolau, [43] a maid conceived when the head-band
of her lover rested on her skirt, [44] while the customary delivery
of children during the mythical period seems to have been from between
the fingers of the expectant mother. [45] _Anitos_ and, in a few cases,
the shades of the dead have had intercourse with Tinguian women, [46]
but children of such unions are always born prematurely. As a rule, a
miscarriage is thought to be the result of union with the inhabitants
of the spirit realm, though an expectant woman is often warned not to
become angry or sorrowful lest her "blood become strong and the child
be born." Abortion is said to be practised occasionally by unmarried
women; but such instances are exceedingly rare, as offspring is much
desired, and the chance of making a satisfactory match would be in
no way injured by the possession of an illegitimate child. [47]
Except for the district about Manabo, it is not customary to make any
offerings or to cause any changes in the daily life of the pregnant
woman until the time of her delivery is near at hand. In Manabo a
family gathering is held about a month before the anticipated event,
at which time the woman eats a small chicken, while her relatives look
on. After completing this meal, she places two bundles of grass, some
bark and beads in a small basket and ties it beside the window. The
significance of the act is not clear to the people, but it is "an
old custom, and is pleasing to the spirits."
Shortly before the child is expected, two or three mediums are
summoned to the dwelling. Spreading a mat in the center of the room,
they place on it their outfits (cf. p. 302) and gifts [48] for all
the spirits who are apt to attend the ceremony. Nine small jars
covered with _alin_ leaves are distributed about the house and yard;
one sits on a head-axe placed upon an inverted rice-mortar near the
dwelling, another stands near by in a winnower, and is covered with
a bundle of rice; four go to a corner of the room; while the balance
is placed on either side of the doorway. These jars are later used
to hold the cooked rice which is offered to the _Inginlaod_, spirits
of the west. At the foot of the house ladder a spear is planted, and
to it is attached a long narrow cloth of many colors. Last of all, a
bound pig is laid just outside the door with its head toward the east.
When all is ready, the mediums bid the men to play on the _tong-a-tong_
(cf. p. 314); then, squatting beside the pig, they stroke its
side with oiled fingers, meanwhile chanting appropriate _diams_
(cf. p. 296). This done, they begin to summon spirits into their
bodies, and from them learn what must be done to insure the health
and happiness of the child. Later, water is poured into the pig's ear,
that "as it shakes out the water, so may the evil spirits be thrown out
of the place." [49] Then an old man cuts open the body of the animal
and, thrusting in his hand, draws out the still palpitating heart,
which he gives to the medium. With this she strokes the body of the
expectant woman, "so that the birth may be easy, and as a protection
against harm," and also touches the other members of the family. [50]
She next directs her attention to the liver, for by its condition it
is possible to foretell the child's future (cf. p. 307).
While the medium has been busy with the immediate family, friends
and relatives have been preparing the flesh for food, which is now
served. No part is reserved, except the boiled entrails which are
placed in a wooden dish and set among other gifts intended for the
superior beings.
Following the meal, the mediums continue summoning spirits until
late afternoon when the ceremony known as _Gipas_--the dividing--is
held. [51] The chief medium, who is now possessed by a powerful spirit,
covers her shoulder with a sacred blanket, [52] and in company with
the oldest male relative of the expectant woman goes to the middle of
the room, where a bound pig lies with a narrow cloth extending along
its body from head to tail. After much debating they decide on the
exact center of the animal, and then with her left hand each seizes a
leg. They lift the victim from the floor, and with the head-axes, which
they hold in their free hands, they cut it in two. In this way the
mortals pay the spirits for their share in the child, and henceforth
they have no claims to it. The spirit and the old man drink _basi_,
to cement their friendship; and the ceremony is at an end.
The small pots and other objects used as offerings are placed on the
sacred blanket in one corner of the room, where they remain until
the child is born, "so that all the spirits may know that _Gipas_
has been held." A portion of the slaughtered animals and some small
present are given to the mediums, who then depart.
In San Juan a cloth is placed on the floor, and on it are laid
betel-nuts, four beads, and a lead sinker. These are divided with
the head-axe in the same manner as the pig, but the medium retains
for her own use the share given to the spirits.
In the better class of dwellings, constructed of boards, there is
generally a small section in one corner, where the flooring is of
bamboo; and it is here that the delivery takes place, but in the
ordinary dwellings there is no specified location.
The patient is in a kneeling or squatting position with her hands on a
rope or bamboo rod, which is suspended from a rafter about the height
of her shoulders. [53] She draws on this, while one or more old women,
skilled in matters pertaining to childbirth, knead and press down on
the abdomen, and finally remove the child. The naval cord is cut with
a bamboo knife, [54] and is tied with bark cloth. Should the delivery
be hard, a pig will be killed beneath the house, and its blood and
flesh offered to the spirits, in order to gain their aid.
If the child is apparently still-born, the midwife places a Chinese
dish close to its ear, and strikes against it several times with a
lead sinker. If this fails to gain a response, the body is wrapped
in a cloth, and is soon buried beneath the house. There is no belief
here, as is common in many other parts of the Philippines, that the
spirits of unborn or still-born children form the chief recruits for
the army of evil spirits.
The after-birth is placed in a small jar together with bamboo leaves,
"so that the child will grow like that lusty plant," and is then
intrusted to an old man, usually a relative. He must exercise the
greatest care in his mission, for should he squint, while the jar is in
his possession, the child will be likewise afflicted. If it is desired
that the infant shall become a great hunter, the jar is hung in the
jungle; if he is to be an expert swimmer and a successful fisherman,
it is placed in the river; but ill fortune is in store for the baby
if the pot is buried, for he will always be afraid to climb a tree
or to ascend a mountain.
These close ties between the infant and the after-birth are
easily comprehended by a people who also believe in the close
relationship between a person and any object recently handled by him
(cf. p. 305). In general it is thought that the after-birth soon
disappears and no longer influences the child; yet certain of the
folk-tales reflect a firm conviction that a group of spirits, known
as _alan_, sometimes take the placenta, and transform it into a real
child, who is then more powerful than ordinary mortals. [55]
Immediately following the birth the father constructs a shallow bamboo
framework (_baitken_), [56] which he fills with ashes, and places in
the room close to the mother. On this a fire is kept burning constantly
for twenty-nine days [57] For this fire he must carefully prepare each
stick of wood, for should it have rough places on it, the baby would
have lumps on its head. A double explanation is offered for this fire;
firstly, "to keep the mother warm;" secondly, as a protection against
evil spirits. The idea of protection is evidently the original and
dominant one; for, as we shall see, evil spirits are wont to frequent
a house, where a birth or death has occurred, and a fire is always
kept burning below the house or beside the ladder at such a time. [58]
When the child has been washed, it is placed on an inverted
rice-winnower, and an old man or woman gives it the name it is to
bear. The winnower is raised a few inches above the ground, and the
woman asks the child its name, then drops it. Again she raises it,
pronounces the name, and lets it fall. A third time it is raised and
dropped, with the injunction, "When your mother sends you, you go,"
or "You must not be lazy." If it is a boy, it may be instructed,
"When your father sends you to plow, you go."
Among the Tinguian of Ilocos Norte it is customary for the person
who is giving the name to wave a burning torch beneath the winnower,
meanwhile saying, if to a boy, "Here is your light when you go to
fight. Here is your light when you go to other towns." If the child
is a girl, she says, "Here is your light when you go to sell things."
In the San Juan district, the fire is made of pine sticks; for
"the burning pine gives a bright light, and thus makes it clear to
the spirits that the child is born. The heat and smoke make the child
hard and sturdy." Just before the naming, the rice winnower is circled
above the fire and the person officiating calls to the spirits, saying,
"Come and take this child, or I shall take it." Then, as the infant
still remains alive, she proceeds to give it its name. [59]
A Tinguian child is nearly always named after a dead ancestor; often
it receives two names--one for a relative in the father's family,
and one in the mother's. A third name commemorating the day or some
event, or perhaps the name of a spirit, is frequently added. [60]
Certain names, such as Abacas ("worthless"), Inaknam ("taken up"),
and Dolso ("rice-chaff") are common. If the infant is ailing, or if
the family has been unfortunate in raising children, the newborn is
named in the regular way, then is placed on an old rice winnower,
and is carried to a refuse heap and left. Evil spirits witnessing
this will think that the child is dead, and will pay no more heed
to it. After a time, a woman from another house will pick the child
up and carry it back to the dwelling, where it is renamed. In such
a case it is probable that the new name will recall the event. [61]
If a former child has died, it is possible that the infant will receive
its name, but if so, it will be renamed within a few days. In this
manner, respect is shown both for the deceased child and the ancestor
for which it was named; yet the newborn is not forced to bear a title
which is apparently displeasing to the spirits. Continued sickness
may also result in the giving of a new name. [62] In such a case a
small plot of rice is planted as an offering to the spirits, which
have caused the illness.
According to Reyes, the child to be named is carried to a tree, and
the medium says, "Your name is ----;" at the same time she strikes the
tree with a knife. If the tree "sweats," the name is satisfactory;
otherwise, other names are mentioned until a favorable sign is
obtained. [63] The writer found no trace of such procedure in any
part of the Tinguian belt.
For a month succeeding the birth, the mother must follow a very strict
set of rules. Each day she is bathed with water in which certain herbs
and leaves, distasteful to evil spirits, are boiled. [64] Beginning
with the second day and until the tenth she must add one bath each
day, at least one of which is in cold water. From the tenth to the
twenty-fourth day she takes one hot and one cold bath, and from then
to the end of the month she continues the one hot bath. Until these
are completed, the family must keep a strip of _ayabong_ bark burning
beneath the house, in order to protect the baby from evil spirits. As
an additional defence, a miniature bow and arrow, and a bamboo shield,
with a leaf attached, as hung above the infant's head (Fig. 4, No. 1).
On the fifth day the mother makes a ring out of old cloth, rice stalks,
and a vine, and puts it on her head; over her shoulders is an old
blanket, while in one hand she holds a reed staff, which "helps her
in her weakness, and protects her from evil beings." She carries a
coconut shell filled with ashes, a basket and a jar, and thus equipped
she goes to the village spring. Arriving there, she cleans the dishes
"as a sign that her weakness has passed, and that she can now care
for herself;" then she sets fire to a piece of bark, and leaves it
burning beside the water, as a further sign of her recovery. When
she returns to the dwelling, the cleansed dishes and the staff are
placed above the spot, where she and the baby sleep.
On the 29th day the fire is extinguished, and the bamboo frame
is fastened under the floor of the house, below the mother's mat,
"so that all can see that the family has followed the custom." As
the frame is carried out, the mother calls to the _anito_ mother
(cf. p. 261) to throw out her fire.
In the mountain districts about Lakub, a ceremony in which the spirits
are besought to look to the child's welfare is held about the third
day after the birth. The mediums summon several spirits; a chicken
or a pig is killed, and its blood mixed with rice is offered up. At
the conclusion a small _saloko_ [65] containing an egg is attached
to one end of the roof. In Ba-ak this is generally a three to six day
event attended by all the friends and relatives of the family. Here,
in place of the egg, a jar containing pine-sticks is attached to the
roof, for the pine which burns brightly makes it plain to the spirits
what the people are doing.
In the light of the extended and rather complex procedure just
related, it is interesting to note that the Tinguian woman is one
of those mythical beings whom careless or uninformed writers have
been wont to describe as giving birth to her children without bodily
discomfort. _Reyes_ [66] tells us that she cuts the umbilical cord,
after which she proceeds to the nearest brook, and washes the clothing
soiled during the birth. _Lerena_ likewise credits her with delivering
herself without aid, at whatever spot she may then chance to be; then,
without further ado or inconvenience, she continues her duties as
before. If she happens to be near to a river, she bathes the child;
or, if water is not handy, she cleans it with grass or leaves, and
then gives it such a name as stone, rooster, or carabao. [67]
Throughout the greater part of the Tinguian territory, nothing
further of importance takes place for about two years, providing
the child progresses normally, but should it be ailing, a medium
will be summoned to conduct the _Ibal_ ceremony. [68] For this a pig
or rooster is prepared for sacrifice, but before it is killed, the
medium squats before it and, stroking its side with oiled fingers,
she chants the following _diam_.
"Those who live in the same town go to raid, to take heads. After
they arrive, those who live in the same town, 'We go and dance with
the heads,' said the people, who live in the same town, 'because they
make a celebration, those who went to kill.' 'When the sun goes down,
you come to join us,' said the mother and baby (to her husband who
goes to the celebration). After that the sun truly went down; she
went truly to join her husband; after that they were not (there),
the mother and the baby (i.e., when the father arrived where they
had agreed to meet, the mother and child were not there).
"He saw their hats lying on the ground. He looked down; the
mother and the baby were in (the ground), which ground swallowed
them. 'Why (are) the mother and the baby in the ground? How can I
get them?' When he raises the mother and the baby, they go (back)
into the ground. After that Kaboniyan above, looking down (said),
'What can you do? The spirits of Ibal in Daem are the cause of their
trouble. It is better that you go to the home of your parents-in-law,
and you go and prepare the things needed in Ibal,' said Kaboniyan.
"They went truly and prepared; after that they brought (the things)
to the gate. After that the mother and child came out of the
ground. 'After this when there is a happening like this, of which you
Ipogau are in danger, you do like this (i. e., make the Ibal ceremony);
and I alone, Kaboniyan am the one you summon,' said Kaboniyan.
"After that they got well because they came up, the mother and
the baby."
When the chant is finished, the animal is slaughtered, and food is
prepared both for guests and spirits. Following the instructions
of Kaboniyan, the latter is placed at the entrance to the village;
after which it is possible that this powerful spirit will visit the
gathering in the person of the medium, and give further instructions
for the care of the infant.
In the village of Lakub the writer witnessed a variation of this
ceremony which, it is said, is also followed in case the pregnancy
is not progressing favorably. A piece of banana stalk, wrought into
the form of a child, and wearing a bark head-band, was placed on the
mat beside the medium. She, acting for a spirit, seized the miniature
shield and bow and arrow which hung above the baby, and attempted to
shoot the figure. Immediately two old women came to the rescue of the
image, and after a sharp tussel compelled the spirit to desist. They
then secured the weapons, and in their turn tried to shoot the figure,
which was now defended in vain by the medium. It was later explained
that, in the first place, the figure represented the child, and
had the spirit succeeded in shooting it, the babe would have died;
later, it impersonated the child of the spirit, and when that being
saw its own offspring in danger, it immediately departed from the
village. Several other spirits then entered the body of the medium,
and after receiving food and drink, gave friendly advice.
