RETURN TO THE SEABOARD.
_Monday, February_ 15, 1864.—We rose at dawn, ready to depart. Our
porters, however, were, as usual, dispersed about the town, or drinking
the King’s rum, or quarrelling over his cowries, whilst the Reverend was
settling the last accounts with Harpagon, our landlord. Vain were
threats, the stick was vainer, as the carriers would only have run away.
At last we collected a party of three hammock-men, and passed rapidly
out of the red mud-walled box, where we had been closeted for fifty-six
days. We felt some natural elation, although setting out upon what was
fated to be the most comfortless march which I had made in Africa. The
old Meu had been commanded by the King to supply us with bearers; but,
not being bribed, he had found it better to forget the order.
Everything, therefore, fell into the wildest confusion.
This time, by way of variety, we chose the Toffo, or western road, which
anastomoses with the straighter main line at Hen-vi, and which, during
the rains, is preferred by travellers.
The path, at first familiar to us, passed through the Uhun-jro market-
place, and by the Komasi Palace, where our patience had been so often
sorely tried; thence it struck into the open country. All was sunburnt,
and, in many places, black with the fires whose smoke and glare, rolling
up from the east and south-east, had not unfrequently, during the last
fortnight, rendered my observations unreliable. At 8 A.M. we left on the
right hand a bush market-place, under a shady tree, near some mat huts,
scattered over the rough palm plantation—hereabouts the normal view. It
rejoiced in the high-sounding name of Adanda-hogi-huto-gon,[267] namely,
the place of the man that slew Adanda-hogi. We had no cowries wherewith
to buy water; but the Sin-no in the fields readily gave us a draught in
exchange for a cigar. Shortly afterwards we crossed a fiumara-bed,
tending northwards: it is called Hun-to-nun, or canoe-water, and there
are traditions that it once floated boats. The bed probably supplies the
element in pot-holes at all seasons, and the ground on both sides is
exceptionally stony. At 10 A.M., after 3h. 40m. (equal to ten miles) of
“walking and tieing” our single hammock, we made Ahwansu-gon, the place
of Ahwansu, a straggling village in the bush, landmarked from afar by
magnificent bombax trees.
The servants had been sent on, after East-Indian fashion, the night
before, to prepare breakfast.[268] Mensa Cook, two hulking school-
pupils, Nahum and “Laja” (Elijah), with four slave boys, dashed by the
King, were under charge of the bibacious Hinton. Uncontrollable as wild
asses, they had walked off with only their own bags and boxes, and,
reaching the first village, they had fallen asleep in some distant hut,
where we found them with great difficulty, and roused them with greater.
When in the anger of hunger we called for food, nothing was forthcoming.
The better to abate that nuisance, the rascal Hinton was ordered to
carry his effects himself—he preferred to remain three days behind until
he could hire a porter.
We had nothing to do but to sit under the fig-trees that formed the
market-place, and to watch the domesticalities of the scene. There was
scant regard for apparently poor travellers. A witty Persian book, the
“Al-Namah,” defines Al-Hich, or “The Nothing,” to be a Mogol walking
(not riding) in India. The word is equally applicable to the “mean
white” in Africa without a hammock, unless he is on fighting errand.
Jenny Johnson, however, a Makhi woman, who had been brought up at S’a
Leone, but who, having married and settled here, had forgotten nearly
all her English, showed us the little civilities of offering maize and
manioc. The supply of comestibles was limited to a goat, a few balls of
Akansan, palm nuts, and water—the latter apparently the article most in
demand. The dogs were almost all neutered, which must be as good a plan
as the vow of perpetual celibacy for inducing a modified monomania.
After 3 P.M. the rest of the party straggled in, many with unshod feet
lamed by the sun. Our score of laggard hammock-men came up sneakingly,
and were threatened with docking of pay in case of their repeating the
trick.[269] We could not help again remarking, with a cynical pleasure,
that every rag, every empty bottle—even the broken drum and the cowrie-
board belonging to the blacks who had been so long eating our salt, and
to their master, had been brought on, whilst our five bags and boxes,
the latter containing all our books and instruments, had been left
behind. “It is all right,” quoth the Reverend, “I have left the things
in charge of Yamojia, the eunuch, who will be here with them soon.” “But
until every single item appears, O Reverend! we leave not this place.”
Of course the eunuch joined us at nightfall without a load, and of
course I also kept my word. Otherwise our properties might have been in
Agbome to this day.
At 4 P.M., when the east wind had sunk the mercury to 85 deg. (F.), the
market began to disperse, and the drums to appear. With the
characteristic negro impudence, which ever pierces through Dahoman
politeness, we were directed to remove from under our favourite tree,
and naturally we did not. Presently a wild-goose line of old and ugly
Nesu women, first three and then nine, defiled into the shady space, and
danced round the fetish hut. The _prima donna_ was a very dark and
ancient sybil, in a white night-cap; the greater number had red, white,
or coloured fillets, and two wore broad brims, with coquettish little
steeple crowns that contrasted oddly with the vast expanse of sooty
cheek and jowl below. Five of the superiors held cow-tails, and their
ornaments were armlets of single cowries, divided by black seeds or red
beans, and long belts of similar material crossing their ample covered
bosoms. Being engaged in a very serious and religious exercise, they
averted their heads and ignored us like the younger and more shame-faced
sort of nun. The vulgar made “Ububu,” knelt before them, and rubbed
their foreheads against the reverend feet, whose owners bending low,
passed the open right hand over the laical occiput, and thus frictioned
a blessing.
We slept soundly through a fine moonlight night in the lukewarm air,
with the satisfactory feelings of men suddenly transported from Newgate
to a yacht in the Mediterranean.[270]
_Tuesday, February_ 16.—Having sent back, before midnight, the eunuch
and my krumen, I was not surprised to see them again at dawn: all were
pining for the coast. At 7 A.M. we set out and crossed the outskirts of
the Agrimé, or Great Swamp, over land here boggy, there cultivated, and
rich in pine apples and wild solaneæ. High grasses then led us to Gome,
the usual bush village scattered on both sides of the path: the next,
lying on our left, and distant but a few yards, was Sémén; whilst a
third, to the right, was named Akiza’-agbamen, the Broom in the Swamp.
We then fell into a depression, where cracked mud-flakes showed that
water had been, and would soon be again there. A few yards of rising
ground then introduced us, after a march of an hour, equal to four
miles, to the De-nun or Frontier Custom-House, whose “captain” lay on
his back in aristocratic repose, his head pressing a soft Palmyra log,
and a child playing between his legs as he watched for want of other
work, the ducks, the fowls, the poor devil-niggers and ourselves.
The Harmattan still swept the air clear of cloud, threatening a torrid
sun, whilst the thermometer stood at 83 deg. (F.), and the aneroid
showed a descent of more than 350 feet. We hurried our breakfast, the
more energetically as no food was to be bought at the De-nun; and at 10
A.M. we addressed ourselves to the Swamp. In some places, the burnt
grass and trees robbed the road of shade, and in others we were canopied
over with verdure. The flooring, everywhere hardened by water, was bad
for the bearers’ feet, but it was a decided improvement upon the Eastern
or Agrime line. After forty minutes (equal to 1·50 mile), we made the
Chito, a deep gully trending from east to west, with a southerly bend.
The black earthy banks of this swamp-drain are steep, and 15 feet high.
Slatey and almost stagnant water stands at the present season in pools
at the bottom, whilst the remnants of a bridge show the current to be
deep and strong during the rains. The Chito, under a dense avenue of
giant trees, was as algid as it was impure, but a dip in Dahome is a
rarity and a luxury.
After the Chito, the path became tortuous, and to the eastward there had
been a huge bush-fire, whose effects, in smoke and radiation of heat,
still lasted. The sun became fiery—so did the ground, undefended by
vegetation, and a gadfly, like the Tsetse, revenged us upon the lazy and
laggard bearers. At noon, after 1h. 40m. (equal to three miles) from the
De-nun, a roar of voices arose from Koje, a well-known market place near
the southern edge of the swamp. It was a round hole cut clear in the
bush, paved with hard mud and dotted with sheds, and logs for sitting.
The aneroid still showed only 350 feet below Agbome, but the
thermometer, though the breeze was fine, had risen to 94 deg. (F.) in
the shade. The business seemed to be brisk, and we bought some tolerable
palm wine.
Leaving Koje at 12.30 P.M., along a similar but a straighter path,
hedged in by the tallest grasses, we soon emerged, as tall single trees
growing upon sandy ground informed us, from the Great Agrime Swamp.
After an hour of gradual up-slope, we saw on our right or westward well
wooded ridges and high broken ground rolling away towards the blue
distance. The nearer surface was greener, and the palms were thicker
than about Agbome. The beauty of the Toffo plateau has not been
exaggerated. It is supposed to contain gold, and it is all gold.
Unfortunately, it is in the vulture claw of Dahome, and the officials of
the capital have mostly houses and grounds where their palm-oil is made.
According to the History, the “Tuffoes,” in the days of Agaja the Great,
attacked, plundered, and murdered a peaceful caravan of Dahomans,
passing through their lands. The merciless king justly attacked them,
captured 1800 prisoners, and sold or sacrificed them all. In a foot-note
we are informed “Tuffoe, Tafoe, or Tafu, is an inland country of the
Gold Coast, nearly south-west of Abomy, ten or twelve leagues to the
northward of Rio Grande, and at about sixty leagues, or six days’
journey, from Ardra.[271]” The tribe that inhabits it is called Aizoh,
and is now blended with the Dahoman; and between them and Agbome I would
place the “Croo-too-hoon-too” people of Mr. Dalzel. The last dissyllable
is evidently a corruption of the “Hun-to” fiumara, which we crossed
yesterday.
After 1h. 40m. (equal to four miles) we halted at the Toffo market-
place, a few tattered sheds to the left of the path. Several of the
morning’s _corvée_ were women, and they had lagged behind, footsore.
Resolving, therefore, to halt, we walked for about half a mile to the
town of Toffo, by a slow incline, on both sides of which rose dark palm
trees, ruffed and sometimes double ruffed, with bright fern-tufts, and
sheltering gay verdure, spangled with lilies. The settlement is the
normal Dahoman, but comparatively clean and well built. The aneroid
proved that we were but a hundred feet below Agbome, and though the
thermometer was 99 deg. (F.), the wind was fresh and the air was
elastic. I was visited by an old Hausa Moslem, whom the king had made
chief of the Tokko village lying to the west. He brought his wife and
his books, but, alas! he turned the latter upside down. The night was
charming, and at 6 A.M. the mercury stood at 73 deg. (F.): it was our
last experience of cool and dry skin. Adieu, “Sanitas!”
_Wednesday, February_ 17.—At 6 A.M. we left the fresh crisp air of
Toffo. The bush path took a generally south-eastern direction, over
ridgy ground, all ascents and descents. After about three miles, a
plantation of palms and bananas led us to the Ajagbwe, a streamlet with
sandy and pebbly bed, flowing westward, and not quite so deep as the
Chito: it was a poor thing, but a pleasure to see. On the rising ground
beyond it lay the settlement of Koli: we observed sundry aged and
doubtless pious matrons on their knees at matins, before the fetish hut:
unfortunately, for sentiment, they were also on their hands.
Beyond Koli, the bush again became dense, except where it had been
cleared away for cultivation, and cardamoms everywhere appeared. The
number of market people had made the path hard and slippery. At last a
long descent led us, after two hours (equal to five miles), to the town
of Hen-vi—Hold the Child—on the main road.
We had now returned to the climate of the plains: the thermometer
showed, in the shade, 75 deg. (F.), and the aneroid 778 feet below
Agbome. At Hen-vi the water was, as usual, vile, and two shillings were
refused for the leanest of chickens. The road was crowded with soldiers
hurrying up to the war, and there were many chain-gangs of unwilling
men. Some of the passing caboceers attempted, but in vain, to seize our
carriers, and even our hammock-bearers. The latter became every day more
troublesome, and whenever they mutinied the Reverend begged a dollar and
some rum to smooth their tempers. The huts, built at every hundred to
two hundred yards for the late firing at Whydah, had almost all been
burned down, and the villages were foul with fetish, dead dogs
sacrificed for good luck, and poultry slain by order of Afa. We halted
for so short a time at Allada, that we passed without knowing the Prince
Chyudaton, who was marching northwards. I regretted thus losing the
opportunity of having with him a few last words. The evening saw us at
Azohwe where not a chicken was to be bought, and where only one old man
was left to guard the women and children. What an opportunity to attack
Whydah, or even Agbome!
_Thursday, February_ 18, 1864.—We slept in the open, through a fine cool
and dewless night. Before dawn, the Reverend, greatly dejected, awoke us
with the tidings that all Whydah had been burned down yesterday.
Naturally believing about a quarter of what was told us, we mounted
hammocks, and in hot haste hurried through Toli and Savi. Arrived at
Sogro’s House, and just catching the morning sparkles of the sea, we saw
at a glance that the damage had been extensive, and that the
conflagration had not ceased. We wound south-westwards through the
streets, where women were weeping, and carrying off their kit: as we
approached the centre of danger we saw, at long intervals, men sitting
upon their roofs with green boughs, to extinguish the sparks. Volumes of
hot heavy smoke barred our road, and a crowd of natives opposed our
passing through the Zobeme market, which was still a fire. We wound
round by the north, avoiding as best could the burning poles lying on
the ground, and the lighted straws that filled the air. All the
circumspection was required: in these places the flames run with a
horse’s speed.
We were happy to find the English Fort still standing, the inmates safe,
and their property carried into the compound. The mulattoes were
patrolling with drawn swords, to prevent plunder, and they had, we were
told, exerted themselves to turn off the fire. But all went “hithering
and thithering”; wherever a servant was ordered to do _this_, he
forthwith did _that_; and my opinion was, that with the least change of
wind the Fort would have inevitably been burned. The Whydahs afterwards
declared that they had no idea why that house should have been the only
building saved in the vicinity, and lest they might attempt to correct
the exceptional nature of the phenomenon, I employed every wakeful hour
at night in looking out with a loaded carbine.
The conflagration began, no one knows how, on February 17th, near the
house of the late M. Josè D. Martinez: it was about noon, and the strong
Harmattan had already lasted two days. The fire swept, in a broad
straight band, from east to west. Sparing the northern quarter, it
gutted the house of the Chacha de Souza, who, when informed of the
calamity, nearly died with rage, like his brother chief. Of the French
Factory, nothing was left but the slated and lime-washed frontage. The
_gérant_ had prudently started all his gunpowder into the well, but the
loss in palm oil and stores must have been heavy—men named 300,000
dollars.
Apparently extinguished before sunset on the 17th, the fire again broke
out at 8 P.M. The worst reports spread through the town, and all looked
for some terrible disaster. Again, at 10 on the next morning, about
three hours before our arrival, it appeared in the very heart of the
settlement, all about the English Fort, sweeping away the Zobeme bazár,
and doing damage to the northwards of the yesterday’s line. Even the
late Mr. Hutton’s quondam house was not spared, and it was “_murus
proximus ardet_” with Mr. Bernasko’s homestead. These fires are common
enough in Yoruba towns—Lagos, for instance, where want of space compels
men to build closely—but three fires in three days wore a suspicious
appearance. Those whose houses were first seen in flames were imprisoned
at the Yevo-gan’s quarters, but they were not proved to be the real
arsonists.[272]
According to the French missionaries, from sixty to eighty people lost
their lives. Negro like, they watched the advancing flames incuriously
till their roofs caught fire, when they would rush inside the house to
carry off a cloth or a pipkin. Some two hundred were wounded, and two-
thirds of the town appeared either burnt down or reduced to scorched
clay-walls. This does not include the casualties amongst the slaves:
many of the wretches were confined in barracoons, and there being no one
to release them, they perished miserably. To make the confusion greater,
the death of the Yevo-gan was rumoured,[273] and his successor the
Prince, was, I have said, absent. Though the roads were at once stopped,
many will fly from this modern Sodom and Gomorrah.
* * * * * *
I passed at Whydah a few quiet days, chiefly in the society of the
French Mission. On February 23, 1864, tidings reached the fort that the
King had set out on his campaign. Three days afterwards I transferred
myself to H.M.S. Jaseur, Commander Grubbe, who had the pleasant prospect
of a tour round the Oil Rivers. Mr. Cruikshank shipped on board his own
vessel, H.M.S. Philomel, Commander Wildman. After the scenes and chances
through which we had passed during the last ten weeks, I parted from him
with regret.
“Enough! now turn from that polluted shore.”
[Footnote 267: Some of these names, ending in -gon, have an East-Indian
twang; but it is an accidental and superficial resemblance between the
Hindustani “gaon” (a village), and the Ffon “gon” (a place).]
[Footnote 268: In a previous page I have said that the negro is the best
of slaves, and the worst of servants: this will illustrate what I mean.]
[Footnote 269: At Whydah I was obliged, in several cases, out of the two
dozen that accompanied us, to carry out the threat. This is an
unpleasant duty, which the traveller owes to those who may come after
him. The African even thinks the last day’s good conduct enough to wipe
away all his previous sins. It is well that he should learn his mistake.
On this occasion the badly behaved were sent off campaigning without a
present, whilst the others were liberally paid. I venture to say that
the next visitor to Agbome will thank me for this severity.]
[Footnote 270: I would willingly have spent another month at Agbome; but
all those around me were wild with impatience to escape, and the emotion
is contagious.]
[Footnote 271: R. 34.]
[Footnote 272: In former days, according to Captain John Adams, the
Dahomans, like the Fantis, always put to death the man in whose house a
destructive fire first broke out.]
[Footnote 273: He soon recovered enough to summon me to his house, on
the pretext that the King had appointed me governor of English Town. The
invitation was declined—_not_ with thanks.]
CONCLUSION.
The reader may not be unwilling to hear something of the catastrophe
which included the negro Epos of the preceding pages. The following
details are, I think, reliable: they are borrowed from the local prints,
whose information has been corrected by subsequent inquiry.
Rumours of the intended Dahoman attack had long been rife at
Abeokuta.[274] This year, the useless ditches were cleaned out, the
wretched walls were raised and repaired, and to avoid the necessity of
guarding a long line on the opposite bank of the Ogun river, a new
parapet was thrown up on the near side. Stores of shot and powder were
plentifully laid in, although for many months Lagos had refused to
supply ammunition; the farmers were ordered to remove all their produce
from the line of Dahoman march, and all the villages between Abeokuta
and “the Lagoon” were deserted. The Ibashorun,[275] or Commander-in-
Chief, took up his residence near the walls; scouts, sent out in all
directions, brought in, on March 13, a Dahoman deserter, and on the 20th
the public crier was sent round to warn all the inhabitants of the
impending danger.
As has been said, on February 22[276] the Dahoman army left Agbome.
Their stations were—1, Chotonun, where they halted four days; 2,
Kurugba; 3, Aisunun; 4, Wonun; 5, Zirigbonun; 6, Aisocho-gon; and 7,
Isume. Between the two latter they crossed the Opara River, the boundary
between Dahome and Abeokuta. Ensued, 8, Refurefu, where they crossed the
Iyewa streamlet, in the land of Okeadon: as it was deep, though narrow,
they either repaired or made a bridge over it. The 9th station was
Besho, the 10th Jiga, a little district belonging to the chief Akodu,
where they stayed four or five days. Thence (11) they encamped near the
Owiwi River, about twelve miles distant from their destination, and
running between Igbara and Ishagga, scenes of their former triumphs.
From the Owiwi River they marched (12) to Aro, by moonlight, intending,
like wild beasts, to spring upon the enemy unawares, but they were seen
by some people bathing in the Ogun river.