When the child is about two years old, a ceremony known as _Olog_
[69] is held. The mediums who are summoned prepare a spirit mat,
[70] and at once begin to recite _diams_ over the body of a bound
pig. As soon as the animal is killed, its heart is removed, and is
rubbed against the breast of each member of the family. The medium
then resumes her place at the mat, and soon is possessed by a spirit
who takes charge of the proceedings. At his suggestion, the child is
rubbed from head to foot with the thread from the medium's outfit, "so
that it will not cry any more;" next, he orders that the intestines
of the pig be cleaned, placed on a wooden dish, and be carried
to the gate of the town. When they arrive at the designated spot,
the mediums make a "stove" by driving three sticks into the ground,
so as to outline a triangle, and within these they burn a bundle
of rice-straw. Beside the "stove" is placed a branch, each leaf of
which is pierced with a chicken feather. This completed, the child is
brought up to the fire, and is crowned with the intestines; while one
of the mediums strikes the ground vigorously with a split stick, [71]
to attract the attention of the spirits. Next, she secures a rooster,
and with this in one hand and a spear in the other, she marches five
times around the fire meanwhile reciting a _diam_. At the conclusion of
this performance the fowl is killed; and its blood, mixed with rice,
is scattered on the ground. At the same time the medium calls to
all the spirits to come and eat, to be satisfied, and not cause the
child to become ill. The flesh and rice cakes are likewise offered,
but after a few moments have elapsed, they are eaten by all the people.
At the conclusion of the meal, a wreath of vines is substituted for
the intestines, which are hung beside the fire. This concludes the
ceremony; but, as the mother and child reach the ladder of their
home, the people above sprinkle them with water, meanwhile calling
out eight times, "You are in a heavy storm." The significance of
this sprinkling is not known, but the custom is widespread, and is
evidently very ancient.
In the mountain village of Likuan, a man who wears a very large hat
takes the child to a nearby _saloko_. As he returns, he is sprinkled
by a medium, who says, "You are wet from the rain; in what place
did you get wet?" He replies, "Yes, we are wet from the rain; we
were wet in Inakban (a town of the spirits);" then placing two small
baskets in the _saloko_, he carries the child into the dwelling. Soon
the father appears and goes about inquiring for his wife and child;
suddenly spying the baskets, he seizes them and takes them into the
house, saying, "Here are the mother and the child."
The following morning, the women place rice cakes and betel-nuts,
ready to chew, in leaves, and tie them to a bamboo stalk with many
branches. This is then planted beside the spring, "so that the child
will grow and be strong like the bamboo." The sight of all these
good things is also pleasing to the spirits, and they will thus be
inclined to grant to the child many favors.
When the women return to the house, they carry with them a coconut
shell filled with water, and with this they wash the infant's face
"to keep it from crying, and to keep it well." This done, they tie
a knot of banana leaves to the house ladder as a sign that no person
may enter the dwelling until after its removal the next day. [72]
A ceremony, not witnessed by the writer, is said to take place when
evil spirits have persistently annoyed the mother and the child,
when the delivery is long overdue, or when an _anito_ child [73]
has been born to a human mother. The husband and his friends arm
themselves with long knives or head-axes, and enter the dwelling,
where they kill a rooster. The blood is mixed with rice; and this,
together with nine coconut shells filled with _basi_, is placed beneath
the house for the _anitos_ to eat. While the spirits are busy with
this repast, the mother, wrapped in a blanket, is secretly passed out
a window and taken to another house. Then the men begin shouting,
and at the same time slash right and left against the house-posts
with their weapons. In this way the evil spirits are not only kept
from noticing the absence of the mother, but are also driven to a
distance. This procedure is repeated under nine houses, after which
they return to the dwelling with the woman. As soon as they reach the
top of the ladder, an old woman throws down ashes "to blind the eyes
of the _anitos_, so that they cannot see to come up." [74] She likewise
breaks a number of small jars, "which look like heads," as a threat of
the treatment which awaits them if they attempt to return to the house.
Within the dwelling food and presents are offered to the good spirits,
and all who have participated in the _anito_ driving are feasted.
Next morning, a wash, said to be particularly distasteful to the evil
_anito_, is prepared. It consists of water in which are placed lemon,
bamboo, and _atis_ leaves, a cigar stub, and ashes from burned rice
straw. The family wash in this mixture, and are then fully protected
against any evil spirits, which may still remain after the terrifying
events of the previous night.
_Childhood_.--When outside the house, small babies are always carried
by their mothers or older sisters (Plate XV). The little one either
sits astride its mother's hip or fits against the small of the back,
and is held in place by her arm or by a blanket which passes over one
shoulder. From this position the infant is readily shifted, so that
it can nurse whenever it is hungry. There are no regular periods for
feeding, neither is there a definite time for weaning. Most children
continue to nurse until quite large, or until they are displaced by
newcomers. However, they are given some solid food, such as rice,
while very young, and soon they are allowed to suck sugar-cane and
sweet potatoes. It is also a common thing to see a mother take the pipe
from her mouth, and place it in that of her nursing infant. They thus
acquire the habit of using tobacco at a very early age, and continue
it through life, but apparently without evil effects. Weaning is
accomplished by rubbing the breasts with powdered chile peppers,
or plants with sour flavor.
A crib or sleeping basket is made out of bamboo or rattan, and
this is attached to the center of a long bamboo pole, which is
suspended across one corner of the room (Fig. 1, No. 2). The pole
bends with each movement of the child, and thus it rocks itself to
sleep. Another device in which small children are kept is known as
_galong-galong_. This consists of a board seat attached to a strip
of split rattan at each corner. Sliding up and down on these strips
are vertical and horizontal pieces of reed or bamboo, which form an
open box-like frame (Fig. 1, No. 1). The reeds are raised, the child
is put in, and then they are slipped back in place. This device is
suspended from a rafter, at such a height that it can serve either
as a swing or walker, as desired.
When the mother goes to the village spring or to the river, she
carries her baby with her, and invariably gives it a bath in the
cold water. This she applies with her hand or a coconut shell, and
frequently she ends the process by dipping the small body into the
water. Apparently, the children do not enjoy the ordeal any more than
European youngsters; but this early dislike for the water is soon
overcome, and they go to the streams to paddle and play, and quickly
become excellent swimmers. They learn that certain sluggish fish hide
beneath large rocks; and oftentimes a whole troop of naked youngsters
may be seen going up stream, carefully feeling under the stones,
and occasionally shouting with glee, as a slippery trophy is drawn
out with the bare hands. They also gather shell fish and shrimps,
and their catch often adds variety to the family meal.
Children are seldom punished or scolded. All the family exhibit real
affection for the youngsters, and find time to devote to them. A
man is never too old or too busy to take up and amuse or caress
the babies. Kissing seems to be unknown, but a similar sign of
affection is given by placing the lips to the face and drawing the
breath in suddenly. A mother is often heard singing to her babes,
but the songs are usually improvised, and generally consist of a
single sentence repeated over and over. Aside from the daily bath,
the child has little to disturb it during the first five or six years
of its life. It has no birthdays, its hair is never cut, unless it be
that it is trimmed over the eyes to form bangs, and it wears clothing
only on very special occasions. The children are by no means innocent
in sexual matters; but absolute familiarity with nudity has removed
all curiosity and false modesty, and the relations between the sexes
are no freer than in civilized communities.
When garments are put on, they are identical with those worn by the
elders. At all ages the people will discard their clothing without
any sense of shame, whenever the occasion demands; as, for instance,
the fording of a stream, or when a number of both sexes happen to be
bathing at the same time in the village pool. This does not lead to
immodesty or lewdness, and a person who is careless about the acts,
which are not considered proper in Tinguian society, is an object of
scorn quite as much as he would be in a more advanced community.
The first toys generally consist of pigs, carabao, or horses made by
sticking bamboo legs into a sweet potato or mango. A more elaborate
plaything is an imitation snake made of short bamboo strips fastened
together with cords at top, center, and bottom. When this is held near
the middle by the thumb and forefinger, it winds and curls about as
if alive.
Stilts of bamboo, similar to those used in America, are sometimes
used by the older children, but the more popular local variety is
made by fastening cords through the tops of half coconut shells. The
youth holds a cord in each hand, stands on the shells with the lines
passing between the first two toes, and then walks.
Flat boards with cords attached become "carabao sleds," and in
these immense loads of imaginary rice are hauled to the granaries. A
similar device serves as a harrow, while a stick is converted into a
"plough" or "horse," as is desired. Imitation carabao yokes are much
prized, and the children pass many hours serving as draught animals
or drivers. The bull-roarer, made by putting a thin piece of bamboo
on a cord and whirling it about the head, makes a pleasing noise,
and is excellent to use in frightening stray horses. Blow-guns, made
out of bamboo or the hollow tubes of plants, vie in popularity with
a pop-gun of similar construction. A wad of leaves is driven through
with a plunger, and gives a sharp report, as it is expelled.
Tops are among the prized possessions of the boys. They are spun,
or are wound with cord, and are thrown overhand at those of other
players, with the intention of splitting or marking them.
Quite as popular, with the small girls, are tiny pestles with which
they industriously pound rice chaff, in imitation of their mothers.
While still mere babies, the boys begin to play with toy knives
made of wood, but by the time they are seven or eight years of
age, they are permitted to carry long _bolos_, and before puberty
they are expert with the weapons used by the tribe (Plate XI). In
the mountain regions in particular, it is a common occurrence for
groups of youngsters, armed with reed spears and palm-bark shields,
to carry on mock battles. They also learn to make traps and nets, and
oftentimes they return to the village with a good catch of small birds.
Full grown dogs are seldom friendly or considered as pets; but puppies,
small chickens, parrakeets, pigs, and baby carabao make excellent
playfellows, and suffer accordingly. From the day of its birth,
the young carabao is taken possession of by the children, who will
fondle and tease it, ride on its back, or slide off over its head
or tail. Soon they gain confidence, and find similar amusements with
the full grown animals. These huge beasts are often surly or vicious,
especially around white men, but they recognize their masters in the
little brown folk, and submit meekly to their antics. In fact, the
greater part of the care of these animals is entrusted to young boys.
When not engaged in some of the amusements already mentioned, it
is probable that the youngster is one of the group of naked little
savages, which races through the village on the way to the swimming
hole, or climbs tall trees from the top of which sleeping pigs can be
easily bombarded. Should the children be so fortunate as to possess
a tin can, secured from some visiting traveller, they quickly convert
it into a drum or _gansa_, and forthwith start a celebration. All can
dance and sing, play on nose flutes, bamboo guitars, or Jew's harps.
In addition to songs of their own composition, there are other songs,
which are heard whenever the children are at play. They make a swing
by tying ropes to a carabao yoke, and attach it to a limb; then,
as they swing, they sing:
"Pull swing. My swing is a snake.
Do not writhe like a snake. My swing is a big snake.
Do not turn and twist. My swing is a lizard.
Do not tremble or shake."
When a group gathers under a house to pop corn in the burning rice
chaff, they chant:
"Pop, pop, become like the privates of a woman.
Make a noise, make a noise, like the clay jar.
Pop, pop, like the coconut shell dish.
Sagai, sagai, [75] make a noise like the big jar."
When the smoke blows toward a part of the children, the others sing
over and over:
"Deep water here; high land there."
A favorite game is played by a number of children. Part stand on the
edge of a bank, part below. Those above sing, "Jump down, where the
big stone is, the big stone which swallows people. Big stone, which
swallows people, where are you?" To this the children below reply,
"I am here. I am the big rock which swallows men. Come down here." As
those on the bank jump down, they are piled upon, and a free-for-all
tussel ensues. In the midst of this, one of the players suddenly sings
out, "I am a deer in--, I am very fat." With this he starts off on a
run, and the rest of the party, now suddenly transformed into dogs,
take up the chase, yelping and barking. When the deer becomes tired,
he makes for the water, where he is considered safe; but if he is
caught, he is rolled and bitten by the dogs.
Another game played by both boys and girls is known as _maysansani_,
and is much like hide-and-go-seek. One boy holds out an open hand,
and the others lay their fingers in his palm, while the leader counts,
_maysansani_, _duan-nani_, _mataltali_, [76] _ocop_. As _ocop_ ("four"
or "ready") is pronounced, the boy quickly closes his hand in order to
catch a finger. If he succeeds, the prisoner puts his hands over his
eyes, and the leader holds him, while the others run and hide. When
all are ready, he is released, and then must find all the players;
or he is beaten on the forearm with the first and second fingers of
all the participants, or they may pick him up by his head and feet,
and whirl him about.
Like European children, they have a set of small sayings or acts for
use on appropriate occasions. A youngster may come up to another who
is eating a luscious mango; when requested for a bite, he is apt to
draw down the lower lid of his eye and coolly answer, "I will make a
sound like swallowing for you," and then go on with the feast. He may
even hold out the tempting fruit, as if to comply with the request,
then suddenly jerk it back and shout "kilat." [77] This is often the
signal for a scuffle.
As the children grow older, they begin more and more to take their
place in the village life. The little girl becomes the chief guardian
of a new arrival in the family; and with the little one strapped on
her back, she romps and plays, while the baby enjoys it all or sleeps
serenely (Plate XII). The boy also assists his father and mother in
the fields, but still he finds some time for games of a more definite
character than those just described. Probably the most popular of
these is known as _agbita_ or _lipi_.
This is played with the large disk-shaped seeds of the _lipi_ plant
(Ilocano _lipai_). Each player puts two disks in line, then all go
to a distance and shoot toward them. The shooter is held between the
thumb and first finger of the left hand, and is propelled forward by
the index finger of the right. The one whose seed goes the farthest
gets first shot, and the others follow in order. All seeds knocked
down belong to the player, and if any are still in line after each
has had his turn, the leader shoots again. When each boy has had two
shots, or when all the disks are down, a new line is made; and he
whose seed lies at the greatest distance shoots first.
Another common game is _patpatinglad_, which has certain resemblances
to cricket. A small cylinder-shaped missel, called _papa-anak_
("little duck"), about four inches long, is set in a shallow groove,
so that one end stands free; it is then struck and batted with a bamboo
stock--_papa-ina_ ("mother duck"). The lad who has driven his missel
the farthest is the winner, and hence has the privilege of batting
away the _papa-anak_ of the other players, so that they will have to
chase them. If he likes, he may take hold of the feet of a looser
and compel him to walk on his hands to secure this missel. A loser
is sometimes taken by the head and feet, and is swung in a circle,
A game frequently seen in the lowland valleys is also common to the
Ilocano children, who call it San Pedro. Lines are drawn on the ground
to enclose a space about thirty feet square (see diagram Fig. 2). The
boys at d try to run between the lines, and at the same time evade
the guards a, b, and c. Guard a can run along line 1, or 4 as far
as 2. Guard b must stay on line 2; and c must keep on 3. When the
runners are captured, they become the guards.
From the preceding paragraphs it may be surmized that the youth is
quite untrained and untaught. It is true that he spends no time in a
class-room; he passes through no initiation at the time of puberty,
neither are there ceremonies or observances of any kind which reveal
to him the secret knowledge of the tribe, yet he quickly learns his
place in society, and at an early age begins to absorb its customs and
beliefs. He sits about the village fires in the evenings, and listens
to the tales of long ago, or hears the elders discuss the problems
of their daily life. During the hot midday hours, he lounges in the
field-houses, while his parents relate the fate of lazy children;
or tell of punishments sent by the spirits on those who fail to
follow the customs of the ancestors, or give heed to the omens. He
attends the ceremonies, where he not only learns the details of these
important events, but with his own eyes sees the bodies of the mediums
possessed by superior beings, and thus the close relationship of the
spirit world to his people is forcibly brought to his notice. He is
never debarred from the dances or other activities; in fact, he is
encouraged to take part in them or to imitate his elders. Soon custom
gathers him into its net, and unless he is the exceptional individual,
or comes in intimate contact with outsiders, he never escapes.
It has already been seen that he begins very early to take an active
part in the village life, but it is many years before he assumes a
position of importance in the group. It is only when age and experience
have gained for him the respect of his fellows that he begins to have
a voice in the more weighty affairs of Tinguian life.
_Engagement and Marriage_.--Since there are no clans or other
groupings to limit the number of families in which unions may be
contracted, the only impediments are former marriage ties or blood
relationship. Cousins may not marry, neither is a man allowed to wed
his step-sister, his wife's sister, or her mother.
Engagement takes place while the children are very young, sometimes
while they are still babes-in-arms; but usually the contract is made
when they are six or eight years of age.
The boy's parents take the initiative, and having selected a suitable
girl, they broach the subject to her family. This is not done directly,
but through an intermediary, generally a relative, "who can talk much
and well." He carries with him three beads--one red, one yellow,
and one agate, [78] which he offers "as an evidence of affection,"
and then proceeds to relate the many desirable qualities of the
groom and his family, as well as the advantages to be gained by the
union. If the suit is favored, the beads are attached to the girl's
wrist as a sign of her engagement, and a day is set for the _pakálon_
[79] or price fixing.
On the appointed day, friends and relatives gather at the girl's
home and, after several hours of feasting and drinking, settle down
to the real business on hand. A large pig is slaughtered, and its
liver is carefully examined; for, should the omens be unfavorable,
it would be useless to continue the negotiations further at that time
(cf. p. 307). If the signs are good, the happy crowd forms a circle,
and then begins a long and noisy discussion of the price which the girl
should bring. Theoretically, the payment is made in horses, carabao,
jars, blankets, and rice, but as each article is considered as having
a value of five pesos ($2.50), the money is frequently substituted,
especially by people in poor circumstances.
A portion of the agreed price is paid at once, and is distributed
between the girl's parents and her relatives, who thus become vitally
interested in the successful termination of the match; for should
it fail of consummation, they must return the gifts received. The
balance of the payment is often delayed for a considerable time,
and it not infrequently happens that there is still a balance due
when the man dies. In such a case no division of his property can be
made until the marriage agreement is settled in full.
The completion of the list is the signal for great rejoicing; liquor
circulates freely, the men sing _daleng_ (cf. p. 440), and _tadek_
(cf. p. 440) is danced far into the night.
In the yard where the dancing takes place, three inverted rice-mortars
are placed one above the other, "to serve as a table for the spirits
who always attend." A dish of liquor is placed on it, while at its
side is a spear decorated with a man's belt.
These engagement-parties are the great social affairs of the year,
and friends will journey long distances to be present, but the
betrothed couple is seldom in evidence, and in many instances the
groom is absent.
Following their engagement the children live with their parents until
such a time as they are considered old enough to maintain their own
home. If the lad comes from a well-to-do family, it is probable that
the final ceremony will take place before either of the couple reaches
puberty; but, if the groom must earn a living, the marriage may be
delayed until he is eighteen or nineteen years old (Plate XIII).
When the time for the fulfillment of the agreement arrives, the boy
goes, in company, at night to the girl's house. He has a headaxe
hanging from his belt, but he is the only one so armed. An earlier
writer [80] has described a feigned attack on the house of the bride
as a part of the marriage ceremony, but the present writer did not
witness anything of the sort, nor could he learn of any such action.
The groom carries with him a small part of the marriage payment and a
valuable jar; these he presents to his parents-in-law, and from that
time on he may never call them or their near relatives by name. Should
he do so, "he will have boils and the first child will be insane."
The bride's people have provided a coconut shell filled with water
and a wooden dish [81] containing cooked rice. These are placed
between the couple, as they sit in the center of the room (Plate
XIV). The boy's mother drops two beads into the shell cup, and bids
them drink; for, "as the two beads always go together at the bottom,
so you will go together and will not part. The cool water will keep
you from becoming angry."
Great care must be exercised in handling the cup; for should the
contents be shaken the couple will become dizzy, and in old age
their heads and hands will shake. After they have drunk, each takes
a handful of rice, and squeezes it into a ball. The girl drops hers
through the slits in the bamboo floor as an offering to the spirits,
but the boy tosses his into the air. If it breaks or rolls, it is a
bad sign, and the couple is apt to part, or their children die. In
such a circumstance, the marriage is usually deferred, and tried
again at a later date; but repeated scattering of the rice generally
results in the annulling of the agreement. [82] Should anything in the
dwelling fall or be broken during the ceremony, it is halted at once;
to proceed further that night would be to court misfortune. However,
it may be undertaken again a few days later.
The guests depart immediately after the rice ceremony. No food or
drink is offered to them, nor is there any kind of celebration. [83]
That night the couple sleep with a pillow between them, [84] and
under the groom's pillow is a head-axe. Early in the morning, the
girl's mother or some other elderly female of her family awakens
them, and leads the way to the village spring. Arriving there, she
pours water in a coconut shell, which contains a cigar from which the
couple have drawn smoke; [85] she adds leaves of bamboo and _agiwas_,
and washes their faces with the liquid, "to show that they now have
all in common; that the tobacco may keep them and their children from
becoming insane; that the _agiwas_ will keep them in health; and the
bamboo will make them strong and insure many children, the same as it
has many sprouts." On their way home, the boy cuts a _dangla_ shrub
(_Vitex negundo_ L.) with his head-axe, and later attaches it to the
door of their home, "so that they may have many children."
Throughout that day the doors and windows are kept tightly closed;
for should the young people see birds or chickens having intercourse,
they are apt to become insane, and their first born have sore or
crossed eyes.
The next morning is known as _sipsipot_ ("the watching"). Accompanied
by the girl's parents, the couple goes to the father's fields. On
the way they carefully observe any signs which animals, birds, or
nature, may give them. When they reach the fields, the boy shows his
respect for his elders by cutting the grass along the borders with
his head-axe. This service also counteracts any bad sign which they
may have received that morning. He next takes a little of the soil on
his axe, and both he and his bride taste of it, "so that the ground
will yield good harvests" for them, and they will become rich. [86]
Nowadays the couple goes to the home, prepared by the groom and his
parents, as soon as it is ready, but the tales indicate [87] that in
former times they lived for a time with the boy's parents. They are
accompanied by the groom's mother, and go very early in the morning,
as they are then less apt to receive bad signs from the birds. The girl
carries her sleeping mat and two pillows; but before she has deposited
these in her new dwelling, she seats herself on the bamboo floor with
her legs stretched out in front. It then becomes necessary for the
groom to present her with a string of agate beads equal in length to
the combined width of the bamboo slats which she covers. Before she
can eat of her husband's rice, he must give her a string of beads,
or she will become ill; she may not open his granary until a like
present has been given, or the resident spirit will make her blind;
neither may she take food from the pots or water from the jars,
until other beads have been presented to her.
If the girl comes from another village, it is customary to make a
payment to her parents for each stream crossed on the journey to the
new home; another is demanded before she goes up the house ladder,
and still others when she enters the house, and her belongings are
brought in. [88]
A common occurrence in Ba-ak and the San Juan district is for the
parents of the girl to spread rows of baskets, Chinese plates or jars
on the floor and to offer them to the groom. Before he can accept
them, he must make a return gift of money, beads, and the like for
each one. It is explained by the elders that, when the young people
see all the gifts spread out on the floor, they will appreciate the
expense involved, and will be less likely to separate.
If at any time the relatives of the girl have reason to doubt the
husband's affection, they go to his home, and hold a gathering known
as _nagkakaló-nan_. They place a pig, a jar, and a number of baskets
on the floor; and the husband is obliged to exchange money and other
gifts for them, if he desires to convince the people of his continued
love. After the pig has been served as food, the old men deliberate;
and should they decide that the relatives have erred, they assess
the whole cost of the gathering to the plaintiffs, and return the
gifts. If the charge is sustained, the relatives recover the price of
the pig, and retain the articles received in exchange for the baskets
and dishes.
Divorce is not uncommon, and is effected by a council similar to that
just described. An attempt to reconcile the couple is made, but if that
fails, the old men decide who is at fault, and assess the expenses of
the gathering to that one. If blame attaches to the husband, he must
complete any part of the marriage price still due; but if the woman is
guilty, her parents and relatives must return the gifts distributed at
the time of the engagement. The chief causes for divorce are cruelty
or laziness on the part of the man, or unfaithfulness of the woman.
Small children are generally left with the mother, but when they are
old enough to decide, they may choose between their parents. However,
the father must aid in the support of his offspring, and they share
in his property when he dies. Either party to a divorce may remarry
at any time.
The Tinguian recognize only one wife, but a man may have as many
concubines (_pota_), as he can secure. The _pota_ lives in a house
of her own, but she is held somewhat in contempt by the other woman,
and is seldom seen in the social gatherings or in other homes. Her
children belong to the father, and she has no right of appeal to
the old men, except in cases of cruelty. Men with concubines do not
suffer in the estimation of their fellows, but are considered clever
to have won two or three women.
The _pota_ is generally faithful to one man, and prostitution is
almost unknown. Unfaithfulness on the part of a betrothed girl, or
wife, or even a _pota_ is almost certain to cause serious trouble,
and is likely to end in a murder.
The early pledging and marriage of the children has reduced illicit
sexual intercourse to a minimum; nevertheless, it sometimes happens
that an unbetrothed girl, not a _pota_, is found to be pregnant. In
such a case the man is expected to make a gift of about one hundred
pesos to the girl's people, and he must support the child when finally
it comes into his keeping. Neither party to such an occurrence loses
standing in the community unless the father should fail to redeem
the child. Should this happen, he would be a subject of ridicule
in the community, and a fine might also result. The usual outcome
of such an illicit union is that the girl becomes the _pota_ of her
child's father.
_Death and Burial_.--Sickness and death are usually caused by
unfriendly spirits; [89] sometimes Kadaklan himself thus punishes
those who refuse to obey the customs; sometimes they are brought
about by mortals who practise magic, or by individuals themselves as
punishment for violated taboos; and finally violent death is recognized
as coming from human agency.
The methods of cajoling the spirits, of overcoming magic, and
thwarting evil designs are discussed in another chapter (cf. pp. 295
_et seq_.). If all these fail, and the patient dies, the family and
relatives at once don old garments, and enter on a period of mourning,
while friends and relatives assist in the disposal of the corpse.
A funeral is a great event in a Tinguian village. The dead is bathed,
"so that his spirit [90] may be clean," and is placed in a bamboo seat
at the end of the house. This seat, which is known as _sangádel_,
is constructed by placing three long bamboo poles against the wall
and resting a frame of bamboo slats on them, to a height of about
three feet. A mat is attached to the top, and is stretched onto the
floor in front.
The corpse is dressed in its best garments, beads and silver wire
surround its neck, while above and about it are many valuable blankets,
belts, clouts, woven skirts, and the like, which the spirit is to take
with him to the ancestors in Maglawa, his future home. A live chicken
is placed behind the chair as an offering, but following the funeral
it becomes the property of the friend, who removes the poles from
the house. The flesh of a small pig is also offered to the spirits,
while the intestines are hung just outside the door, until the body
is buried. In the yard at the north-east corner of the house stands an
inverted rice-mortar on which is a dish of _basi_,--an offering to the
spirit Al-lot, who in return prevents the people from becoming angry.
The needs of the spirit of the deceased are looked after by the members
of the family. It is their duty to place two small jars of liquor
near to the corpse and to bring food to it, when the others are eating.
Up to this point only those spirits who attend the ceremony with
friendly intent have been provided for, but the Tinguian realize
that there are others who must be kept at a distance or at least be
compelled to leave the body unharmed. The first of these evil beings
to be guarded against is Kadongáyan, [91] who in former times used
to attend each funeral and amuse himself by sliting the mouth of the
corpse, so that it extended from ear to ear. Through the friendly
instruction of Kaboniyan it was learned that, if a live chicken, with
its mouth split down to its throat, were fastened to the door of the
house, its suffering would be noticed by the evil spirit, who, fearing
similar treatment, would not attempt to enter the dwelling. [92]
The spirit Ibwa is also much feared. [93] Long ago he used to
mingle with the people in human form, without harming them, but
the thoughtless act of a mourner started him on the evil course
he has since pursued. In those times, it is said, the corpse was
kept in the dwelling seven days; and, as the body decomposed, the
liquid which came from it was caught in dishes, and was placed in the
grave. On the occasion referred to, he was handed a cup of the "lard"
to drink. He immediately acquired a great liking for this disgusting
dish, and frequently even devoured the body as well. Since he fears
iron, it is possible to drive him away by using metal weapons. It is
also necessary to guard the grave against him and the spirit Selday,
who demands blood or the corpse.
Akop is another evil spirit, who has a head, long slimy arms and
legs, but no body. He is always near the place of death, awaiting an
opportunity to embrace the spouse of the deceased, and once let the
living feel his cold embrace, death is sure to follow. So a barricade
of pillows is erected at one corner of the room, and behind this the
wife is compelled to remain during the three days the body is kept in
the house, while throughout the night she sleeps under a fish net, in
the meshes of which the long fingers of the spirit are sure to become
entangled. Meanwhile, two or three old women sit near the corpse
fanning it and wailing continually, at the same time keeping close
watch to prevent the spirits from approaching the body or the widow
(Plate XVI). From time to time the wife may creep over to the corpse,
and wailing and caressing it beg the spirit not to depart. [94]
According to custom, she has already taken off her beads, has put
on old garments and a bark head-band, and has placed over her head
a large white blanket, which she wears until after the burial. [95]
Likewise all the relatives don old garments, and are barred from all
work. The immediate family is under still stricter rules. Corn is their
only food; they may not touch anything bloody, neither can they swing
their arms as they walk. They are prohibited from mounting a horse,
and under no circumstances are they allowed to leave the village
or join in merry-making. Failure to obey these rules is followed by
swift punishment, generally meted out by the spirit of the dead. [96]
Except for the wife, these restrictions are raised after the blood and
oil ceremony (described in a later paragraph), but the widow continues
in mourning until the Layog is celebrated, at the end of a year.
According to many informants among the older men, it was formerly
necessary, following the death of an adult, for the men to put on
white head-bands and go out on a head-hunt. Until their return it was
impossible to hold the ceremony which released the relatives from the
taboo. [97] During the first two days that the body is in the house,
the friends and relatives gather to do honor to the dead and to partake
of the food and drink, which are always freely given at such a time;
but there is neither music, singing, or dancing. [98]
On the morning of the third day, the male guests assemble in the
yard, and after drinking _basi_ they select one of their number
and proceed to beat him across the wrist or thigh, with a light rod
(Plate XVII). Two hundred blows are required, but since the stick is
split at one end only, one hundred strokes are given. This whipping is
not severe, but the repeated blows are sufficient to cause the flesh
to swell. As soon as the first man is beaten, he takes the rod and
then proceeds to apply one hundred and fifty strokes [99] to each man
present, excepting only those whose wives are pregnant. Should one
of the latter be punished, his wife would suffer a miscarriage. The
avowed purpose of this whipping is "to make all the people feel as
sorry as the relatives of the dead man."