Thus the Dahoman army expended twenty-two days—twelve of work, marching
from 6 A.M. to 2 P.M., and ten of rest—upon the hundred and twenty
direct miles between the two capitals. They suffered severely from want
of food, living on hard beans, parched rice, onions, and roasted palm-
nuts. Many of them ate nothing but a little cassava for twenty-four
hours before the attack. They marched in four battalions, under the Min-
gan, the Meu, the new Ajyaho, and the Po-su,[277] and each caboceer had
his umbrella, his flag, and his stool. Their forces were generally
estimated at 10,000 to 12,000, including carriers, and the maximum named
is 16,000, which we may readily reduce to half. They were accompanied by
three brass six-pounders, one of Spanish manufacture, bearing date
“Mexico, 1815.[278]” There are conflicting reports concerning the King:
some declare that he was not with the army, which was led by his
brothers; others say that he did not cross the Ogun River; others that
he approached the city wall, having left a force behind him at Igbara,
lest the Ibashorun should fall upon his rear.
After their twelve miles’ march on the Monday night, the Dahomans
refreshed themselves in the Ogun River. A fighting draught of rum and
gunpowder was then served out to them, and many are said to have
betrayed its effects. The morning of Tuesday, March 15, 1863, was dull
and foggy, and at 6.30 A.M. the attacking party crossed the river, under
cover of the mist. They were presently perceived. The Abeokutan cannon
at the Aro gate fired repeated signals. In a few minutes the Egbas, who
had been all night at the walls, were swarming by thousands at their
defences. Inside the town, men hustled in all directions to the fight:
the missionaries had some trouble in retaining a single servant for the
purpose of serving out ammunition to their friends. The Egbas lined the
wall from Agbameya to Aro, and only four townships—Ijeun, Ikemta, Itoku,
and Oba—numbering one division, prepared to engage, the other two _corps
d’armées_ remaining at their posts, as it was reported that the enemy
would make three independent attacks. The men amused themselves with
throwing up their muskets and catching them, whilst the women sang and
danced. The latter behaved well throughout a trying time, carrying,
spirits, water, and food to the fighters, and some, arming themselves
with swords, kept near the walls in case they were wanted.
Not much encouraged by this reception, the Dahomans still advanced
steadily, and in a dense body, over the hollow and broken ground,
towards the gate where Gezo had met his defeat.[279] The Egbas had
tunnelled their walls in many places, enabling them to sally out and to
retire when convenient. A body of 400 braves leapt forth to engage the
enemy upon the plain, but as they came on without returning their fire,
they withdrew, true to their tactics, through their excavations. At this
moment, an Abeokutan cannon was fired and dismounted from its carriage,
so as to incapacitate it from further use. The effect however, was to
make the attacking party swerve to the right, where the wall was higher,
and which therefore was supposed to have no defenders.
When within two hundred yards of the wall, the Dahomans displayed their
banners,[280] and deployed in three bodies—one opposite the Aro gate,
and the other two to its left: as was proved by the casualties, the
centre was the best led. The line, about 700 yards long, then advanced
within 300 to 400 feet of the defences, and a column, supposed to number
3000, arrived within half that distance. No breach was ever attempted.
Did they expect to see the defences fall like the walls of Jericho?
The battle began at 7 A.M. with such a fusillade as Abeokuta has seldom
heard. A tall stout warrior, dressed in blue, probably the Gau, or
Commander-in-Chief, gave the signal to attack. The Dahomans obeyed by
the usual impetuous rush, but as they approached the wall, their enemy
poured a heavy volley into their serried ranks, and checked the general
progress. For half-an-hour the firing was kept up in such quick
succession, that it was impossible to distinguish the Dahoman from the
Egban musket reports. Under cover of the smoke, many of the attacking
party lodged themselves in the moat, hoping to surprise the wall, whilst
the defenders, principally men of Ijeun, were prevented by the hot fire
outside from taking aim at them. Some of the most desperate, especially
the Amazons, threw large stones at the enemy, and snatched away six
muskets that were pointed at them; others furiously scaled the wall, and
were dragged over and slain by the Egbas. Some crept through the
tunnels, and were instantly decapitated. One woman, who had lost an arm
in the escalade, shot an Egba with the other hand, and fell back sabred
into the trench. Three other Amazons, who had planted their banners on
the defences, were cut down, and their heads and hands were exhibited on
poles, with shouts of victory. This fighting at pistol distance lasted
for an hour, during which seventy to eighty Dahomans fell in the trench;
and of the Egbas ten to fifteen were killed and forty wounded. It ended,
in fact, the attack.
At 8.30 A.M. the Dahomans, whose officers deserved to be hung, retired
about two hundred yards from the walls. Some sat down, and the others
kept up a hopeless fire. The Egbas were ordered to keep their places,
lest the rush and the retreat might be a feint. Many of the young men,
however, could not be restrained from an attack in the open, when the
Dahomans again aroused themselves. The Egbas retired, and only small
parties were sent out. Gradually, the Dahomans fell back upon the valley
of the Ogun. Arrived at Aro, they kept up a sharp fire for some time,
repulsing the assailants, and capturing three Egbas, who were, however,
soon recovered. As no proper arrangements were made for the attack, so
no measures had been taken to secure retreat.
About 10 A.M. a large reinforcement from the Agbameya Gate, after a
circuit of three hours, fell upon the Dahoman rear, when, after two vain
attempts to stand, all “skedaddled” in earnest. Another party from the
Ikija Gate also opened fire upon the enemy, after he had crossed the
river, and the Egba divisions at the Ishagga and Ibaka entrances marched
out to intercept the retreat, which, from the heavy fighting in the Ogun
valley, had now become a flight. Finally, the Egbas rushed _en masse_,
shouting victory, outflanking the foe right and left, and causing a
general “_sauve qui peut_.”
One division, in which it is supposed was the doughty King, went off
unopposed, having the start of the enemy. The other two were mixed, and
in confusion—many flying off the roads into the fields. When too hotly
pressed by the Egbas, they would turn and fire. Some refused to
surrender, and were killed; others dropped on the way, and were
captured; and others, fatigued by the march and the flight, were left
behind in the pursuit, to be recovered on the next day.
The rout was now complete. The want of water-all the streams being dried
up—and the mid-day sun told heavily upon the fugitives, who were faint
with famine, and footsore by running on the path sides. They no longer
kept together in large bodies. At Igbara they were attacked in flank by
another party of Egbas, who had taken a short cut across the river. Here
they lost many of their carriers, several hundreds of muskets—some quite
new—and a brass gun, which had burst at the muzzle. At 3 P.M. the
Ibashorun set out in person, and did not return from the pursuit till
the next day at noon.
The Dahomans made another faint stand at their deserted encampment, but
they were compelled to fly, losing a second brass field-piece, whose
vent wanted bushing, the royal wives, daughters, horse, sandals with
crosses of yellow metal, clothes, loads of coral and velvet, and sundry
carriages: here, too, were picked up decapitating razors, and the stores
of the King’s household and of his guards. Beyond Ishagga, which they
reached at 2 P.M., there was another severe encounter, but the Dahomans
had the worst of it. They made a stand at the Owiwi River, vainly
thinking to find water, and suffered severely. At Jiga they again met
the Egbas before nightfall, and their pursuit continued till the
fugitives, many of whom had marched thirty-five miles that day, reached
the Iyewa River. Here the Okeadon people had broken down the bridge. A
party, led by a son of the late chief, Anaba, killed 400 or 500 of their
survivors, who were so exhausted that they could not be brought back.
The King’s loss has been variously estimated. The Egbas reckoned “two
heads, twenty strings, and twenty cowries,” equal to 6821 men. The “Iwe
Irohin” more moderately declares—“From Abeokuta to Ishagga, a distance
of about fifteen miles, above 1000 were counted, whilst beyond that
place it is said that the number of dead was still greater. The
prisoners cannot be fewer than 1000 or 1200—some say above 2000.” In the
trench where the first attack was made, seventy to eighty bodies were
found in two places, and of those fifty were lost by the central
division. About fifty-five fell on the plain before the walls, and four
women within the defences: some say that the latter were brought in
captive, and killed. The Egbas cut all the bodies nearly to pieces—every
one, even the women, passing a Dahoman corpse, cursed, slashed, or
stoned it. The greatest destruction took place, of course, during the
rout. It was impossible to number the prisoners who were brought in by
various entrances at all times of the day and night, and many conveyed
to distant villages. Up to 2 P.M. of the battle-day, Tuesday, more than
200 were marched through the Aro Gate: after that hour they were brought
in much faster than before, and on the next day at an increased rate.
Many surrendered themselves, begging food; others, picked up in the bush
utterly exhausted, were sent in by the people of Jiga and Iketu, Otta
and Okeadon. Some of the prisoners, especially the captains, were put to
death on account of their violence. It was remarked that the greatest
part of the killed and wounded were men, and that of four captives only
one was born in Dahome. The total loss of the Egbas was about 40 killed
and 100 wounded.
A comparison between Gezo’s and Gelele’s attacks on Abeokuta gives the
measure of Dahoman decadence. In 1851, the King assaulted on both banks
of the Ogun, and the distance between the two points of the attack was
at least a mile. He fought from morning till night, and was driven back
but one mile to Aro, where he put to death fifty Egbas, who had been
picked up whilst farming. He fought again at Ishagga, preventing further
pursuit, and lost a total of 1200 soldiers. In 1864, Gelele attacks only
on one side of the river, which he crossed at Aro: he takes to flight,
in two hours, after losing 150 men. The place of the dead upon the field
of battle can be traversed in two or three minutes; the rout ends in a
“_sauve qui peut_,” to the Iyewa River; and finally he hardly kills any
of the enemy. Not more than one of ten Egbas fired a shot, and all were
surprised to see the Dahoman army so small, and fighting so badly: they
had harder work even at Ijaye.
According to the latest accounts, the incorrigible King at once bought a
number of slaves, and returned to his capital a conqueror. After three
weeks at Agbome, he despatched sundry of his brothers to drive and
kidnap the country north of Porto Novo. About mid-February there was a
report of his death. On May 6, 1864, he was living; but he was so
reduced in strength that he avoided all publicity.
Thus, in utter disgrace, ended the long-expected attack of the “Royal
Savage” upon Abeokuta. Many years must elapse before Dahome can recover
from the blow, and before that time I hope to see her level with the
ground.
[Footnote 274: When I visited Abeokuta in 1861, the chiefs, as well as
the people, showed great fear of Dahome.]