Burial in most of the valley towns is beneath the house, "as it is
much easier to defend the body against evil spirits, and the grave
is also protected against the rain." In Manabo and many mountain
villages, however, burial is in the yard. It is customary to open a
grave already occupied by several of the relatives of the deceased.
Toward noon of the last day, some of the men begin clearing away the
bamboo, which protects the old burial, and to remove the dirt.
The grave is generally of one of the forms indicated in Fig. 3,
and when a depth of about three feet has been reached, the workers
encounter stone slabs which protect a lower chamber. [100] When
these are reached, the diggers make an opening and thrusting in
burning pine-sticks, they call to the dead within, "You must light
your pipes with these." As soon as the slabs are raised, the oldest
female relative of the deceased goes into the grave, gathers up
the bones of the last person interred, ties them into a bundle,
and reburies them in one corner. There is at present no such type
of burial chamber, as is described by _La Gironière_, [101] nor is
there a memory or tradition of such an arrangement. As his visit took
place less than a century ago, it is unlikely that all trace of it
would have been lost. The heavy rainfall in this district would make
the construction and maintenance of such a chamber almost impossible,
while the dread of leaving the corpses thus exposed to hostile spirits
and the raids of enemies in search of heads would also argue against
such a practice. His description of the mummifying or drying of the
corpse by means of fires built around it [102] is likewise denied by
the old men of Manabo, who insist that they never had such a custom. It
certainly does not exist to-day. In a culture, in which the influence
of custom is as strong as it is here, it would seem that the care of
the corpse, which is intimately related to the condition of the spirit
in its final abode, would be one of the last things to change, while
the proceedings following a death are to-day so uniform throughout
the Tinguian belt, that they argue for a considerable antiquity.
When the grave is ready, the fact is announced in the dwelling, and is
the signal for renewed lamentation. The wife and near relatives throw
themselves on the corpse, caressing it and crying wildly. Whatever
there may have been of duty or respect in the wailing of the first two
days, this parting burst of sorrow is genuine. Tears stand in the eyes
of many, while others cease their wailing and sob convulsively. After
a time an old woman brings in some _oldot_ seeds, each strung on a
thread, and fastens one on the wrist of each person, as a protection
against the evil spirit Akop, who, having been defeated in his designs
against the widow, may seek to vent his anger on others.
When this has been done, a medium seats herself in front of the
body; and, covering her face with her hands, begins to chant and
wail, bidding the spirit to enter her body. Suddenly she falls back
in a faint, while suppressed excitement is manifested by all the
onlookers. After a moment or two, fire and water are placed at her
head and feet, "in order to frighten the spirit away," and then the
medium gives the last message of the dead man to his family. This is,
except for very rare exceptions, the only time that the spirits of the
deceased communicate with mortals; and it is, so far as the writer has
been able to learn, the only occasion when the medium repeats messages
given to her. At other times she is possessed by natural spirits,
[103] who then talk directly with mortals.
As a last preparation for the grave, a small hole is burned in each
garment worn by the dead person, for otherwise the spirit Ibwa will
envy him his clothing and attempt to steal them. The corpse is then
wrapped in a mat, and is carried from the house. [104] The bearers
go directly to the _balaua,_ [105] and rest the body in it for a
moment. Unless this is done, the spirit will be poor in its future
life and unable to build _balaua_.
The body is deposited full length in the grave, the stone slabs are
relaid, the chinks between them filled in with damp clay, and the
grave is refilled. [106] As the last earth is pushed in, a small pig
is killed, and its blood is sprinkled on the loose soil. Meanwhile
Selday is besought to respect the grave and leave it untouched. The
animal is cut up, and a small piece is given to each guest, who will
stop on the way to his home, and place the meat on the ground as an
offering, meanwhile repeating a _diam_. Should he fail to do this,
sickness or death is certain to visit his home or village.
As a further protection against evily disposed spirits, especially
Ibwa, an iron plough-point is placed over the grave, "for most evil
spirits fear iron;" and during this night and the nine succeeding,
a fire is kept burning at the grave and at the foot of the
house-ladder. [107]
That night the men spend about an hour in the house of mourning,
singing _sang-sangit_, a song in which they praise the dead man,
encourage the widow, and bespeak the welfare of the family. The wailers
still remain in the dwelling to protect the widow, and a male relative
is detailed to see that the fire at the foot of the ladder is kept
burning brightly.
Early the next morning, the widow, closely guarded by the wailers,
goes to the river, throws her headband into the water, and then goes
in herself. As she sinks in the water, an old man throws a bundle
of burning rice-straw on her. "The water will wash away some of
the sorrow, and the fire will make her thoughts clear." Upon her
return to the village, the grave is enclosed with a bamboo fence,
and above it is hung a shallow box-like frame, known as _patay_, in
which are placed the articles needed by the spirit. [108] Within the
house the mat and pillow of the dead are laid ready for use, and at
meal time food is placed beside it. The length of time that the mat
is left spread out differs somewhat between towns and families. In
some cases it is taken up at the end of the period of taboo, while in
others it is not rolled up; nor are the windows of the house opened
until after the celebration of the _Layog_ ceremony, a year later.
The taboo is usually strictly observed through ten days; but should
there be some urgent reason, such as planting or reaping, it may
be raised somewhat earlier. It is concluded by the blood and oil
ceremony. The _lakay_, the other old men of the settlement, and all
the relatives, gather in the house of mourning, while the mediums
prepare for the ceremony. They kill a small pig and collect its blood
in a dish; in another receptacle they place oil. A brush has been
made out of a variety of leaves, and this the medium dips into the
blood and oil, then draws it over the wrists or ankles of each person
present, meanwhile saying, "Let the _lew-lew_ (_Fiscus hauili_ Blanco)
leaves take the sickness and death to another town; let the _kawayan_
("bamboo") make them grow fast and be strong as it is, and have many
branches; let the _atilwag_ (_Breynia acuminata_ Nuell. Arg.) turn
the sickness to other towns." A little oil is rubbed on the head
of each person present; and all, except the widow, are then freed
from restrictions. She must still refrain from wearing her beads,
ornaments, or good clothing; and she is barred from taking part in
any merry-making until after the _Layog_ ceremony. [109]
At the conclusion of the anointing, the old men discuss the disposal
of the property and other matters of importance in connection with
the death.
_The Layog_. [110]--Several months after the burial (generally after
the lapse of a year), the friends and relatives are summoned in the
_Layog_,--a ceremony held with the avowed intention "to show respect
for the dead and to cause the family to forget their sorrow." Friends
come from near and far; and rice, pigs, cows or carabaos are prepared
for food, while _basi_ flows freely. It is said that the liquor
served at this time is "like tears for the dead." A medium goes to
the guardian stones of the village, and there offers rice mixed with
blood; she oils the stones, places new yellow headbands on each one,
and after dancing _tadek_, returns to the gathering. Often she is
accompanied by a number of men, who shout on their return trip "to
frighten away evil spirits."
Near the house a chair is made ready for the deceased, and in it are
placed clothing and food. In the yard four crossed spears form the
frame-work on which a shield rests (Plate XVIII) [111] and on this
are beads, food, and garments--offerings for the spirits; while near
the house ladder is the spirits' table made of inverted rice mortars.
The duration of this ceremony depends largely on the wealth of the
family, for the relatives must furnish everything needed at this
time. Games are played, and there is much drinking and singing; but
before the members of the family may take part, they are dressed in
good garments, and the blood and oil ceremony is repeated on them. At
the conclusion of the dancing, they go into the house, roll up the mat
used by the dead, open the doors and windows, and all are again free
to do as they wish. Should they fail to roll up the mat at this time,
it must remain until another _Layog_ is held; and during the interval
all the former restrictions are in force. [112]
About twenty years ago, a great number of people in Patok died
of cholera; and since then the people of that village have held a
_Layog_ in their honor each November, to the expense of which all
contribute. As this is just before the rice-harvest, a time when all
the people wear their best garments, it is customary for the old men
to allow bereaved families to participate in this ceremony and then
release them from mourning.
_Beliefs Concerning the Spirit of the Dead_.--Direct questioning brings
out some differences of opinion, in the various districts, concerning
the spirit of the dead. In Manabo, a town influenced both by the
Igorot of the Upit River valley and the Christianized Ilocano of San
Jose, the spirit is said to go at once to the great spirit Kadaklan,
and then to continue on "to the town where it lives." "It is like a
person, but is so light that it can be carried along by the wind when
it blows." [113] The people of Ba-ay, a mountain village partially
made up of immigrants from the eastern side of the Cordillera Central,
claim that the spirits of the dead go to a mountain called Singet,
where they have a great town. Here, it is also stated, the good are
rewarded with fine houses, while the bad have to be content with
hovels. The general belief, however, is that the spirit (_kalading_)
has a body like that of the living person, but is usually invisible,
although spirits have appeared, and have even sought to injure living
beings. Immediately following death, the spirit stays near to its
old home, ready to take vengeance on any relative, who fails to show
his body proper respect. After the blood and oil ceremony, he goes to
his future home, Maglawa, carrying with him gifts for the ancestors,
which the people have placed about his corpse. In Maglawa he finds
conditions much the same as on earth; people are rich and poor;
they need houses; they plant and reap; and they conduct ceremonies
for the superior beings, just as they had done during their life
on earth. Beyond this, the people do not pretend to be posted, "for
Kaboniyan did not tell." With the exception of the people of Ba-ay
and a few individuals influenced by Christianity, the Tinguian has no
idea of reward or punishment in the future life, but he does believe
that the position of the spirit in its new home can be affected by the
acts of the living (cf. p. 289). No trace of a belief in re-incarnation
was found in any district inhabited by this tribe.
_Life and Death_.--The foregoing details concerning birth, childhood,
sickness, and death, seem to give us an insight into the Tinguian
conception of life and death. For him life and death do not
appear to be but incidents in an endless cycle of birth, death,
and re-incarnation ad infinitum, such as pictured by _Lévy-Bruhl_;
[114] yet, in many instances, his acts and beliefs fit in closely
with the theory outlined by that author. In this society, there is
only a weak line of demarcation between the living and the dead, and
the dead for a time at least participate more or less in the life of
the living. This is equally true of the unborn child, whose future
condition, physical and mental, may be largely moulded by the acts of
others. According to _Lévy-Bruhl_, this would indicate that the child
at delivery is not fully born, is not as yet a member of the group;
and the succeeding ceremonies are necessary to its full participation
in life. Death is likewise of long duration. Following the last breath,
the spirit remains near by until the magic power of the funeral severs,
to an extent, his participation with society. The purpose of the final
ceremony is to complete the rupture between the living and the dead.
To the writer, the facts of Tinguian life and beliefs suggest a
somewhat different explanation. We have seen how strong individuals
may be affected by magical practices. The close connection between an
individual, his garments, or even his name, must be considered to apply
with quite as much force to the helpless infant and the afterbirth. So
strong is this bond, that even unintentional acts may injure the
babe. Evil spirits are always near; and, unless great precautions are
taken, they will injure adults if they can get them at a disadvantage,
particularly when they are asleep. The child is not able to protect
itself from these beings; therefore the adults perform such acts, as
they think will secure the good will and help of friendly spirits,
while they bribe or buy up those who might otherwise be hostile;
and lastly they make use of such magical objects and ceremonies,
as will compel the evil spirits to leave the infant alone. As the
child grows in size and strength, he is less in need of protection;
and at an early age he is treated like the other younger members of
the community. Naming follows almost immediately after birth, while
puberty and initiation ceremonies are entirely lacking. Apparently
then, a child is considered as being fully alive at birth, and at no
time does he undergo any rites or ceremonies which make him more a
part of the community than he was on the first day he saw the light.
When death occurs, the spirit remains near to the corpse until after
the funeral, and even then is close by until the ten days of taboo are
over. He still finds need of nourishment, and hence food is placed
near to his mat. As at birth, he is not in a position to protect
his body from the designs of evil spirits, and if his relatives
fail to give the corpse proper care, it is certain to be mutilated;
likewise certain acts of the living towards the corpse can affect the
position of the spirit in Maglawa. Hence it is of supreme importance
that the former owner guards against any possible neglect or injury
to the body, and it seems plausible that the presence of the spirit
near its old haunts may be for the purpose of seeing that its body
is carefully attended to. The folktales tell of several instances,
in which the spirits took vengeance on relatives who neglected their
bodies, or violated the period of taboo. [115]
When the danger period is past, the spirit at once leaves its old home,
and returns again only at the time of the _Layog_. From that time on,
he continues his existence in the upper world, neither troubling,
nor being troubled by mortals on earth. [116] Ancestor worship does
not occur here, nor are offerings made to the dead, other than those
described above.
CHAPTER IV
RELIGION AND MAGIC
The Tinguian has been taught by his elders that he is surrounded by
a great body of spirits, some good, some malevolent. The folk-tales
handed down from ancient times add their authority to the teachings of
older generations, while the individual himself has seen the bodies
of the mediums possessed by the superior beings; he has communicated
with them direct, has seen them cure the sick and predict coming
events. At many a funeral, he has seen the medium squat before the
corpse, chanting a weird song, and then suddenly become possessed by
the spirit of the deceased; and, finally, he or some of his friends
or townspeople are confident that they have seen and talked to ghosts
of the recently departed. All these beings are real to him; he is so
certain of their existence that he seldom speculates about them or
their acts.
Some of these spirits are always near; and a part of them, at least,
take more than an ordinary interest in human affairs. Thanks to the
teachings of the elders, the Tinguian knows how to propitiate them;
and, if necessary, he may even compel friendly action on the part
of many. Toward the less powerful of the evily disposed beings, he
shows indifference or insolence; he may make fun of, or lie to, and
cheat them during the day, but he is careful to guard himself at night
against their machinations. To the more powerful he shows the utmost
respect; he offers them gifts of food, drink, and material objects;
and conducts ceremonies in the manner demanded by them. Having done
these things, he feels that he is a party to a bargain; and the spirits
must, on their part, repay by granting the benefits desired. Not
entirely content with these precautions, he performs certain magical
acts which prevent evil spirits from doing harm to an individual
or a community, and by the same means he is able to control storms,
the rise of streams, and the growth of crops. It is doubtful if the
Tinguian has ever speculated in regard to this magical force, yet he
clearly separates it from the power resident in the spirit world. It
appears to be a great undifferentiated force to which spirits, nature,
and men are subject alike.
If a troublesome question arises, or an evident inconsistency in
his beliefs is called to his attention, he disposes of it by the
simple statement that it is _kadauyan_ ("custom"), "was taught by
the ancestors," and hence is not subject to question.
His religion holds forth no threat of punishment in a future world,
neither are there rewards in that existence to urge men to better
deeds. The chief teaching is that the customs of ancient times must be
faithfully followed; to change is to show disrespect for the dead, for
the spirits who are responsible for the customs, which are synonymous
with law.
Custom and religion have become so closely interwoven in this society
that it is well-nigh impossible to separate them. The building of a
house, the planting, harvesting and care of the rice, the procedure at
a birth, wedding, or funeral, in short, all the events of the social
and economic life, are so governed by custom and religious beliefs,
that it is safe to say that nearly every act in the life of the
Tinguian is directed or affected by these forces.
Two classes of spirits are recognized; first, those who have existed
through all time, whom we shall call natural spirits; second, the
spirits of deceased mortals. The latter reside forever in Maglawa,
a place midway between earth and sky; but a small number of them have
joined the company of the natural spirits. Except for these few, they
are not worshiped, and no offerings are made to them, after the period
of mourning is past. The members of the first class cover a wide range,
from Kadaklan, the great spirit who resides above, to Kaboniyan,
the teacher and helper, to those resident in the guardian stones,
to the half human, half bird-like _alan_, to the low, mean spirits
who delight to annoy mortals. These beings are usually invisible,
but at times of ceremonies they enter the bodies of the mediums,
possess them, and thus communicate with the people. On rare occasions
they are visible in their own forms, as when Kaboniyan appeared as
the antagonist and later as the friend of Sayen. [117]
These beings are addressed, first through certain semi-magical
formulas, know as _diams_. These are seldom prayers or supplications,
but are a part of a definite ritual, the whole of which is expected
to gain definite favors.
At the beginning, and during the course of all ceremonies, animals are
killed. A part of the flesh and the blood is mixed with rice, and is
offered to the spirits; but the bulk of the offering is eaten by the
participants. Liquor is consumed in great quantities at such a time,
but a small amount is always poured out for the use of the superior
beings. Finally, the mediums summon the spirits into their bodies;
and, when possessed, they are no longer considered as persons,
but are the spirits themselves. The beings who appear in this way
talk directly with the people; they offer advice, give information
concerning affairs in the spirit world, and oftentimes they mingle
with the people on equal terms, joining in their dances and taking
a lively interest in their daily affairs.
The people seldom pray to or supplicate the invisible spirits; but when
they are present in the bodies of the mediums, they make requests, and
ask advice, as they would from any friend or acquaintance. With many,
the Tinguian is on amicable terms, while toward Kaboniyan he exhibits
a degree of respect and gratitude which is close to affection. He
realizes that there are many unfriendly spirits, but he has means of
controlling or thwarting their evil designs; and hence he does not
live in that state of perpetual fear which is so often pictured as
the condition of the savage.
_The Spirits_.--A great host of unnamed spirits are known to exist;
they often attend the ceremonies and sometimes enter the bodies of
the mediums, and in this way new figures appear from time to time. In
addition to these, there are certain superior beings who are well
known, and who, as already indicated, exercise a potent influence on
the daily life of the people. The following list will serve to give
some idea of these spirits and their attributes; while the names
of the less important will be found in connection with the detailed
description of the ceremonies.
Kadaklan ("the greatest"), a powerful male spirit, who lives in the
sky, created the earth, sun, moon, and stars. The stars are only
stones, but the sun and moon are lights. At times Kadaklan enters
the body of a favored medium, and talks directly with the people;
but more frequently he takes other means of communication. Oftentimes
he sends his dog Kimat, the lightening, to bite a tree or strike a
field or house, and in this way makes known his wish that the owner
celebrate the _Padiam_ ceremony (cf. p. 401). All other beings are
in a measure subservient to him, and his wishes are frequently made
known through them. Thunder is his drum with which he amuses himself
during stormy weather, but sometimes he plays on it even on clear days.
Agemem is the wife of Kadaklan. She lives in the ground. Little is
known of her except that she has given birth to two sons, [118] whose
chief duty is to see that the commands of their father are obeyed.
Adám and Baliyen are the sons of Kadaklan. The name of the first boy
is suggestive of Christian influence, but there are no traditions or
further details to link him with the Biblical character.
Kaboniyan is the friend and helper of the people, and by many is
classed above or identified with Kadaklan. At times he lives in the
sky; again in a great cave near Patok. [119] From this cave came the
jars which could talk and move, here were found the copper gongs used
in the dances, and here too grew the wonderful tree which bore the
agate beads so prized by the women. This spirit gave the Tinguian
rice and sugar-cane, taught them how to plant and reap, how to foil
the designs of ill-disposed spirits, the words of the _diams_ and the
details of many ceremonies. Further to bind himself to the people,
it is said, he married "in the first times" a woman from Manabo. He
is summoned in nearly every ceremony, and there are several accounts
of his having appeared in his own form. According to one of these,
he is of immense proportions; his spear is as large as a tree, and
his head-axe the size of the end of the house. [120]
Apdel is the spirit who resides in the guardian stones (_pinaing_)
at the gate of the town. During a ceremony, or when the men are away
for a fight, it becomes his special duty to protect the village from
sickness and enemies. He has been known to appear as a red rooster
or as a white dog.
Idadaya, who lives in the east (_daya_), is a powerful spirit who
attends the _Pala-an_ ceremony. He rides a horse, which he ties to
the little structure built during the rite. Ten grand-children reside
with him, and they all wear in their hair the _igam_ (notched feathers
attached to a stick). When these feathers lose their lustre, they can
only be restored by the celebration of _Pala-an_(cf. p. 328). Hence the
owners cause some mortal, who has the right to conduct the ceremony,
to become ill, and then inform him through the mediums as to the cause
of his affliction. The names of the grand-children are as follows:
Pensipenondosan, Logosen, Bakoden, Bing-gasan, Bakdañgan, Giligen,
Idomalo, Agkabkabayo, Ebloyan, and Agtabtabokal.
Kaiba-an is the spirit who lives in the little house or _saloko_
in the rice-fields, and who protects the growing crops. Offerings
are made to him, when a new field is constructed, when the rice is
transplanted, and at harvest time. "The ground which grows" (that is
the nest of the white ant) is said to be made by him.
Makaboteng, also called Sanadan, is the guardian of the deer and wild
hogs. His good will is necessary if the dogs are to be successful in
the chase; consequently he is summoned to many ceremonies, where he
receives the most courteous treatment. In one ceremony he declared,
"I can become the sunset sky."
Sabian or Isabian is the guardian of the dogs.
Bisangolan ("the place of opening or tearing") is a gigantic spirit,
who lives near the river, and who in time of floods uses his head-axe
and walking-stick to keep the logs and refuse from jamming. "He is
very old, like the world, and he pulls out his beard with his finger
nails and his knife. His seat is a wooden plate." He appears in the
_Dawak_, _Tangpap_, and _Sayang_ ceremonies, holding a rooster and a
bundle of rice. In Ba-ak he is called Ibalinsogóan, and is the first
spirit summoned in _Dawak_.
Kakalonan, also known as Boboyonan, is the one who makes friends, and
who learns the source of troubles. When summoned at the beginning of
a ceremony, he tells what needs to be done, in order to insure the
results desired.
Sasagangen, sometimes called Ingalit, are spirits whose business
it is to take heads and put them on the _saga_ or in the _saloko_
(cf. p. 310). Headache is caused by them.
Abat are numerous spirits who cause sore feet and headache. _Salono_
and _bawi_ are built for them (cf. pp. 309-310). The spirits of Ibal,
who live in Daem, are responsible for most sickness among children,
but they are easily appeased with blood and rice. The Ibal ceremony
is held for them.
Maganáwan, who lives in Nagbotobotan ("the place near which the rivers
empty into the hole, where all streams go") is one of the spirits,
called in the _Sangásang_ ceremony, and for whom the blood of the
rooster mixed with rice is put into the _saloko_, which stands in
the yard.
Ináwen is a pregnant female spirit, who lives in the sea, and
who demands the blood of a chicken mixed with rice to satisfy her
capricious appetite. She also attends the _Sangásang_.
Kideng is a tall, fat spirit with nine heads. He is the servant of
Ináwen, and carries the gifts of mortals to his mistress.
Ibwa is an evil spirit, who once mingled with the people in human
form. Due to the thoughtless act of a mourner at a funeral, he became
so addicted to the taste of human flesh, that it has since then been
necessary to protect the corpse from him. He fears iron, and hence
a piece of that metal is always laid on the grave. Holes are burned
in each garment placed on the body to keep him from stealing them.
Akop is likewise evil. He has a head, long slimy arms and legs, but no
body. He always frequents the place of death, and seeks to embrace the
spouse of the deceased. Should he succeed, death follows quickly. To
defeat his plans, the widow is closely guarded by the wailers; she
also sleeps under a fish net as an additional protection against his
long fingers, and she wears seeds which are disliked by this being.
Kadongáyan indulges in the malicious sport of slitting the mouth of
the corpse back to the ears. In order to frighten him away, a live
chicken, with its mouth split to its throat, is placed by the door,
during the time the body is in the house. When he sees the sufferings
of the bird, he fears to enter the dwelling lest the people treat
him in the same manner.
Selday is an ill-disposed being. He causes people to have sore feet,
and only relieves them, when offerings are made to him in the _saloko_
or _bawi_. He lives in the wooded hill, but quickly learns of a
death, and appears at the open grave. Unless he is bought off with an
offering, the blood of a small pig, he is almost certain to make away
with the body, or cause a great sickness to visit the village. As
the mourners return home, after the burial, they place bits of the
slaughtered animal by the trail, so that he will not make them ill.
Bayon is a male spirit, who dwells in the sky, and who comes to
earth as a fresh breeze. He once stole a girl from Layógan, changed
her two breasts into one, placed this in the center of her chest,
and married her.
Lokadáya is the human wife of Bayon. She now appears to have joined
the company of the natural spirits and to be immortal. At times,
both she and her husband enter the bodies of the mediums.
Agonán is the spirit who knows many dialects. He lives in Dingolowan.
Gilen attends many ceremonies, and occupies an important place in
_Tangpap_; yet little is known of him.
Inginlaod are spirits who live in the west.
Ginobáyan is a female spirit, always present in the _Tangpap_ ceremony.
Sangalo is a spirit who gives good and bad signs.
Dapeg, Balingen-ngen, Benisalsal, and Kikiba-an, are all disturbers
and mischief-makers. They cause illness, sore feet, headache, and bad
dreams. They are important only because of the frequency with which
they appear.
Al-lot attends festivals and prevents quarrels.
Liblibayan, Banbanayo, and Banbantay, are lesser spirits, who formerly
aided "the people of the first times."
The term "Alan" comprises a large body of spirits with half human,
half bird-like forms. They have wings and can fly; their toes are
at the back of their feet, and their fingers attach to the wrists
and point backward. Often they hang from the branches of trees,
like bats, but they are also pictured as having fine houses and great
riches. They are sometimes hostile or mischievous, but more frequently
are friendly. They play a very important part in the mythology,
but not in the cult. [121]
Komau is a giant spirit, who, according to tradition, was killed
by the hero Sayen. Among the Ilocano and some of the Tinguian, the
Komau is known as a great invisible bird, which steals people and
their possessions. He does not visit the people through the bodies
of the mediums.
Anito is a general term used to designate members of the spirit world.
A survey of the foregoing list brings out a noticeable lack of
nature-spirits; of trees, rocks, and natural formations considered as
animate; and of guardian spirits of families and industries. There is
a strong suggestion, however, in the folk-tales to the effect that
this has not always been the case; and even to-day there are some
conflicts regarding the status of certain spirits. In the village of
Manabo, thunder is known as Kidol; in Likuan and Bakaok, as Kido-ol;
and in each place he is recognized as a powerful spirit. In Ba-ay,
two types of lightning are known to be spirits. The flash from the sky
is Salit, that "from the ground" is Kilawit. Here thunder is Kadaklan,
but the sun is the all powerful being. He is male, and is "so powerful
that he does not need or desire ceremonies or houses." The moon is
likewise a powerful spirit, but female.
In the discussion of the tales [122] it was suggested that these and
other ideas, which differ from those held by the majority of the tribe,
may represent older conceptions, which have been swamped, or may have
been introduced into Abra by emigrants from the north and east.
_The Mediums_.--The superior beings talk with mortals through the aid
of mediums, known individually and collectively as _alopogan_ ("she who
covers her face"). [123] These are generally women past middle life,
though men are not barred from the profession, who, when chosen, are
made aware of the fact by having trembling fits when they are not cold,
by warnings in dreams, or by being informed by other mediums that they
are desired by the spirits. A woman may live the greater part of her
life without any idea of becoming a medium, and then because of such a
notification will undertake to qualify. She goes to one already versed,
and from her learns the details of the various ceremonies, the gifts
suitable for each spirit, and the chants or _diams_ which must be used
at certain times. This is a considerable task, for the _diams_ must be
learned word for word; and, likewise, each ceremony must be conducted,
just as it was taught by the spirits to the "people of the first
times." The training occupies several months; and when all is ready,
the candidate secures her _piling_. This is a collection of large
sea-shells attached to cords, which is kept in a small basket together
with a Chinese plate and a hundred fathoms of thread (Plate XIX). New
shells may be used, but it is preferable to secure, if possible, the
_piling_ of a dead medium. Being thus supplied, the novice seeks the
approval of the spirits and acceptance as a medium. The wishes of the
higher beings are learned by means of a ceremony, in the course of
which a pig is killed, and its blood mixed with rice is scattered
on the ground. The liver of the animal is eagerly examined; for,
if certain marks appear on it, the candidate is rejected, or must
continue her period of probation for several months, before another
trial can be made. During this time she may aid in ceremonies, but
she is not possessed by the spirits. When finally accepted, she may
begin to summon the spirits into her body. She places offerings on a
mat, seats herself in front of them, and calls the attention of the
spirits by striking her _piling_, or a bit of lead, against a plate;
then covering her face with her hands, she begins to chant. Suddenly
she is possessed; and then, no longer as a human, but as the spirit
itself, she talks with the people, asking and answering questions,
or giving directions, as to what shall be done to avert sickness and
trouble, or to bring good fortune.
Certain mediums are visited only by low, mean spirits; others, by both
good and bad; while still others may be possessed even by Kadaklan, the
greatest of all. It is customary for the spirit of a deceased mortal to
enter the body of a medium, just before the corpse is to be buried, to
give messages to the family; but he seldom comes again in this manner.
The pay of a medium is small, usually a portion of a sacrificed
animal, a few bundles of rice, and some beads; but this payment is
more than offset by the restrictions placed on her. At no time may
she eat of carabao, wild pig, wild chicken, or shrimp; nor may she
touch peppers--all prized articles of food.
The inducements for a person to enter this vocation are so few that a
candidate begins her training with reluctance; but, once accepted by
the spirits, the medium yields herself fully and sincerely to their
wishes. When possessed by a spirit, her own personality is submerged,
and she does many things of which she is apparently ignorant, when
she emerges from the spell. Oftentimes, as she squats by the mat,
summoning the spirits, her eyes take on a far-away stare; the veins
of her face and neck stand out prominently, while the muscles of
her arms and legs are tense; then, as she is possessed, she assumes
the character and habits of the superior being. If it is a spirit
supposed to dwell in Igorot or Kalinga land, she speaks in a dialect
unfamiliar to her hearers, orders them to dance in Igorot fashion,
and then instructs them in dances, which she or her townspeople could
never have seen. [124] At times she carries on sleight-of-hand tricks,
as when she places beads in a dish of oil, and dances with it high
above her head, until the beads vanish. A day or two later she will
recover them from the hair of some participant in the ceremony. Most
of her acts are in accordance with a set procedure; yet at times she
goes further, and does things which seem quite inexplainable.