[Footnote 275: Meaning, literally, a king who manages Heaven; not, as a
correspondent of the _Times_ has asserted, “A king in Heaven, opening
out everything.”]
[Footnote 276: The local papers say 24th of February, which is a
mistake.]
[Footnote 277: The papers give the 4th battalion to the “Topo”; but the
Tokpo (chapter xiv.) is a common captain, and not of the blood-royal.]
[Footnote 278: Others say, “Seville, 1805.” They were mounted on Dahoman
carriages, and having been spiked, the touch-holes were greatly
enlarged.]
[Footnote 279: I have described this Negro Marathon in “A Flying Visit
to Abeokuta,” chapter iii.]
[Footnote 280: The “Iwe Irohin,” of Abeokuta (April, 1864), says that
the banners had “various distinguishing marks, as letters of the
alphabet; especially J. O. N. and P. were seen.”]
APPENDICES.
APPENDIX I.
* * * * *
ITINERARY.
FROM WHYDAH TO AGBOME.
CORRECTED BY CAPTAIN GEORGE, R.N., Royal Geographical Society of London,
and EDWIN DUNKIN, ESQ., Greenwich Observatory.
* * * * *
INSTRUMENTS.
1. ANEROID A (Pocket: Spencer, Browning & Co., London).
On first floor of Fort Whydah, 30·60, temp. 80°.
On return, after two months, 30·30, „ 91°.
2. ANEROID B (Full size: Negretti & Zambra, London).
On first floor of Fort Whydah, 30·45, temp. 80°.
On return 30·20, „ 91°.
FIRST DAY—DECEMBER 14, 1863.
From Fort Whydah to Toli, 3h. = 11 miles.
Stage 1.—From Whydah Fort to Savi, 1h. 30m. = 5 miles.
Started 8.20 A.M. In five minutes, out of town. After fifteen minutes
more, to Agbana water. In twenty minutes, to deep copse. At 9.50 A.M.,
Savi (Xavier of Mr. Norris).
Aneroid A, at 10 A.M., 30·50, temp. 85°.
„ B, „ „ 30·50, „ „
Altitude of Savi = 44 feet.
Stage 2.—From Savi to Toli (halfway to Allada), 1h. 30m. = 6 miles.
Started 2.30 P.M. Passed the Custom House, crossed the Savi swamp in
five minutes. Then Toli water. At 4 P.M., Toli (Toree of Mr. Norris).
Aneroid A, at 2.30 P.M., 30·35, temp. 92°.
„ B, „ „ 30·40, „ „
On return—
Aneroid A, at 6 A.M., 30·50, temp. 76°.
„ B, „ „ 30·35, „ „
Altitude of Toli = 180 feet.
SECOND DAY—DECEMBER 15, 1863.
From Toli to Allada, 3h. = 11 miles.
(Total from Whydah, 6h. = 22 miles.)
Stage 3.—From Toli to Azohwe, 1h. 45m. = 6 miles.
Started 6.45 A.M. Forest country, few clearings, path narrowed. At 8.25
A.M., Azohwe (Azohwee of Commander Forbes).
Aneroid A, at 9 A.M., 30·55, temp. 78°.
„ B, „ „ 30·30, „ „
On return—
Aneroid A, 30·00, temp. 950.
„ B, 30·07, „ „
Altitude of Azohwe = 144 feet.
Stage 4.—From Azohwe to Allada, 1h. 15m. = 5 miles.
Started 10.45 A.M. Land flat and wooded. Then large clearing. Denun, or
Custom House. At 12, Allada (Ardra, or Alladah, of old writers).
Aneroid A, at noon, 30·30, temp. 85°.
„ B, „ 30·20, „ „
On return—
Aneroid A, at 6 A.M., 30·30, tem. 79°.
„ B, „ „ 30·15, „ „
Altitude of Allada = 284 feet.
THIRD DAY—DECEMBER 16, 1863.
From Allada to Akpwe, 4h. = 13·50 miles.
(Total from Whydah, 10h. = 35·50 miles).
Stage 5.—From Allada to Henvi, 2h. = 6·50 miles.
Started 6.40 A.M. Bush and clearings; hot road. After 1 hour = 3 miles,
Attogon village.
Aneroid A, at 7·40 A.M., 30·30, temp. 80°.
„ B, „ „ 30·10, „ „
Altitude of Attogon = 316 feet.
Reached Henvi Asihwe at 8 A.M., 2·50 miles from Attogon.
Aneroid A, at 8·25 A.M., 30·25, temp. 79°.
„ B, „ „ 30·10, „ „
Altitude of Henvi Asihwe = 322 feet.
Reached Henvi Do-vo (Havee of Mr. Norris) at 8·45 A.M. Total time, 2h. =
6·50 miles.
Aneroid A, at 9 A.M., 30·30, temp. 80°.
„ B, „ „ 30·15, „ „
On return—
Aneroid A, at 9 A.M., 30·25, temp. 75°.
„ B, „ „ 30·10, „ „
Altitude of Henvi Do-vo = 287 feet.
Stage 6.—From Henvi to Akpwe, 2h. = 7 miles.
Started 10 A.M. After 50m., Whe-gbo. Forest land to edge of Agrimé
swamp. At 2 P.M., Akpwe (Appoy of Norris, Apoy of History).
Aneroid A, at 2 P.M., 30·05, temp. 94°.
„ B, „ „ 30·00, „ „
Next morning—
Aneroid A, at 5 P.M., 30·25, temp. 71°.
„ B, „ „ 30·02, „ „
Altitude of Akpwe = 417 feet.
FOURTH DAY.—DECEMBER 17, 1863.
From Akpwe to Agrime, 3h. = 11 miles.
(Total from Whydah, 13h. = 46·50 miles.)
Stage 7.—From Akpwe to Wondonun, 1h. 15m. = 5 miles.
Started 5.20 A.M. After 15 minutes = 1 mile, of good path, began the
Agrimé swamp. Two bad places, but no mud, at 6.45 P.M. Wondonun (name
not mentioned in History).
Aneroid A, at 7.15 A.M., 30·50, temp. 83°.
„ B, „ „ 30·30, „ „
Altitude of Wondonun = 134 feet.
Stage 8.—From Wondonun to Agrimé.
Started 7.45 A.M. After nearly 1h. = 2·50 miles, to little village,
Aiveji. Country improves, becomes more open, and rises northwards. At
9.25 A.M., Agrimé.
Time, 1h. 40m. = 6 miles.
Total march, 3h. = 11 miles.
Aneroid A, at 9 A.M., 30·50, temp. 83°.
„ B, „ „ 30·30, „ „
On the next day—
Aneroid A, at 4 P.M., 30·25, temp. 84°.
„ B, „ „ 30·15, „ „
Altitude of Agrimé = 232 feet.
FIFTH DAY—DECEMBER 18, 1863.
From Agrimé to Kana = 1h. 30m. = 6 miles.
(Total from Whydah, 14h. 30m. = 52·50 miles)
Stage 9.—Started 5·30 P.M. Road, hitherto north with easting, became
north with westing. After 50 m., at Fetish place, and 10 m. more to
Zogbodomen village. At 7 P.M. entered Kana (Calmina of History).
At Kana, in English House, December 19.
Aneroid A, at 8.30 A.M., 30·30, temp. 81°.
„ B, „ „ 20·20, „ „
Altitude of Kana = 271 feet.
SIXTH DAY—DECEMBER 20, 1863.
From Kana to Agbome = 2h. = 7½ miles.
(Total from Whydah, 16h. 30m. = 60 miles, and from the roads of
Whydah[281] = 62 miles).
Stage 10.—Started 3 P.M. Excellent road. At 3.50 P.M., Adan-we Palace.
At 4.45 P.M. reached the Kana Gate of Agbome (Agbomey of History). At 6
P.M. (slow walking) reached English house.
At Agbome, in English House, room facing eastward, mean of 60
observations—
Aneroid A, 29·65 }
} Average temperature (except when harmattan was
„ B, 29·55 } blowing) 81°.
By B. P. Ther. (good observations), 211° 25′, temp. 92°.
Altitude of Agbome = 1065 feet.
N.B.—The Aneroids seldom varied more than 0·05 above or below 29·65 and
29·55.
The difference between dry and wet bulbs was from 4° to 10°.
The Preface to the History places Agbome in N. lat. 7° 59′.
The History places it in N. lat. 9° 50′.
My observations of Sirius, corrected by Captain George, give a mean of
N. lat. 7°.
My sketch-map places Agbome four miles to the east of Whydah, _i.e._, E.
long. 2° 4′ 0″. Mr. Townsend makes Abeokuta in N. lat. 7° 8′ 0″, and in
E. long. 3° 20′ 0″. This would give an interval of 1° 15′ 0″ = 75
geographical miles, between Agbome and Abeokuta, agreeing with the
reports of the people that the distance can easily be done in a week.
[Footnote 281: According to Norris, N. lat. 6° 19′ 0″.
According to Captain Phillips (1694), N. lat. 6° 10′.
According to Norris, E. long. 2°.]
APPENDIX II.
_Rev. Mr. Bernasko’s Account Current with Captain Burton, H.M.S.
Commissioner, Dahomey._
_(From December 8th, 1863, to February 26th, 1864)._
£ _s._ _d._
Hammocks, from and to beach 1 15 3
Porters 0 9 0
Reception 1 7 0
60 Bags of Cowries, subsistence for hammocks, guide, 54 0 0
porters, and tents
7 Cases of Gin 7 17 0
9 Pieces of Cloth 4 1 0
Presents to the King 2 5 0
Presents to the English Mother 0 9 0
Presents to the Wife of the English Host 2 5 0
Selim’s ten days’ board 1 2 6
John’s seven months’ board and medical attendance 6 15 0
8 Guides’ Presents 2 18 6
John Beecham (pay to interpreter) 2 5 0
John Mark Lemon (pay to interpreter) 2 5 0
Cook 1 7 0
Servants 6 15 0
20 Porters 4 10 0
Paid to the French Factory, Liqueurs for King and 51 19 6
Chiefs
Paid to Mr. James Dawson, minor presents 5 8 0
Presents to the Blue and Fanti Companies 33 15 0
Presents to the Rev. P. W. Bernasko 11 5 0
Paid to 17 Hammock-men 11 9 6
1 Keg of 1-fifth Powder (salute at Whydah) 1 2 6
6 Krumen, with 4 Boys, one week’s subsistence 1 4 6
--------------
£218 10 3
APPENDIX III.