One evening, in the village of Manabo, we were attending a
ceremony. Spirit after spirit had appeared, and at their order dances
and other acts had taken place. About ten o'clock a brilliant flash
of lightning occurred, although it was not a stormy evening. The body
of the medium was at that time possessed by Amangau, a head-hunting
spirit. He at once stopped his dance, and announced that he had
just taken the head of a boy from Luluno, and that the people of
his village were even then dancing about the skull. Earlier in the
evening we had noticed this lad (evidently a consumptive) among
the spectators. When the spirit made this claim, we looked for him,
but he had vanished. A little later we learned that he had died of
a hemorrhage at about the time of the flash.
Such occurrences make a deep impression on the mind of the people,
and strengthen their belief in the spirit world; but, so far as could
be observed, the prestige of the medium was in nowise enhanced.
Since most of the ceremonies are held to keep the family or individual
in good health, the medium takes the place of a physician. She often
makes use of simple herbs and medicinal plants, but always with the
idea that the treatment is distasteful to the being, who has caused
the trouble, and not with any idea of its curative properties. Since
magic and religion are practically the same in this society, the
medium is the one who usually conducts or orders the magic rites;
and for the same reason she, better than all others, can read the
signs and omens sent by members of the spirit world.
_Magic and Omens_.--The folk-tales are filled with accounts of magical
acts, performed by "the people of the first times." They annihilated
time and space, commanded inanimate objects to do their will, created
human beings from pieces of betel-nut, and caused the magical increase
of food and drink. Those days have passed, yet magical acts still
pervade all the ceremonies; nature is overcome, while the power to
work evil by other than human means is a recognized fact of daily
life. In the detailed accounts of the ceremonies will be found many
examples of these magical acts, but the few here mentioned will give
a good idea of all.
In one ceremony, a blanket is placed over the family, and on their
heads a coconut is cut in two, and the halves are allowed to fall;
for, "as they drop to the ground, so does sickness and evil fall away
from the people." A bound pig is placed in the center of the floor,
and water is poured into its ear that, "as it shakes out the water,
so may evil spirits and sickness be thrown out of the place." At one
point in the _Tangpap_ ceremony, a boy takes the sacrificial blood
and rice from a large dish, and puts it in a number of smaller ones,
then returns it again to the first; for, "when the spirits make a
man sick, they take a part of his life. When they make him well, they
put it back, just as the boy takes away a part of the food, gives it
to the spirits, and then replaces it," The same idea appears in the
dance which follows. The boy and the medium take hold of a winnower,
raise it in the air, and dance half way around a rice-mortar; then
return, as they came, and replace it, "just as the spirits took away
a part of the patient's life, but now will put it back."
The whole life of a child can be determined, or at least largely
influenced, by the treatment given the afterbirth, while the use
of bamboo and other prolific plants, at this time and at a wedding,
promote growth and fertility.
A piece of charcoal attached to a certain type of notched stick is
placed in the rice-seed beds, and thus the new leaves are compelled
to turn the dark green color of sturdy plants.
If a river is overflowing its banks, it can be controlled by cutting
off a pig's head and throwing it into the waters. An even more certain
method is to have a woman, who was born on the other side of the river,
take her weaving baton and plant it on the bank. The water will not
rise past this barrier.
Blackening of the teeth is a semi-magical procedure. A mixture of
tan-bark and iron salts is twice applied to the teeth, and is allowed
to remain several hours; but, in order to obtain the desired result,
it is necessary to use the mixture after nightfall and to remove it,
before the cocks begin to crow, in the morning. If the fowls are heard,
while the teeth are being treated, they will remain white; likewise
they will refuse to take the color, should their owner approach a
corpse or grave.
On well-travelled trails one often sees, at the tops of high hills,
piles of stones, which have been built up during many years. As he
ascends a steep slope, each traveller picks up a small stone, and
carries it to the top, where he places it on the pile. As he does so,
he leaves his weariness behind him, and continues his journey fresh
and strong.
The use of love-charms is widespread: certain roots and leaves, when
oiled or dampened with saliva, give forth a pleasant odor, which
compels the affection of a woman, even in spite of her wishes. [125]
Evil magic, known as _gamot_ ("poison") is also extensively used. A
little dust taken from the footprint of a foe, a bit of clothing,
or an article recently handled by him, is placed in a dish of water,
and is stirred violently. Soon the victim begins to feel the effect
of this treatment, and within a few hours becomes insane. To make him
lame, it is only necessary to place poison on articles recently touched
by his feet. Death or impotency can be produced by placing poison on
his garments. A fly is named after a person, and is placed in a bamboo
tube. This is set near the fire, and in a short time the victim of the
plot is seized with fever. Likewise magical chants and dances, carried
on beneath a house, may bring death to all the people of the dwelling.
A combination of true poisoning and magical practice is also found. To
cause consumption or some wasting disease, a snake is killed, and
its head cut off; then the body is hung up, and the liquor coming
from the decomposing flesh is caught in a shell cup. This fluid
is introduced into the victim's food, or some of his belongings are
treated with it. If the subject dies, his relatives may get revenge on
the poisoner. This is accomplished by taking out the heart of a pig
and inserting it in the mouth or stomach of the victim. This must be
done under the cover of darkness, and the corpse be buried at once. A
high bamboo fence is then built around the grave, so that no one can
reach it. The person responsible for the death will fall ill at once,
and will die unless he is able to secure one of the victim's garments
or dirt from the grave.
The actual introduction of poison in food and drink is thought to be
very common. The writer attended one ceremony following which a large
number of the guests fell sick. The illness was ascribed to magic
poisoning, yet it was evident that the cause was over-indulgence in
fresh pork by people, who for months had eaten little if any meat.
_Omens_.--The ability to foretell future events by the flight or calls
of birds, actions of animals, by the condition of the liver and gall
of sacrificed pigs, or by the movements of certain articles under
the questioning of a medium, is an undoubted fact in this society.
A small bird known as _labeg_, is the messenger of the spirits,
who control the _Bakid_ and _Sangásang_ ceremonies. When this bird
enters the house, it is caught at once, its feathers are oiled; beads
are attached to its feet, and it is released with the promise that
the ceremony will be celebrated at once. This bird accompanies the
warriors, and warns or encourages them with its calls. If it flies
across their path from right to left, all is well; but if it comes
from the left, they must return home, or trouble will befall the party.
The spirits of _Sangásang_ make use of other birds and animals to
warn the builders of a house, if the location selected does not please
them. All the Tinguian know that the arrival of snakes, big lizards,
deer, or wild hogs at the site of a new house is a bad sign.
If a party or an individual is starting on a journey, and the
kingfisher _(salaksak)_ flies from in front toward the place just
left, it is a command to return at once; else illness in the village
or family will compel a later return. [126] Should the _koling_ cry
_awit, awit_ ("to carry, to carry"), an immediate return is necessary,
or a member of the party will die, and will be carried home. When a
snake crawls across the trail, and goes into a hole, it is a certain
warning that, unless the trip is given up, some of the party will die,
and be buried in the ground.
The falling of a tree across the trail, when the groom is on his
way to the home of his bride, threatens death for the couple, while
the breaking or falling of an object during the marriage ceremony
presages misfortune.
Not all the signs are evil; for, if a man is starting to hunt,
or trade, and he sees a hawk fly in front of him and catch a bird
or chicken, he may on that day secure all the game he can carry,
or can trade on his own terms.
All the foregoing are important, but the most constantly employed
method of foretelling the future is to examine the gall and liver
of slain pigs. These animals are killed in all great ceremonies,
at the conclusion of a medium's probation period, at birth, death,
and funeral observances, and for other important events. If a
head-hunt is to be attempted, the gall sack is removed, and is
carefully examined, for if it is large and full, and the liquor in
it is bitter, the enemy will be powerless; but if the sack is small,
and only partially filled with a weak liquor, it will fare ill with
the warriors who go into battle. For all other events, the liver
itself gives the signs. When it is full and smooth, the omens are
favorable; but if it is pitted, has black specks on it, is wrinkled,
or has cross lines on it, the spirits are ill-disposed, and the
project should be delayed. If, however, the matter is very urgent,
another pig or a fowl may be offered in the hope that the attitude
of the spirits may be changed. If the liver of the new sacrifice is
good, the ceremony or raid may continue. The blood of these animals
is always mixed with rice, and is scattered about for the superior
beings, but the flesh is cooked, and is consumed by the mortals. [127]
To recover stolen and misplaced articles or animals, one of three
methods is employed. The first is to attach a cord to a jar-cover or
the shells used by a medium. This is suspended so that it hangs freely,
and questions are put to it. If the answer is "yes," it will swing to
and fro. The second method is to place a bamboo stick horizontally on
the ground and then to stand an egg on it. As the question is asked,
the egg is released. If it falls, the answer is in the negative;
if it stands, it replies "yes." The third and more common way is to
place a head-axe on the ground, then to blow on the end of a spear
and put it point down on the blade of the axe. If it balances, the
answer is "yes."
_Ceremonial Structures and Paraphernalia_.--As has been indicated,
the Tinguian holds many ceremonies in honor of the superior beings;
and, in connection with these, builds numerous small structures,
and employs various paraphernalia, most of which bear definite names,
and have well established uses. Since a knowledge of these structures
and devices is necessary to a full understanding of the ceremonies,
an alphabetical list is here furnished, before proceeding to the
detailed discussion of the rites.
_Alalot_: Two arches of bamboo, which support a grass roof. A small jar
of _basi_ stands in this structure for the use of visiting spirits. Is
generally constructed during the _Sayang_ ceremony, but in Bakaok
it is built alone to cure sickness or to change a bad disposition
(Plate XX, No. 4).
_Aligang_: A four-pronged fork of a branch in which a jar of _basi_
and other offerings are placed for the Igorot spirits of Talegteg
(Salegseg). It is placed at the corner of the house during _Sayang_.
_Ansisilit_: The framework placed beside the guardian stones on the
sixteenth morning of _Sayang_. It closely resembles the _Inapapáyag_.
_Balabago_ (known in Manabo as Talagan): A long bamboo bench with a
roofing of betel leaves. It is intended as a seat for guests, both
spirit and human, during important ceremonies.
_Balag_: A seat of wood or bamboo, placed close to the house-ladder
during the _Sayang_ ceremony. Above and beside it are _alangtin_
leaves, branches of the _lanoti_ tree, sugar-cane, and a leafy branch
of bamboo. Here also are found a net equipped with lead sinkers, a
top-shaped device, and short sections of bamboo filled with liquor. In
some towns this is the seat of the honored guest, who dips _basi_
for the dancers. In San Juan this seat is called _Patogaú_.
_Balaua_: This, the largest and most important of the spirit
structures, is built during the _Sayang_ ceremony. The roofing is
of plaited bamboo, covered with cogon grass. This is supported by
eight uprights, which likewise furnish attachment for the bamboo
flooring. There are no sides to the building, but it is so sturdily
constructed that it lasts through several seasons. Except for the
times of ceremony, it is used as a lounging place for the men, or
as a loom-room by the women. Quite commonly poles are run lengthwise
of the structure, at the lower level of the roof; and this "attic,"
as well as the space beneath the floor, is used for the storage of
farming implements, bundles of rattan and thatching (Plate XXI).
_Balitang_: A large seat like the _Balabago_, but with a grass
roofing. It is used as a seat for visitors during great ceremonies
and festivals. This name is applied, in Manabo, to a little house,
built among the bananas for the spirit Imalbi.
_Bani-it_ or _Bunot_: Consists of a coconut husk suspended from a
pole. The feathers of a rooster are stuck into the sides. It is made
as a cure for sick-headache, also for lameness.
_Bangbangsal_: Four long bamboo poles are set in the ground, and are
roofed over to make a shelter for the spirits of Sayaw, who come in
the _Tangpap_ ceremony.
_Bátog_: An unhusked coconut, resting on three bamboo sticks, goes
by this name. It always appears in the _Sayang_ ceremony, close to
the _Balag_, but its use and meaning are not clear.
_Bawi_, also called _Babawi, Abarong_, and _Sinaba-an_: A name applied
to any one of the small houses, built in the fields or gardens as
a home for the spirits Kaiba-an, Abat, Selday, and some others of
lesser importance (Plate XXII).
_Idasan_: A seat or bench which stands near the house-ladder during
the _Sayang_. A roof of cogon grass protects ten bundles of unthreshed
rice, which lie on it. This rice is later used as seed. In the San Juan
district, the place of the Idasan seems to be taken by three
bamboo poles, placed in tripod fashion, so as to support a basket of
rice. This is known as _Pinalasang_.
_Inapapáyag_: Two-forked saplings or four reeds are arranged so as to
support a shield or a cloth "roof" (Plate XVIII). During _Sayang_ and
some other ceremonies, it stands in the yard, or near to the town gate;
and on it food and drink are placed for visiting spirits. During the
celebration of _Layog_ (cf. p. 290), it is built near to the dancing
space, and contains offerings for the spirit of the dead. A spear
with a colored clout is stuck into the ground close by; and usually
an inverted rice mortar also stands here, and supports a dish of
_basi_. In the mountain village of Likuan it is built alone as a cure
for sickness. A pig is killed and the mediums summon the spirits as
in _Dawak_ (cf. p. 316).
_Kalang_: A wooden box, the sides of which are cut to resemble the
head and horns of a carabao. The spirits are not thought to reside
here, but do come to partake of the food and drink placed in it. It is
attached to the roof of the dwelling or in the _balaua_ or _kalangan._
New offerings are placed in the _kalang_, before the men go to fight,
or when the _Sayang_ ceremony is held. It also holds the head-bands
worn by the mediums, when making _Dawak_ (Fig. 4, No. 2).
_Kalangan_: the place of the _kalang_. This is similar to the _balaua_,
but is smaller and, as a rule, has only four supporting timbers
(Plate XXIII).
_Pala-an_: Four long poles, usually three of bamboo, and one of a
resinous tree known as _anteng_ (_Canarium villosum_ Bl.) are set
in a square and support, near the top, a platform of bamboo (Plate
XXIV). Offerings are made both on and below the _Pala-an_ during the
ceremony of that name, and in the more important rites.
_Pangkew_: Three bamboo poles are planted in the ground in a triangle,
but they lean away from each other at such an angle, as to admit of
a small platform midway of their length. A roofing of cogon grass
completes the structure. It is built during _Sayang_, and contains a
small jar of _basi_. The roof is always adorned with coconut blossoms
(Plate XX).
_Sagang_: Sharpened bamboo poles about eight feet in length on which
the skulls of enemies were formerly exhibited. The pointed end was
pushed through the _foramen magnum_, and the pole was then planted
near the gate of the town.
_Saloko_, also called _Salokang_ and _Sabut_: This is a bamboo pole
about ten feet long, one end of which is split into several strips;
these are forced apart, and are interwoven with other strips, thus
forming a sort of basket. When such a pole is erected near to a house,
or at the gate of the town, it is generally in connection with a
ceremony made to cure headache. It is also used in the fields as a
dwelling place for the spirit Kaiba-an (Plate XXV).