_Extract of a Letter from the Rev. Peter W. Bernasko, Native Assistant
Missionary, dated Whydah, November 29th, 1860._
_(From Wesleyan Missionary Notices, February 25th, 1861)._
I have now returned from Dahomey, and, as you are to receive from me an
account of the Grand Custom, I take up my pen to give you the detailed
particulars, full and true.
Wednesday, the 11th of July, I started from this, for Abomey, the
capital, to see the Custom. I met with a man in the way, two days after
my departure, nicely dressed as a cabboceer, coming down here; he was
riding in a hammock, with a large umbrella and a cabboceer-stool, and a
number of men accompanied him; and when I arrived at Cannah, a town next
to Abomey, about eight miles distant, I learnt that the poor man was
going to be thrown into the sea, to join the two porters of the sea-
gate, to open it for his father to enter in and wash himself. Here was
His Majesty the King, busy preparing to leave for Abomey to-morrow,
because all the visitors had come.
Sunday, the 15th instant, by four o’clock in the afternoon, we all
started, together with the King, for the capital. There were some bamboo
mats and pieces of different kinds of cloth spread in the way up the
town, for him to walk on. When we reached midway, he made a stay for
about an hour, and then ordered us to proceed on to the town to sleep;
but he slept at the place.
Monday, the 16th, we all went out to meet him, to accompany him to the
town; and when we had met him he bade us sit down. We then took seats.
Here a man had his hands tied, and mouth barred, with a fathom of white
bast wove about his loins. He pointed him out to us as a messenger that
was going to carry private information to his father. The poor creature
was taken up to the town, and was sacrificed on the tomb of his father.
Another in the same position sent up to their large market to go and
tell the spirits there what he was going to do for his father. About an
hour afterwards, there were brought forward again four men in the same
position, with one deer, one monkey, and one turkey-buzzard. Here the
poor creatures had their heads cut off, save one. One man was to go to
all the markets and tell all the spirits what he was about to make for
his father; the second man was to go to all the waters, and tell all the
animals there, &c.; the third man was to go to all the roads, and tell
the spirit-travellers, &c.; the fourth and last man was to go up to the
firmament, and tell all the hosts there, &c.; the deer to go to all the
forests, and tell the beasts there, &c.; the monkey to go to all the
swamps, to climb up trees, and tell all the animals there; the turkey-
buzzard, fortunate creature, was let loose to fly up to the sky, and
tell all the birds there. After this, he got up from his throne, which
was carried along with him, and drew up his sword, and said, “As I am
now a King for this kingdom, I will bring down all the enemies of my
father under my footstool. I will also go down to Abbeokuta, and do to
them as they once did to my father. I will sweep them up.” He was
seconded by his two chief Ministers, called Mingah and Mewu, who spoke
to the same effect. After the speeches we accompanied him to the town.
Tuesday, the 17th, he beat the gong, to fix a fortnight for the
commencement of the Custom. The Europeans were quite annoyed at the time
fixed, but tried to bear it with patience.
Sunday, the 29th, the Custom commenced. On the eve of the day the whole
town slept at the King’s gate, and got up at five o’clock in the morning
to weep. And so they hypocritically did. The lamentations did not
continue more than ten minutes; and, before the King came out to fire
guns to give notice to all, one hundred souls had already been
sacrificed, besides the same number of women killed in the inside of the
palace.[282] Ninety chief Captains, one hundred and twenty Princes and
Princesses,—all these carried out separately human beings by four and
two to sacrifice for the late King. About two or three of the civilized
Portuguese did the same. I believe they gave twenty men to be
sacrificed, besides bullocks, sheep, goats, drakes, cocks, guinea-fowls,
pigeons, coral-beads, cowries, silver money, rum, &c. After these three
gentlemen, the King thought all the other proper Europeans should do the
same for him; but none performed such wicked actions.
Wednesday, the 1st of August, the King himself came out to bury his
father, with the following things:—Sixty men, fifty rams, fifty goats,
forty cocks, drakes, cowries, &c. The men and women soldiers, well armed
with muskets and blunderbusses for firing; and when he was gone round
about his palace, he came to the gate and fired plenty; and there he
killed fifty of the poor creatures, and saved ten.
Thursday, the 2nd, he threw out cowries and some pieces of cloth for his
people to struggle for.
The King made himself of two persons, Ahorsu and Athopon.[283] The first
means _King_, and the second means _hearth_—a place on which a fire is
made.[284] The following words are his titles:—_Ahorsu Glere_, which
signifies a heavy thing which cannot be lifted up by any number of men;
so he is called a heavy King, cannot be lifted up by any nation. _Ahorsu
kini-kini-kini_, means a dragon. He is a dragon King, that has strong
claws, to tear to pieces all that will come in his way. _Ahorsu
Taingay_, means a hard stone, cannot be pinched with a nail, hard King,
that cannot be fought with by any small nations. _Ahorsu Yemabu_, means
a shadow; he will never be lost in his kingdom; Shadow King. He said
that his father was a King of blacks, and a friend of whites; but
himself is a King of both.[285]
During the Custom, the visitors and countrymen made enormous and
wonderful presents to the King. The Custom continued for three weeks. We
all stopped there two months before we got a pass out. I returned to
this on the 1st September, and went up again on the 12th of October to
witness the annual Custom. During my travellings up and down, I am glad
to say that the God of Jacob was with me. I conversed with many people
about religious concerns, and they were very glad to hear the word of
salvation; only they fear the King. Almost every soul in this kingdom is
willing to embrace the Gospel of our Lord[286]; but the only hindrance
is the Monarch. Many have a desire to send their children to our school;
but they cannot on account of him.
Monday, the 15th, I arrived at Abomey.
Tuesday, the 16th, we were called to the King’s palace, and at the gate
saw ninety human heads, cut off that morning, and the poor creatures
blood flowed on the ground like a flood. The heads lay up on swish beds
at each side of the gate, for public view. We went in to sit down, and
soon after he sent out the property of his fathers as follows:—two
chariots, one glass wheel, seven plain wheels, three solid silver
dishes, two silver tea-pots, one silver sugar pot, one silver butter-
pot, one large cushion on a wheel bar[287] drawn by six Amazons, three
well-dressed silk hammocks, with silk awnings.
Three days after, we went to see the same things. I saw at the same
gate, sixty heads laid upon the same place; and, on three days again,
thirty-six heads laid up. He made four platforms in their large market-
place, and on which he threw cowries and cloths to his people, and
sacrificed there about sixty souls. I dare say he killed more than two
thousand, because he kills men outside, to be seen by all, and women
inside, privately. O, he destroyed many souls during this wicked Custom.
Sunday, the 4th of November, the whole town, with the King, fired guns
from twelve o’clock till eight in the evening.
Monday, the 5th inst., I was very ill, laid up in bed three days,
without a bit of bread or a drop of drink. I forgot to tell you, that
ere this the King received a letter from Her Britannic Majesty’s
Government, about his frequent expeditions against Abeokuta, just
warning him, that if he make any attempt, all his places on the coast
shall be burnt. He has not yet given an answer to this. I was the reader
of the letter. He seems quite frightened; and I dare say that he cannot
take a step over. He has already sent out troops to war, but nobody
knows where.
The annual Custom still continues, and the visitors have not returned
yet; and had I not been sick, I could have had no chance of coming down.
The pit at Abomey, which was reported to have been dug deep enough to
contain human blood sufficient to float a canoe, was false. There were
two small pits, of two feet deep and four feet in diameter each, to
contain poor human blood, but not to float a canoe.
I am sorry to report to you, that in our out-stations fightings are
still continued. We desire your prayers very much.
* * * * *
RETURN TO AN ADDRESS OF THE HONOURABLE THE HOUSE OF COMMONS, DATED JUNE
16, 1863; FOR
“A COPY OF COMMODORE WILMOT’S REPORT OF HIS RECENT VISIT TO THE KING OF
DAHOMEY.”
No. 1.
_Commodore Wilmot to Rear-Admiral Sir B. Walker._
_(Extract.)_
_“Rattlesnake,” off Lagos, January 29, 1863._
My last communication was dated Lagos, 27th November of last year, and I
informed you that I should return to Sierra Leone from Whydah.
Since that period much has transpired that will naturally cause the
liveliest interest in all quarters.
I visited the Yavogah of Whydah on the 20th November, and having met the
Rev. P. W. Bernasko, Wesleyan missionary in the English fort, he
informed me that the King of Dahomey was most anxious to see somebody of
consideration from England, “a real Englishman,” with whom he might
converse on the affairs of his country.
The Yavogah had said, “If you will come back again in seven days, I will
send to the King, and let you know if he will see you.”
I returned at the appointed time, much to his surprise, as he did not
believe I should come back, and he told me the King was anxious to see
me.
The Yavogah had sent up and said that I was a “good and proper person”
to come out as a messenger from the Queen.
Before making up my mind to accept the King’s invitation to visit him,
there were many points to be considered of the very highest importance.
It had been said, and I believe with some truth, that our late attack on
Porto Novo had enraged the King’s mind to such an extent that he had
expressed a strong desire to lay hands upon an English officer, in order
to avenge the destruction of that place.
Porto Novo belongs to his brother. The European residents at Whydah had
spread the most alarming reports of the disposition of the King towards
Englishmen, and his hatred of them.
It was and is, of course, their interest to do so, and keep us in
ignorance of their evil deeds.
After mature consideration I resolved to go, and place implicit trust in
the King’s good faith.
The position of affairs in this country seemed favourable for making an
impression on the King, and opening the way to the establishment of
friendly relations.
Having made my preparations for an absence of fourteen days, I landed at
10 A.M. of Tuesday the 22nd of December of last year, in company with
Captain Luce and Dr. Haran, of the “Brisk,” who had volunteered to
accompany me.
The “Rattlesnake” and the “Brisk” were sent to cruize, and both vessels
were ordered to return on the 14th of the same month.
We were conveyed in hammocks across the lagoon and through the wet
marshy ground that is almost impassable in the rainy months, to a large
tree at the entrance of Whydah, where certain ceremonies were gone
through to welcome us to the place. We were received most cordially by
the Yavogah and other officials, with drums beating, colours flying,
muskets firing, cabooceers as well as soldiers dancing, the latter
singing warlike songs.
We were also treated to the manœuvres of a slave-hunt.
As I am writing to save the homeward packet, and have much to occupy my
attention, I must ask you to forgive the omission of many interesting
details in my visit to this country, which shall be furnished to you
whenever I can find time to embody them in a letter.
The Yavogah and Chiefs accompanied us to the English fort, where the
King’s stick was presented, and the health of the Queen of England and
King of Dahomey drank.
Having secured our hammock-men, carriers for our luggage, &c., and
guides, and being furnished with a body of soldiers to protect us on the
road, we started the following afternoon, accompanied by the Rev. P. W.
Bernasko, and his servants, for our accommodation during our stay.
It was necessary to provide subsistence for all these people, a very
large body of men, according to the custom of the country.
We arrived at Cannah, eight miles from Abomey, on the evening of Tuesday
the 9th, where the King was holding his Court.
The King was scarcely prepared to receive us, and hence we were detained
on the road longer than otherwise would have been the case.
It is supposed that, on this occasion, he was anxious to display all his
grandeur and all his power, and my landing so quickly at Whydah had
rather disconcerted him.
At all places on the road, the head men turned out with their soldiers,
and received us with firing and dancing; also, the usual presents of
water, fowls, goats, &c.
Speeches were made expressive of their desire to go to war, and cut off
heads for their master. The war-dance was performed by women and
children, and motions made with swords as if in the act of decapitating
their enemies.
Some of their songs were very curious, which shall be described
hereafter.
At all the villages where we slept, comfortable quarters had been
provided, and water furnished.
Nothing could exceed the civility of every one.
The water is very bad, and there is great scarcity of it, particularly
in the dry season. It must be very unwholesome.
The King had sent three of his sticks by special messengers to meet us
on our way, with inquiries about our health, &c.
At 10 A.M. on the morning of the 10th, the King sent to say that he
would receive us.
We accordingly went in full dress, and remained under some large trees,
in an open space of some extent.
After a short time, the Chiefs arrived in succession with their
followers, according to their rank, and were introduced to us, the same
drumming, firing, dancing, and singing, being carried on as at Whydah.
This occupied a considerable time; and when finished we got into our
hammocks, and went to the palace outside of which, in a large square,
were assembled all the Chiefs with their people, as well as large bodies
of the King’s soldiers.
The sight was most interesting: the gaudy colours of the large
umbrellas, the dresses of the headmen, the firing of the muskets, the
songs of the people, the beating of the war-drums, the savage gesture of
the soldiers, and their ferocious appearance, made us feel indeed that
we were amidst an uncivilised nation.
All, however, treated us with marked respect, while, according to
custom, we were carried three times round the square.
After the third time we got down, and entered the palace gates, passing
through a row of Chiefs on each side.
The court-yard of the palace is of great extent, and presented a
spectacle not easily forgotten.
At the further end was a large building, of some pretensions to beauty
in this country, being made of thatch, and supported by columns of wood,
roughly cut.
In front of this, and close to it, leaving an open space for admission
to the King, was placed a large array of variegated umbrellas, admitted
only to be used by himself.
Under these were congregated his principal Chiefs. On either side of
him, under the building, were his wives, to the number of about one
hundred, gaily dressed, most of them young, and exceedingly pretty.
The King was reclining on a raised daïs, about three feet high, covered
with crimson cloth, smoking his pipe. One of his wives held a glass
sugar basin for him to spit in.
He was dressed very plainly, the upper part of his body being bare, with
only a silver chain, holding some fetish charm round his neck, and an
unpretending cloth around his waist.
The left side of the court-yard was filled with Amazons, from the walls
up to the King’s presence, all armed with various weapons, such as
muskets, swords, gigantic razors for cutting off heads, bows and arrows,
blunderbusses, &c.
They were seated when we entered. Their large war-drum was conspicuous,
being surrounded with human skulls.
We advanced to where the King was sitting, with due form and ceremony,
and when close to him all the respect due to a King was paid by bowing,
&c., which he gracefully acknowledged by bowing himself, and waving his
hand.
We then sat down close to him, in chairs that had accompanied us from
Whydah.
The conversation commenced with the usual compliments. He asked about my
health, and how I had got on with my journey.
He then inquired about the Queen and all her family, asking many
questions about the form of government in England.
I said the Queen sent her compliments to him, and hoped he was quite
well, at which he seemed much pleased.
This being only a visit of introduction, not of delivering messages,
therefore nothing political was entered into.
He then gave orders for his Amazons to perform a variety of movements,
and to salute me, which they did most creditably. They loaded and fired
quickly, singing songs all the time.
They are a very fine body of women and are very active in their
movements, being remarkably well-limbed and strong.
No one is allowed to approach them except the King, who lives amongst
them.
They are first in honour and importance. All messages are carried by
them to and from the King and his Chiefs.
Every one kneels down while delivering a message, and the men touch the
ground with their heads and lips before the King. The women do not kiss
the ground, nor sprinkle themselves with dust as the men do.
When a man appears before the King, he is obliged to perform the
ceremony of covering his head and upper part of his body with dust
before he rises, as much as to say, “I am nothing but dirt before thee!”
It is a most degrading spectacle; but, after all, only the custom of the
country.
After the Amazons had finished their manœuvres, they came to us, and
gave us their compliments, singing songs in praise of their master, and
saying they were ready for war, suiting the action to the word by going
through the motions of cutting off heads.
The King then introduced all his Princes, Chiefs and head warriors in
succession, according to rank; then the Chiefs and Captains of the
Amazons: then the Princesses, daughters of the late king: in fact, he
brought before us, and named one by one, everybody of importance in his
kingdom. Some appeared in companies, and others separately. The mother
of the King and the mothers of his principal Chiefs were also named and
presented.
After each company was introduced, and I had bowed to them, a bottle of
rum was given, the usual present after such a ceremony, and a signal
that they had permission to retire.
To the head Chiefs a glass each was presented, which was drunk by
themselves or given to one of their followers.
When once in the King’s presence, or in his capital, no one, European or
native, can leave without this customary present.
We could not go away, on any one occasion that we visited him, without
receiving his permission to do so in the shape of one or two bottles of
rum for our hammock-men.
After all the presentations, the King called the Amazons again to salute
us, and then offered us water and spirits, which he drank with us which
finished the visit.
No one is permitted to see the King drink: all turn their faces away,
and a large cloth is held up by his wives while the royal mouth takes in
the liquid.
The King then got up, it being almost dark, and walked side by side with
me across the court-yard, through the gates, and nearly half-a-mile on
the road towards our house, which was considered a great compliment. The
whole Court followed, with the exception of the Amazons and his wives,
who never join in such processions.
The soldiers shouted, and sang their war songs, while the Chiefs went
before the King to clear the road, and point out any dirt or
inequalities of ground, before the royal feet.
The sight was imposing, and gave us a proper idea of the power of the
King amongst his people. He seemed much feared as well as much beloved.
The King is a very fine-looking man, upwards of six feet high, broad
shouldered, and a pleasant countenance when he likes. His eyes are
bloodshot, which may arise from want of rest or other causes. He is a
great smoker, but does not indulge much in the bottle. His skin is much
lighter than most of his people, resembling the copper colour of the
American Indians.
He is very active, and fond of dancing and singing, which he practises
in public during the customs. He is much addicted to the fair sex, of
whom he possesses as many as he likes. He is about forty-three years
old.
Before leaving the palace the King saluted the Queen with twenty-one
guns, from pieces of all sizes, lying on the ground, and firmly fixed in
the sand. The largest was, perhaps, a 3-pounder: the trunnions supported
them in the ground.
These guns are carried on men’s heads, and occasionally placed on the
ground, and fired off.
This was done as I entered the palace.
He also saluted me with nine guns.
The number of guns fired was shown by a corresponding number of musket-
balls being produced in an iron pot.
We were accompanied from Whydah by the Prince, who was ordered to attend
us on the road, and found him most civil and obliging.
On arriving at our quarters after this day’s ceremony, the Prince asked
me to make a present to the soldiers and Amazons, in consequence of the
manner in which the King had received me. He said he hoped I would not
make him ashamed before his people, as he had brought me up, and was
ordered to attend upon me. I immediately acquiesced, and made a handsome
present, which was thankfully acknowledged. Whenever strangers meet in
this country, they either drink with each other on their first arrival,
or when they are about to depart. We had always to submit to this, which
caused a great drain upon our resources.
The King’s jesters danced before us to-day. One of the Amazons, in
firing, had injured her hand very much by the bursting of the musket,
and a messenger arrived from the King with a request that the doctor
might be allowed to attend her. This was granted, and Dr. Haran saw her
twice a day until the wound was healed, and a perfect cure made.
The wound was a very nasty one, and I think it was fortunate for the
Amazon that the skill of Dr. Haran was called in.
We remained at Cannah until Sunday morning the 14th, when we went to
Abomey, eight miles distant, where the King was to arrive in state and
take up his residence in his own capital.
The custom of this country is delay, delay. No one knows the value of
time, nor do they much care about keeping their word.
I frequently spoke to the Prince about seeing the King, and giving him
the presents I had with me, without which no message can be given, nor
private intercourse allowed.
I was told that the King would receive me in his capital, whither he was
going to hold certain customs in honour of his “Father’s spirit,” that
he wished me to see everything, how he went through the “custom,” and
what he did to his people. The Prince said, also, that he wished to
salute me, and pass his people before me in review.
I found all remonstrances in vain, and that it would be useless to get
up and walk away without seeing everything that was interesting in the
country. My object was to witness the manners and customs of the King
and his people, and as the King appeared so friendly disposed, and had
got up so many things solely for my sake, I was determined to bear with
patience and see what the end would be.