The _Saloko_ ceremony and the _diam_, which accompanies it, seem to
indicate that this pole originated in connection with head-hunting;
and its presence in the fields gives a hint that in former times a
head-hunt may have been a necessary preliminary to the rice-planting.
_Sogáyob_: A covered porch, which is built along one side of the house
during the _Sayang_ ceremony. In it hang the vines and other articles,
used by the female dancers in one part of the rite. A portion of one
of the slaughtered pigs is placed here for the spirits of Bangued. In
Lumaba the _Sogáyob_ is built alone as a part of a one-day ceremony;
while in Sallapadan it follows _Kalangan_ after an interval of about
three months.
_Taltalabong_: Following many ceremonies a small bamboo raft with
arched covering is constructed. In it offerings are placed for spirits,
who have been unable to attend the rite. In Manabo it is said that the
raft is intended particularly for the sons of Kadaklan (Plate XXVI).
_Tangpap_: Two types of structure appear under this name. When it is
built as a part of the _Tangpap_ ceremony, it is a small house with a
slanting roof resting on four poles. About three feet above the ground,
an interwoven bamboo floor is lashed to the uprights (Plate XXVII). In
the _Sayang_ ceremony, there are two structures which go by this name
(Plate XX, Nos. 2 and 3). The larger has two floors, the smaller only
one. On each floor is a small pot of _basi_, daubed with white.
_Taboo Gateway_: At the gate of a town, one sometimes finds a defensive
wall of bamboo, between the uprights of which are thrust bamboo spears
in order to catch evil spirits, while on the gate proper are vines
and leaves pleasing to the good spirits. Likewise in the _saloko_,
which stands close by, are food and drink or betel-nut. All this
generally appears when an epidemic is in a nearby village, in order
to frighten the bearers of the sickness away, and at the same time
gain the aid of well-disposed spirits. At such a time many of the
people wear wristlets and anklets of bamboo, interwoven with roots
and vines which are displeasing to the evil beings (Plate XXVIII).
_Ceremonial Paraphernalia_.--_Akosan_ (Fig. 4, No. 4): A prized
shell, with top and bottom cut off, is slipped over a belt-like
cloth. Above it are a series of wooden rings and a wooden imitation
of the shell. This, when hung beside the dead, is both pleasing to
the spirit of the deceased, and a protection to the corpse against
evil beings.
_Aneb_ (Fig. 4, No. 1): The name usually given to a protective
necklace placed about the neck of a young child to keep evil spirits
at a distance. The same name is also given to a miniature shield,
bow and arrow, which hang above the infant.
_Dakidak_ (Fig. 4, Nos. 3-3a): Long poles, one a reed, the other
bamboo, split at one end so they will rattle. The medium strikes
them on the ground to attract the spirits to the food served on
the _talapitap_.
_Igam_: Notched feathers, often with colored yarn at the ends, attached
to sticks. These are worn in the hair during the _Pala~an_ and _Sayang_
ceremonies, to please the spirits of the east, called Idadaya.
_Inálson_: A sacred blanket made of white cotton. A blue or blue
and red design is formed, where the breadths join, and also along
the borders. It is worn over the shoulders of the medium during the
_Gipas_ ceremony (cf. p. 263).
_Lab-labón_: Also called _Adug_. In Buneg and nearby towns, whose
inhabitants are of mixed Tinguian and Kalinga blood, small incised
pottery houses are found among the rice jars, and are said to be the
residences of the spirits, who multiply the rice. They are sometimes
replaced with incised jars decorated with vines. The idea seems to
be an intrusion into the Tinguian belt. The name is probably derived
from _lábon_, "plenty" or "abundance" (Plate XXIX).
_Piling_ (Plate XIX): A collection of large sea-shells attached to
cords. They are kept in a small basket together with one hundred
fathoms of thread and a Chinese plate, usually of ancient make. The
whole makes up the medium's outfit, used when she is summoning the
spirits.
_Pinapa_: A large silk blanket with yellow strips running
lengthwise. Such blankets are worn by certain women when dancing
_da-eng_, and they are also placed over the feet of a corpse.
_Sado_ (Fig. 4, No. 3): The shallow clay dishes in which the spirits
are fed on the _talapitap_.
_Salogeygey_: The outside bark of a reed is cut at two points, from
opposite directions, so that a double fringe of narrow strips stands
out. One end is split, _saklag_ leaves are inserted, and the whole
is dipped or sprinkled in sacrificial blood, and placed in each house
during the _Sagobay_ ceremony. The same name is applied to the magical
sticks, which are placed in the rice seed-beds to insure lusty plants
(cf. p. 399).
_Sangádel_: The bamboo frame on which a corpse is placed during
the funeral.
_Tabing_: A large white blanket with which one corner of the room
is screened off during the _Sayang_ and other ceremonies. In this
"room" food and other offerings are made for the black, deformed,
and timid spirits who wish to attend the ceremony unobserved.
_Takal_: Armlets made of boar's tusks, which are worn during certain
dances in _Sayang_.
_Talapitap_ (Fig. 4, No. 3): A roughly plaited bamboo frame on which
the spirits are fed during the more important rites. Used in connection
with the _dakidak_ and clay dishes _(sado)._
_Tongátong_ (Fig. 4, No. 5): The musical instrument, which appears
in many ceremonials. It consists of six or more bamboo tubes of
various lengths. The players hold a tube in each hand, and strike
their ends on a stone, which lies between them, the varying lengths
of the cylinders giving out different notes.
CHAPTER V
THE CEREMONIES
A visitor, who enters the Tinguian territory in the period following
the rice-harvest, quickly gains the impression that the ceremonial
life of this people is dominant. In nearly every village, he finds one
or more ceremonies in progress, while work is almost forgotten. This
condition exists until the coming of the rains in May, when all is
changed. Men and women go to the fields before daybreak, and return
only when darkness forces them to cease their toil. During the
period when the fields are in preparation, or the rice is growing,
few ceremonials are held, except those intended to promote the growth
of the crops, to cure sickness, or to ward off impending misfortune.
Aside from the rites, which attend birth, marriage, and similar events,
the ceremonies may be placed in two divisions: first, those which
may be celebrated by all people; second, those restricted to certain
families. The first class we shall designate as the minor ceremonies.
SECTION 1
The Minor Ceremonies
_Dawak_ (also called Boni and Alopag).--The name _Dawak_ is applied
to that part of important ceremonies in which the spirits enter
the bodies of the mediums. It is also given as a separate ceremony,
usually to cure sickness, but in some settlements it follows a birth.
According to tradition, it was taught, together with the _Sayang_
ceremony, by the spirit Kaboniyan to a woman Dayapan; and she, in turn,
taught it to others, who were then able to cure sickness.
It is probable that the name comes from _dáwat_ (a "request" or
"petition"); yet there is little in it which corresponds to prayer
or entreaty.
As there was considerable variation in each _Dawak_ witnessed by
the writer, the complete ceremony is given for the village of Ba-ak,
together with striking variations from other towns.
In this instance, the rite was held to effect the cure of a sick woman
and to learn the desires of the spirits. Two mediums, assisted by
several men and women, spent the first afternoon preparing the things
to be used. First, a short cane was fashioned out of black wood,
rattan rings were slipped over this, and all were placed inside a
Chinese jar. A dish of cooked rice was put over the top, as a cover,
and a blanket spread over the whole. This was brought close to the
patient, the medium recited a _dam_ over it, [128] and then ordered
that it remain there throughout the ceremony. On a large mat in the
center of the room were placed betel-nuts, coconuts, and leaves, two
jars--one empty, the other filled with _basi_--, a large and small
head-axe, two spears, and some shells. An empty jar had a string
of beads tied around its neck, and inside it was placed a switch,
care being taken that a portion of it hung outside. Beside the jar
was a basket containing five bundles of unthreshed rice, on which was
a skein of thread supporting a new jar. All this was covered with a
woman's skirt. Finally a bound pig was laid just inside the door.
When all was complete, three men played on the _tongátong_
(cf. p. 314), until one of the mediums took her place beside the
mat. Raising a plate above her head, she struck it repeatedly with
a small head-axe, to call attention of the spirits. [129] Then she
began to chant and wail calling the spirits to enter her body. After
two or three moments of song, she was possessed by a spirit, who
announced that his name was Ibalinsogwan. He placed a rooster at one
end of a spear, and a bundle of rice at the other, did a short dance,
and departed. The mediums then seated themselves on opposite sides
of the jar of _basi_; each drank of the liquor, and the chant began
again. Spirit after spirit took possession of one of the mediums,
who then conversed with the other, asked questions concerning the
patient, or other matters, and occasionally offered advice. Before
his departure, each spirit would drink of the _basi_.
The members of the family were present during most of the day; friends
came, and went as they pleased, stopped to listen to or talk with
the spirits, drank _basi_, and then went about their work.
Early the second morning, the mediums went to a bound pig in the house,
and after placing betel-nut on its back, they poured water into its
ear. This caused the animal to shake its head; and, as the water was
thrown out, one of the mediums caught it in her hand, and applied it to
the sick woman, at the same time chanting, "Go away sickness, be thrown
out like this water; let this person be well, for she is now following
the custom." As soon as she had finished, two men carried the animal to
the river bank, where they killed and singed it. Upon their return to
the house, they removed and carefully examined its liver; for, by the
markings on it, the people were assured that the spirits were pleased
with the manner in which the ceremony was being conducted, and hence
the prospects for the patient's recovery were very bright. _Gipas_,
the dividing, followed. An old man divided the pig with the medium,
but by sly manipulation managed to get a little more than she did. A
betel-nut, beeswax, and a lead net-sinker were tied together with
a string, and were divided, but again the old man received a little
more than his share. Betel-nut was offered to the pair. Apparently
each piece was the same, but only one was supplied with lime, and
the mortal secured that. He then challenged the medium to see whose
spittle was the reddest. Both expectorated on the head-axe, but since
the spittle of the medium was not mixed with lime, it was uncolored. In
all instances the human being came out victor over the spirit, who
sought to take the woman's life. Hence her recovery was assured.
A new spirit possessed the medium, and under her directions the
family was placed beneath a blanket, and a coconut was cut in two over
their heads. In addition to the fluid of the nut, water was emptied
over them, "so that the sickness would be washed away." As soon as
the family emerged from the blanket, they went to their _balaua_,
[130] and offered food, after which the medium again summoned several
spirits. From this time until well into the evening, the guests danced
_tadek_, stopping only to be served with food and drink.
The morning of the third and last day was spent in preparing food and
other offerings, which were placed on a mat and left, for a time, to be
used by the immortals. Later the offerings were consumed by the guests,
and the medium summoned the spirit Agkabkabayo. This being directed
four men to carry the blanket on which the medium was seated to the
_balaua_, when they were met by another medium, possessed by the spirit
Balien. For a time they busied themselves making repairs to the spirit
structure, then decorated it by tying strips of shredded coconut leaves
to the slats of the floor. They also attached leaves to the _kalang_
(cf. p. 310), and inserted betel-nut and leaf. The final act of the
ceremony was to prepare four _soloko_ (cf. p. 310). In the first was
placed a half coconut; in the second was rice mixed with blood; in
the third cooked flesh of a fowl; and in the last were four stalks
of rice, and some pine-sticks. One was placed at each gate of the
town as an offering, and the people returned to their homes.
As payment for their services, the mediums received a small portion
of the pig, some rice, beads, a little money, and cloth.
The acts and conversation of the spirits when summoned in _Dawak_
are well illustrated by the following.
A woman of Lagangilang was ill with dysentery; and a medium, in this
instance, a man, was instructed to make _Dawak_. He began summoning
the spirits by striking a dish with his head-axe. Soon he covered
his face with his hands, began to sway to and fro, and to chant
unintelligible words. Suddenly he stopped and announced that he was
the spirit Labotan, and that it was his wish that blood and rice
be placed on a head-axe, and be laid on the woman's abdomen. Next
he ordered that they should feed some rice to the small pig which
lay bound on the floor. "If he eats, this is the right ceremony,
and you will get well," he said. The pig refused the food, and, after
expressing regret that he was unable to help, the spirit departed, to
be succeeded by Binoñgon. He at once directed that the pig be killed,
and the palpitating heart be put on the woman's stomach, and then
be pressed against each person in the room, as a protection against
illness. At first he refused to drink the liquor which was offered to
him, for it was new and raw; but when he learned that no other could be
obtained, he drank, and then addressed the patient. "You ate something
forbidden. It is easy to cure you if the spirits have made you ill;
but if some one is practising magic, perhaps you will die." With
this cheering message the spirit departed, and Ayaonwán appeared. He
directed an old woman to feed rice and water to the patient, and
then, without further advice, he said, "The other spirits do not
like me very well, so I cannot go to their places. I went to their
places, but they said many bad words to me. I offered them _basi_,
but they did not wish to take; so I asked the way, and they showed
me to the other spirits' place. I was poor, and had nothing to eat
for noon or night. When I was in the road, I met many long snakes,
and I had to push them apart so I could walk. And I met many eels,
and asked of them the road; but the eels bit me, and took me into
their stomachs, and carried me to Luluaganan to the well there; then
I died. The people, who go to the well, say, 'Why is Ayaonwán dead? We
have a bad odor now;' and the eels say, 'Whose son is this?' and they
rubbed my dead spirit, and I received life again. Then I took blood
and rice with me to the sky to the other eels to make _Sayang_. The
eels gave me gold for my wrists; the monkeys gave me gold for my teeth
and hair; the wild pig gave me bracelets. There is much more I can
tell you, but now I must go." The spirit departed, and a new one was
summoned. This spirit took the spear in his hand, and after chanting
about the illness of the woman, he drank _basi_ out of a dish, sitting
on the head-axe. Then singing again he dipped the spear in the oil,
and allowed it to fall drop by drop on the stomach of the sick woman;
later he touched the heads of all present with the spear, saying,
"You will not be sick any more," and departed.
_Pináing_ or _Pináding_ (Plate XXX).--At the gate or entrance of
nearly every village will be found a number of peculiarly shaped,
water-worn stones, either beneath a small shelter, or nestling among
the roots of some great tree. These are the "guardian stones," and
in them lives Apdel ("the spirit who guards the town"). Many stories
cluster about these _pináing_, [131] but all agree that, if proper
offerings are made to them at the beginning of a great ceremony;
when the men are about to undertake a raid; or, when sickness is in a
nearby village, the resident spirit will protect the people under his
care. Thus it happens that several times each year a group of people
may be seen early in the morning, gathered at the stones. They anoint
the head of each one with oil, put new bark bands on their "necks,"
after which they kill a small pig. The medium mixes the blood of
the slain animal with rice, and scatters it on the ground while she
recites the story of their origin. Then she bids the spirits from
near and far to come and eat, and to be kindly disposed.
In Bakaok and some other villages it is customary for the medium
to summon several spirits at this time, and this is followed by the
dancing of _tadek_. The people of Luluno always hold a ceremony at
the _pináing_ before the planting of the rice and after the harvest.
Following this ceremony in the village of San Juan, a miniature raft
(_taltalabong_) was loaded with food and other presents, and was
set afloat, to carry provisions to any spirit, who might have been
prevented from enjoying the feast.