My policy was to be friendly with every one, and endeavour to show the
character and disposition of an Englishman towards the nations of this
country—that we could treat them with forbearance, and have some
sympathy with a black man!
If I had lost my temper, and shown a disposition to be angry at the
King’s delay, I might have been received at once; but I should most
assuredly have been sent back to Whydah without the opportunity of
making a good impression on the King, or of witnessing any of those
scenes which were afterwards displayed before us, and have made such a
deep impression on our minds.
I have reason to believe that my line of conduct was rewarded by the
whole country being laid open before us, and the whole people, King,
chiefs, and all, being our friends. The greater part of what we saw I
firmly believe was entirely got up for my sake, and certainly no white
man ever saw what we did, or was treated with such marked consideration.
Whenever strangers visit the capital, the same delay occurs, which
causes general complaints. The more the King is pleased with his
visitor, the longer the time he wishes to keep him.
While at Cannah the King invited us on the afternoon of two days to
witness the firing of his Amazons and soldiers with ball at a mark.
I had asked him, upon my first interview, whether he ever practised his
people in this way; he said “Yes,” and I heard that he was then at
Cannah for this purpose.
We found him about two miles outside the town in a very large open
space, which had been cleared away, surrounded by his chiefs and people,
to the number of several thousand, preparing to practise at a number of
goats, which were tied to stakes driven in the ground at intervals of
about fifteen yards, under a mud wall of considerable length, and about
ten feet high. They were placed on mats.
The King received us very cordially, and told the Prince to place us
under his own umbrellas in a convenient place for seeing everything.
The firing commenced, and the King’s body-guard of Amazons distinguished
themselves by their good shots. The King fired several times himself.
Every shot would have struck a man.
The soldiers fired also exceedingly well, and taking into consideration
the quality of the flint musket and the iron ball, which is jagged and
fits loosely in the barrel, it is really astonishing at the display they
made.
They would prove formidable enemies with good weapons, and if they
possessed discipline and real courage.
Several goats were killed, and on the second day four of those
despatched were sent to me as a present. These had been selected by the
Amazons as a particular present to me, and until they were killed no
other goat was fired at.
The firing was very rapid, and I certainly was astonished at the manner
in which they handled their weapons.
On Sunday the 14th, in the afternoon, the King made his public entry
into Abomey. First came the soldiers by companies, headed by their
particular Chief under his umbrella, firing, dancing, and singing.
These went three times round the square in which we were, outside the
palace. An excellent fire was kept up. Next came the Amazons in the same
manner, dancing their dances, firing and singing, each company headed by
a Captain of Amazons.
They marched better than the men, and looked far more warlike in every
way: their activity is astonishing. Lastly, came the King in a carriage,
surrounded by his body-guard of women, and drawn by them. He passed
where we were, and we mutually bowed. I said to the Prince it was a pity
he had no horses, which was reported to the King, who afterwards asked
me if I would mention his wish to the Queen for some to be sent him as a
present, which I said I would do.
I laughingly said to the Prince, “He ought to go full gallop round the
square,” which being told the King, he made the Amazons run round two or
three times as fast as they could, much to the delight of his people; he
then got out of his carriage, and was carried round in a very handsome
hammock.
The whole afternoon was occupied in firing, dancing, and singing; when
all was concluded, the King came up and shook hands most cordially. We
then went home.
The red sand here is a great nuisance, and finds its way into every part
of one’s body and clothes. Each day we found ourselves caked over with a
crust, which required a good washing to get off; in five minutes a
pocket handkerchief assumed a yellow colour.
I believe that some heads were cut off, during the night, on this
occasion of the King’s entry, and that it is the custom to do so
whenever he returns. We could not find out how many, but eight heads
were in the doorway when we passed the palace on the following morning,
and it is probable that more of these trophies were inside.
We remained in Abomey five weeks from this time, and daily witnessed
scenes of a very extraordinary character, such as the dancing of the
Amazons, the warlike songs, the dancing and songs of the soldiers, the
distribution of presents to the Princes, Chiefs, Captains, and headmen
of the troops, the “passing” of the King’s drummers, of the captains of
the Amazons, of the King’s jesters, and a variety of other people which
appear before the King during the “customs.”
A number of soldiers from the neighbourhood of Aghwey, hearing that it
was the intention of the King to attack their country, had come up to
Abomey to give themselves up to him, rather than take the chances of
being taken, sold, or beheaded. They swore fealty to him, and it was
curious to observe the ceremony on this occasion; after kissing the dust
and covering themselves with sand, the King made a speech to them, and
then the Prime Minister, in which was pointed out the power of the King
and the greatness of his name; each Chief was called by name and
presented with cowries and cloth, the two principal ones with a wife
each. The whole company were then “passed” to their own country, by
strings of cowries being given to them.
It is certainly very extraordinary to see what influence the King of
Dahomey possesses, not only in his own country but amongst the
neighbouring tribes and nations.
He is feared by all; but still he is a true friend to those who seek his
alliance, and is always ready to assist them.
We had an opportunity of observing this during the last five days of our
stay in his capital.
Upon the last day but one of the “customs,” late in the afternoon, a
large body of soldiers, with their attendants carrying their camp
equipage, made their appearance from a place about three days in the
interior, belonging to the King. These men had been sent to the
assistance of a small town belonging to a Chief on friendly terms with
the King, who had been threatened by the Abbeokutans, and who had
applied to Abomey for assistance.
The King had granted the assistance required, and despatched two of his
head warriors with about 600 men for this purpose.
When these men arrived at the town they found that the Abbeokutans,
hearing of their approach, had run away, and hence their return to
Abomey.
It was a very pretty sight to see these men return and present
themselves before the King, who made them a long speech, and gave them
presents.
On the Saturday, six days after our arrival at Abomey, the King saw us
privately in his own palace, and I made him the presents brought up for
this occasion, and which will be mentioned hereafter.
He was attended by six of his Privy Council, his most trusted friends,
all well known to me; also by five of his principal wives.
He would only receive the presents from my own hands, which is unusual.
I gave him first the picture of the Queen, and said that Her Majesty had
sent this out to him as a mark of her friendship, and her wish to be on
good terms with him. He took it in his hands, and admired it very much.
The Queen is represented in her coronation robes, with crown on her head
and sceptre in her hand. The frame is very handsome, and the picture is
a large one.
After looking at it attentively, he asked many questions concerning the
dress, and then said, “From henceforth the Queen of England and the King
of Dahomey are one. The Queen is the greatest Sovereign in Europe, and I
am King of the Blacks. I will hold the head of the kingdom of Dahomey,
and you shall hold the tail.” I then gave him a few small presents from
myself, with which he was very much delighted and grasped me warmly by
the hand. His council participated in these feelings, and said “At last
good friends have met.”
Now commenced the delivery of the message which I thought it my duty to
lay before the King.
The first subject was the Slave Trade, and I said, “England has, for a
long period of years, been doing her utmost to stop the Slave Trade in
this country. Much money has been spent, and many lives have been
sacrificed to attain this desirable end, but hitherto without success. I
have come to ask you to put a stop to this traffic, and to enter into
some treaty with me to this effect. I am ready to listen to any terms
which you may reasonably propose, and report to my Government what you
have to say on the subject.” I then reasoned with him on the iniquity of
selling his fellow-creatures, and the benefits he would derive, even in
a pecuniary way, by keeping these slaves in his country, and employing
them in cultivating the soil. I tried to prove to him that the value of
a slave thus employed would be far more valuable to him in the long run
than if he sold him at once, and sent him out of the country.
I reasoned on the richness of the soil, and how easy it would be to
introduce the silk-worm, cotton, coffee, and all the productions of a
similar character. I tried to convince him that he was depopulating
Africa, and making its inhabitants low and miserable.
I argued that if the slave trade were suddenly stopped, he would become
a pauper, and that every man’s hand would necessarily be turned against
his neighbour’s for daily subsistence, because all his supplies come
from the “white man” from across the sea, and that these could only be
purchased by the money obtained from selling slaves.
Stop the selling of slaves, and how could he possibly get the means of
living, as the produce of the soil was comparatively nothing?
The people were entirely dependent on him, and his annual customs, for
being fed and clothed; arms, powder, rum, tobacco, cloths and cowries,
were all distributed on these occasions. And how were they produced?
They were bought from the “white man,” and paid for out of the money he
received for selling his slaves.
I implored him to think over these things, and turn his attention to the
cultivation of his soil, and the profits of legitimate trade.
I asked him how many slaves he shipped during the year, and how much he
would take to enter into a treaty with us to stop it.
The next subject was the “human sacrifices.” I said that not only
England, but all Europe, deplored the sad spectacle of human beings, his
own countrymen, being offered up on the occasion of his annual customs,
in company with fowls, bulls and goats. Could he not put a stop to this,
and let it pass away from the customs of the country? I said that I knew
all sudden measures were not only dangerous, but impossible, but that I
hoped he would turn over in his mind the cruelty of these proceedings,
and their utter uselessness to propitiate his gods, and that in time
they would cease altogether.
The third subject was Abbeokuta. I said that the Queen and the English
Government hoped he would not send his army to Abbeokuta; that peace was
better than war, and that his people might be far better employed in
cultivating the soil, than in destroying one another.
If he had made up his mind to go there, I hoped he would be merciful to
his prisoners, and particularly that he would spare all Christians.
I next asked him if he was disposed to send a Chief of rank, and one
that was in his confidence, to England, that he might see with his own
eyes the wonders that civilization wrought in that country.
I said that he would be well received, and that his visit would no doubt
have its influence on the King.
The opening of legitimate trade at Whydah was the next subject of
conversation, and the reception of the English at that place.
Lastly, I spoke about the Missionary schools, and asked him to allow
those who wished to do so, to send their children to be educated.
The King listened attentively to all my questions, and made several
remarks during their delivery.
After they were finished, the usual ceremony of drinking was gone
through, and he accompanied me through the gates of the palace far on
the road to our quarters, amidst the cheers of the soldiers and people.
We remained a month in Abomey after the delivery of this message, in
consequence of the “customs” going on, but nothing could persuade the
King to let us go until this was over, as he was most anxious that we
should see everything and report it.