These stones are of particular interest, in that they present one
of the few instances in which the Tinguian associates supernatural
beings with natural objects.
_Saloko_ (Plate XXV).--Besides the houses, in the fields, and at
the gate of many villages, one often sees long bamboo poles with
one end converted into a basket-like receptacle. Offerings of food
and betel-nut are now found in them; but, according to some of the
older men, these were, until recently, used to hold the heads of
slain enemies, as is still the case among the neighboring Apayao.
The ritual of the _Saloko_ ceremony seems, in part, to bear out this
claim; yet the folk-tales and equally good informants assure us that
the heads were placed on sharpened bamboo poles, which passed through
the _foramen magnum_. It is probable that both methods of exhibiting
skulls were employed in the Tinguian belt.
Nowadays the _saloko_ found near to the villages are usually erected,
during a short ceremony of the same name, as a cure for headache. A
medium is summoned; and, after securing a chicken, she strokes it,
as she chants:
"You spirits of the _sagang_, [132] who live above.
"You spirits of the _sagang_, who live on the level ground.
"You spirits of the _sagang_, who live in the east.
"You spirits of the _sagang_, who live in the west.
"You Lalaman [133] above.
"You Lalaman on the wooded hill.
"You Lalaman in the west.
"If you took the head of the sick man,
"You must now grant him health, as you please."
The fowl is killed; and its blood, together with rice and some other
gift, is placed in the _saloko_, and is planted near the house or
gate. Oftentimes a string of feathers runs from the pole to the
dwelling, or to the opposite side of the gate. The family cooks and
eats the chicken, and the affected member is expected to recover at
once. Should the trouble persist, a more elaborate ceremony, probably
_Dawak_, will follow.
In some instances betel-nut prepared for chewing takes the place of
the fowl; rice-stalks hang from the sides of the basket, and bits of
pine are added "to make bright and clear." All of this is rubbed on
the patient's head, while the medium recites the _diam_.
_Bawi_, also called _Sinaba-an_ and _Ababong_.--This name is often
applied to the small houses built in the rice-fields for the spirit
Kaiba-an, but more commonly it refers to the little structures of
bamboo and grass, which nestle among the banana plantings near the
village (Plate XXII). When such a structure is built or repaired,
it is accompanied by a ceremony of the same name. The usual purpose
of this event is to cure sore feet, but in Patok and other valley
towns it is celebrated before the rice harvest and the pressing of the
sugar-cane, so that the spirits will keep the workers in good health,
and save them from injury.
One of the most common ailments is sore or cracked feet caused,
no doubt, by standing for long periods in the mud and water of the
rice-fields, and then tramping over the rough, hot trails to the
village. The Tinguian, however, know that the spirits, called Abat and
Selday bring about this affliction, unless they are kept in good humor,
and have something to occupy their time other than disturbing human
beings; hence these houses are built for them, suitable offerings are
placed inside, and finally a few banana suckers are planted close by,
so that the spirits will be kept busy caring for them.
The origin of the ceremony is ascribed to a woman of ancient
times, named Bagutayka, who, lacking certain organs, appears as an
outcast. She at first caused passers-by to have trouble with their
feet and limbs, but later taught them how to effect a cure by building
the _bawi_ and performing the ceremony. [134]
To-day, when a person is afflicted, he summons a medium, the
spirit-house is built, and then the following _diam_ is recited over
a rooster:
"You abat above,
"You abat in the ground,
"You abat in the corner of the house,
"You abat in the center pole,
"You abat below the stair,
"You abat in the door,
"You Selday in the wooded hill,
"You Selday above,
"Make the sick person well, if you please!" [135]
When the recital is finished, the fowl is killed, and its blood
mixed with rice is placed in nine dishes and one polished coconut
shell. From these it is transferred to nine other dishes and one
bamboo basket. These are placed in a row, and nine dishes and one
unpolished shell are filled with water, and placed opposite. In the
center of this double line is a dish, containing the cooked flesh
of the rooster, also some rice, and one hundred fathoms of thread,
while between the dishes are laid ten half betel-nuts, prepared for
chewing. Later, all these things are returned to a single receptacle,
except those in the shell cups and basket, which are placed in the
spirit-house. The underlying idea in this procedure seems to be that
frequently found in other ceremonies, namely, that food and water
symbolizes the life of the patient, which is partially taken away by
the spirits; but when they are returned to one place, the life must
be replaced in a like manner.
In Manabo a piece of banana bark is taken from one of the plantings
beside a _bawi_; and, after being washed in the water, is applied to
the affected limb.
The final act is to take a coconut husk, stick feathers in its sides,
and hang it beside the _bawi_ as a sign to all that the ceremony has
been held.
No spirits are summoned at this time, neither is there singing
or dancing.
_Bakid_. [136]--This ceremony is held to celebrate the completion
of a new dwelling, or to remove any bad sign, which may have been
received during the building operations.
The medium and her assistants fasten a bamboo pole or rattan cord
across one portion of the room, and on it place numerous pieces of
cloth-skirts, blankets, belts, a fish-net, and a quantity of false
hair. This serves first as an offering to the spirits, but it is also
explained that, if the immortals are unable to count all the gifts,
they will be powerless to injure the occupants of the dwelling. Should
an evilly disposed being desire to make trouble for the owner, he
must count every hair in the switches, as well as every hole in the
fish-net. Failing in this, he will be compelled by the other spirits
to celebrate the _Bakid_ ceremony five times at his own expense.
Beneath the line of offerings, a bound pig is laid; and, as she strokes
the side of the animal, with oiled fingers, the medium repeats a _diam_
[137] in which she tells of misfortunes of a family, which failed to
observe the signs sent by Kaboniyan, and of his instructions as to how
best to overcome their troubles. The family listens respectfully until
the story is finished, then they lift a door from its socket, place
it in the middle of the floor, and proceed to sacrifice the pig upon
it. Some of the blood is immediately sprinkled on the house timbers,
particularly those which may have given the builders trouble, either
in transportation, or during the erection of the structure. The greater
part of the blood is mixed with rice, and is dropped through the slits
in the floor, or scattered about for the spirits; while for an hour
or more a portion of the meat, the heart, and the head, are placed
below the offerings on the cord or on the house-beams. Later, these
portions will be cooked and served to the guests. Immediately after
the killing, the liver is removed, and is examined for a sign. Should
the omens be unfavorable, another animal will be killed, or the
family will celebrate _Sangasang_ within a few days. If the signs
are satisfactory, the host begins to distribute _basi_, and soon good
fellowship reigns. One after another of the guests sings the _daleng_,
in which they bespeak for the owner a long and prosperous life in his
new home. The _Bakid_ always ends with a feast, in which the flesh of
slaughtered animals plays the important part. Upon its completion, the
medium is given a portion of the meat, some unthreshed rice, and other
small gifts, as payment for her services. The guests return to their
homes, and for two or three days following are barred from entering
the new dwelling. During this period the family must remain indoors.
_Sangásang_.--_Sangásang_ is often so similar to the _Bakid_, that
one description might cover both. This is particularly true, if it
is held to remove a bad sign. Should a large lizard or a bird enter
a new building, it is considered as a messenger of Kaboniyan; and the
foregoing ceremony is carried out, the only variation being that the
bird or lizard is caught, if possible, is anointed with oil, a bead
is attached to a leg, and it is then released to go back to its master.
Continued misfortunes to the members of a household would also be an
excuse for the ceremony. In this instance, the only variation from the
procedure just given would be in the _diams_. The first to be recited
tells how the spirit Maganáwan sent many snakes and birds to the gate
of a town to demand the blood of a rooster mixed with rice. The people
celebrated _Sangásang_, and sent blood and rice to Maganáwan, who,
in turn, spat it out on the ground. As he did so, the sickness and
misfortunes of the mortals vanished. The second _diam_ [138] relates
a quarrel between the various parts of the house, each insisting on
its own importance. At last they recognize their mutual dependence,
and the people of the dwelling are again in good health. [139]
In Lumaba and nearby villages, unpleasant dreams, or a bad disposition
are overcome by a ceremony called _Sangásang_; but, as this varies
somewhat from the others, it is given in detail.
The medium, who is summoned for this event, calls for oil and a
rooster with long spurs. When these are brought, she strokes the fowl
with the oil, and chants the following _diam_. "There is a very old
woman in the sea, and she says to her spirits, who are Dapeg (a spirit
which kills people), Balingenngen (a spirit which causes bad dreams),
and Benisalsal (a spirit which throws things and is unpleasant), 'Go
beyond the sea and spread your sickness,' The spirits are going. They
arrive and begin their work, and if the people do not make _Sangásang_,
many will die. Now it is morning, and the spirits are going to the
river to see what the people have offered to the old woman, who is
Ináwen. If they do not find anything, they will say, 'All the people
in this town shall die,' and then they will go on to another place."
"Ináwen, who is waiting, sends Kideng (a servant) to search for
the spirits, who are killing people, to tell them to return. Dapeg
leaves the first town. He goes to another, and the dogs bark so that
the people cannot sleep. A man opens the door, to learn the cause of
the barking, and he sees a man, fat and tall, with nine heads, and
he carries many kinds of cakes. The man says, 'Now take these cakes,
and if you do not make _Sangásang_ for my mistress, at the river,
you shall die. You must find a rooster with long tail and spurs; you
must mix its blood with rice, and put it in the river at dawn when no
one can see you,' The man makes _Sangásang_ the next night, and puts
the blood, mixed with rice, in a well dug by the river, so that the
spirits may take it to their mistress. Kideng also arrives and says,
'you must come with me now, for she awaits you who are bearing this
offering.' They go and arrive. Their mistress eats and says, 'I did
not think that the blood of people tasted so badly, now I shall not
send you again, for you have already killed many people.'"
When this chant is completed, the chicken is killed, as directed
in the song; and at night the blood and rice are offered beside the
stream. [140] The chicken is eaten by the family, and its feathers
are tied to a string, stretched across the room. Leaves are attached
to the house-ladder as a warning that all visitors are barred, and
for three days the family remains quietly indoors.
_Sagobay_. [141]--This is one of the most widespread of the ceremonies,
for it not only covers the entire Tinguian belt, but extends into the
Igorot villages of the Upit river region and Ilocos Sur, as well as
into the Kalinga villages of the Malokbot valley.
Its occurrence in connection with the rice-culture is fully, described
elsewhere (cf. p. 400), so that at this place only its second function,
that of keeping illness from the town, is described.
When an epidemic appears in a nearby settlement, the _lakay_ summons
the old men in council, and they decide on the number of pigs, and
the amount of rice, _basi_, and other articles required, after which
the necessary funds are secured by levying a tax on all the people
of the village.
To keep the evil spirits, who bear the sickness, out of the town,
a cord of bamboo or rattan is stretched around the whole settlement,
while at the gate a high fence is erected. Through the uprights of
this fence are stuck bamboo spikes with the sharpened ends facing
outward, so as to catch or pierce the intruders (Plate XXVIII);
while in the _saloko_ and along the gateway are placed leaves, roots,
and other offerings acceptable to the friendly spirits. Similar cords
and leaves are also strung around the entrances to the houses.
The cord and gateway form an adequate protection, and no human
being or spirit will violate this taboo. Should a human do so, the
least penalty would be a tax sufficient to pay all the expense of
the ceremony; but should the sickness afterwards invade the town,
it is quite possible that more serious punishment might be exacted
by the families of the victims.
When all is prepared, the men and boys arm themselves, and with shouts
and hostile demonstrations drive the sickness toward the town whence it
is thought to come. [142] Returning to the center of the village, the
people dance _tadek_, and the mediums may summon several spirits. Next,
the pigs are killed, and their livers are examined for a sign. Should
the omens be unfavorable, one or more fowls will be sacrificed,
until it seems certain that the help of the spirits is assured,
after which the flesh is cooked and eaten. Then a small covered raft
_(taltalabong)_ is constructed, and a portion of the food is placed
inside. Late in the afternoon, this is carried through the village,
while one or more drummers keep up a din to frighten evil spirits
away. Just as the sun is sinking, the raft is carried to the river,
and is set afloat, in order that any interested spirits, who may have
been prevented from attending the ceremony, may still receive their
share of the offering. In Likuan a different explanation is offered
for the _taltalabong_. Here they say that the offerings are placed
on the raft, so as to induce any hostile spirits who may be near to
enter, and then they are carried out and away from the town.
The blood of the slaughtered animals has been saved, and upon their
return from the river the people dip leaves into it, and attach these
near to the doors of their dwellings. For at least one day following,
no work is done, and all visitors are barred. During this time the
people only converse in low tones, and take special precautions against
even animals making a noise. The beaks of roosters are tied, or they
are placed in small baskets, so that they cannot stand up to crow.
In Lakub a new house or protection is placed above the guardian stones,
and offerings are made to them at the time of the _Sagobay_, while
in Likuan the participants wear neck and ankle bands of bamboo as a
further protection from the sickness.
_Ngorong-or_.--Lumaba and the Tinguian villages of Ilokos Sur hold
this ceremony, whenever a person is seriously ill with stomach
trouble. As the rite does not extend far into the Tinguian belt,
but is found in the Igorot villages farther south, it seems likely
that it is an importation from that region.
The members of the family gather in the afternoon, and kill a small
pig by cutting off its head. A part of the blood is saved, and the
balance is sprinkled against the house posts and ladder. The pig
itself is hung from one round of the ladder, so that its blood will
drip to the ground. The medium has been standing quietly to one side
watching, but now she calls upon the spirits, "You (calling one or
more by name), come out; be vomited up, for now you are being fed." She
allows them a few minutes for their repast, then cuts open the carcass
and removes the liver. A bit is cut from the top, then she splits open
the animal's skull, and removes a little of the brain. This she places
on a banana leaf; and, after adding a small piece of gold, wraps it up
and buries it beside the center post of the dwelling. The animal is
now cooked and served to the guests, but liberal portions are placed
on the house rafters and other places convenient for the spirits.
Next morning a piece is cut from a dog's ear, is smeared with blood,
and is placed in a small split bamboo, together with two stalks of
rice. A clout is tied to a spear, and all are rubbed on the body of
the patient, while the medium explains that this is the betel-nut
of the spirits, and that, when she takes it from the village, they
will go also, and the recovery be assured. The family follows her to
the gate of the town, and watches closely, as she thrusts the spear
and pole into the ground; for if they are firmly set in the ground,
yet lean away from the village, it is certain that the spirits have
departed, and the sick will recover.
Following the ceremony, members of the family may not work for
five days, neither may they lead a horse or carabao, or eat of wild
meat. Should they do any of the things forbidden, they will be struck
by lightning.
_Sapatá the Oath_.--If a theft has been committed, and it has been
impossible to detect the guilty person, the following procedure
takes place. A rice-mortar is placed in the yard, and on it a dish of
_basi_. All the people are summoned to gather, and one by one they
drink of the liquor, meanwhile calling on the snakes to bite them,
the lightning to strike them, or their abdomens to swell up and burst
if they are guilty. Soon the people will know the culprit, for one
of these disasters will befall him. When that occurs, his family
will be compelled to make good the theft, as well as the expense of
this gathering.