Daily we witnessed his Amazons and soldiers, dancing and singing.
We saw his treasures pass round in the interior of the palace, preceded
by all the principal Ministers, Princes, and Chiefs, in their Court
costume.
The Captains of the Amazons passed round in the same way, and it was a
very pretty sight.
The costume worn, the different colours displayed according to
etiquette, the ornaments of silver round the necks, with an occasional
skull at the waist belt of the Amazons, and the half savage appearance
of all, notwithstanding their good manners and modest behaviour, was
peculiarly interesting.
It was during the procession of the King’s treasures, which will be more
fully described in another letter, that the “human sacrifices” came
round, after the cowries, cloths, tobacco, rum, &c., had passed, which
were to be thrown to the people. A long string of live fowls on poles
appeared, followed by goats in baskets, then by a bull, and lastly half-
a-dozen men with hands and feet tied, and a cloth fastened in a peculiar
way round the head, and carried in a basket by one man on the top of his
head, furnished this part of the procession.
The men were carried three times round the square, the first time
stopping opposite to where the King was sitting, where the bearers
received a glass of rum each, from an Amazon in attendance. They then
passed through the gates to the platform half a mile off.
The procession lasted two days, and “human sacrifices” passed round both
days; on the first day eight went round, and on the second day six: half
of these were killed, and half spared, so we were told. Probably they
are only spared until the next “customs.” The unfortunate men looked at
us as they passed; but it was not in our power to help them in any way.
The King said they were criminals, who had broken the laws of their
country, such as murderers, thieves, &c.; but I have every reason to
know they were captives mostly taken at Ishagga, from the peculiar marks
on their face.
A day or two after these processions, the King appeared on the first
platform: there were four of these, two large and two small.
His father never had more than two, but he is determined to excel him in
everything, and to do as much again as he did. If his father gave one
sheep as a present, he gives two; which he did when he sent me a present
of cows, sheep, &c., according to custom.
The sides of all these platforms are covered with crimson and other
coloured cloths, with curious devices, such as alligators, elephants,
snakes, &c., from twelve to fifteen feet high; and the large ones are in
the form of a square, with a neat building of considerable size, also
covered over, running along the whole extent of one side.
You ascend by a rough ladder covered over, and enter the platform, which
is neatly floored with dry grass, and perfectly level.
Dispersed all over this were Chiefs under the King’s umbrellas, sitting
down, and at the further end from the entrance the King stands
surrounded by a chosen few of his Amazons.
In the centre of this side of the platform is a round tower, about
thirty feet high, covered with cloths, bearing similar devices as the
other parts. This is a new idea of the King’s, and from the top of this
tower the victims are thrown to the people below.
When the King is ready, he commences by throwing cowries to the people
in bundles, as well as separately. The scramble begins, and the noise
occasioned by the men fighting to catch these is tremendous.
Thousands are assembled with nothing on but a waist clout, and a small
bag for the cowries. Sometimes they fight by companies, one company
against the other, according to the King’s fancy; and the leaders are
mounted on the shoulders of their people. After the cowries, cloths are
thrown, which occasions the greatest excitement.
While this lasts the King gives them to understand that if any man is
killed, nothing will be done to the man who is the cause of it, as all
is supposed to be fair fighting with hands; no arms are allowed.
After this the Chiefs are called, and cowries, cloths, &c., given to
them. The King begins by throwing away everything himself; then his
Amazons take it up for a short time, when the King renews the game, and
finishes the sport. He changes his position from one place to another
along the front part of the platform.
When all that the King intends throwing away for the day is expended, a
short pause ensues, and by-and-by, is seen inside the platform, the
poles mentioned before, with live fowls (all cocks) at the end of them,
in procession towards the round tower.
Three men mount to the top, and receive, one by one, all these poles,
which are precipitated on the people beneath. A large hole has been
prepared, and a rough block of wood ready, upon which the necks of the
victims are laid, and their heads chopped off, the blood from the body
being allowed to fall into the hole.
After the fowls came the goats, then the bull, and lastly the men, who
were tumbled down in the same way.
All the blood is mixed together in the hole, and remains exposed with
the block till night.
The bodies of the men are dragged along by the feet, and maltreated on
the way, by being beaten with sticks, hands in some cases cut off, and
large pieces cut out of their bodies, which are held up. They are then
taken to a deep pit and thrown in. The heads are alone preserved by
being boiled, so that the skull may be seen in a state of great
perfection. The heads of the human victims killed are first placed in
baskets and exposed for a short time.
This was carried on for two days. I would not witness the slaying of
these men on the first day, as we were very close to them, and I did not
think it right to sanction by my presence such inhuman sacrifices. I
therefore got up and went into a tent, and when all was over returned to
my seat.
It was upon this occasion that a circumstance took place which redounds
highly to the credit of the King, and should be made known everywhere.
While sitting in the tent a messenger arrived, saying, “The King calls
you.” I went and stood under the platform where he was. Tens of
thousands of people were assembled; not a word, not a whisper was heard.
I saw one of the victims ready for slaughter on the platform, held by a
narrow strip of white cloth under his arms. His face was expressive of
deepest alarm, and much of its blackness had disappeared; there was a
whiteness about it most extraordinary.
The King said, “You have come here as my friend, have witnessed all my
customs, and shared good-naturedly in the distribution of my cowries and
cloths; I love you as my friend, and you have shown that an Englishman,
like you, can bear patience, and have sympathy with the black man. I now
give you your share of the victims, and present you with this man, who
from henceforth belongs to you, to do as you like with him, to educate
him, take him to England, or anything else you choose.” The poor fellow
was then lowered down, and the white band placed in my hands.
The expression of joy on his countenance cannot be described: it said,
“The bitterness of death, and such a death, is passed, and I cannot
comprehend my position.” Not a sound escaped from his lips, but the eye
told what the heart felt, and even the King himself participated in his
joy. The Chiefs and people cheered me as I passed through them with the
late intended victim behind me.
I will not enter into my own feelings on this occasion; they can be
easily understood: but the saving of even this one man’s life was a
sufficient recompense for all the delays and for all our detention. I
felt that another victim would have been added to the sanguinary list of
Dahomian sacrifices if I had not carried out that line of forbearance
which I had determined to adopt.
The Chiefs all congratulated me, and shook me by the hand. Another
victim was given to a Chief, a particular friend of mine, and he said it
was on my account.
The “customs” were concluded by a day of firing, when all the soldiers,
under their different leaders, marched past the King, and in review
order before us. The King danced with his Amazons, and invited us to
join. The firing was excellent, and did them great credit. The King must
have expended an immense quantity of powder during our visit.
While the “customs” last the King does not transact any public business,
and he told us that he had hurried them over on purpose that we might
get away.
On the afternoon of Friday, the 16th of January, the King asked me to
review his Life Guardsmen and women, which I did, and he then made me
Colonel or King over the whole of them, about 1000 strong each—an honour
for which I had to pay dearly, according to the custom of the country.
Speeches were made by the captains of each, who were introduced
separately, the whole tenour of which was what they would do at
Abbeokuta, and the number of heads that would fall to my share, as I was
now their Chief, and consequently had a right to a part of everything
they took.
The following day, Saturday the 17th, the King saw us in private, as
before, and said he was ready to give me his answer to the message I had
brought.
He commenced by paying me many compliments, and said how glad he was
that such a messenger had been sent, who by his patience and forbearance
had shown himself a friend to the black man.
He then entered into a long history of his country in the time of his
ancestors, and how anxious his father was to be friends with the
English; that for many years past (he did not know the reason why) the
English seemed to be hostile to him, and endeavoured to make all nations
in Africa fight against him.
He said that the Slave Trade had been carried on in his country for
centuries, and that it was his great means of living and paying his
people. He did not send slaves away in his own ships, but “white men”
came to him for them, and was there any harm in his selling? We ought to
prevent the “white men” from coming to him: if they did not come he
would not sell.
We had seen what a great deal he had to give away every year to his
people, who were dependent on him: that this could not be done by
selling palm oil alone. If people came for palm oil he would sell it to
them; he could not carry on his government upon trade alone. If he gave
up the Slave Trade, where was he to get money from? It was not his fault
that he sold slaves, but those who made his fathers do it, and hence it
became an institution of his country.
He said, “I cannot stop it all at once: what will my people do? And
besides this, I should be in danger of losing my life.” I asked him how
much money he would take to give it up. He replied, “No money will
induce me to do so; I am not like the Kings of Lagos, Porto Novo, Benin,
&c. There are only two Kings in Africa, Ashantee and Dahomey: I am the
King of all the blacks. Nothing will recompense me for the Slave Trade.”
I argued that it must be stopped in time; that even now very few ships
came for them: and what would he do when it was all done? I found it
useless to go on any further on this subject. He said there were plenty
of blacks to sell, and plenty to remain; that the price of a slave was
80 dollars, with 4 dollars custom on each. On most occasions he is paid
before the slaves are taken away, but sometimes he risks them on trust,
and then he feels the capture of the slave-ship.
He said, “I must go to Abbeokuta: we are enemies; they insulted my
brother, and I must punish them. Let us alone; why interfere in black
man’s wars? We do not want ‘white men’ to fight against us; let every
one go out of Abbeokuta, and see who will win. Let the ‘white man’ stand
by and see which are the brave men!”
He spoke strongly of Porto Novo, and said, “If my friends the English
had sent to me, I would have broke Porto Novo for them.” He does not
want the “white man” to interfere in any way with the black man’s
quarrels. He promised faithfully, for my sake, to spare all the
Christians, and send them to Whydah, and that his General should have
strict orders to this effect. I asked him about the Christians at
Ishagga. He said, “Who knew they were Christians? The black man says he
is a white man, calls himself a Christian, and dresses himself in
clothes: it is an insult to the white man. I respect the white man, but
these people are impostors, and no better than my own people. Why do
they remain in a place when they know that I am coming? If they do so, I
suppose they are taking up arms against me, and I am bound to treat them
as enemies. If a musket-ball touches the white man at Abbeokuta, am I to
blame, if they will not go away when they know I am coming?” I reasoned
with him no longer on this subject, because I thought his observations
so thoroughly just and honest.
The next subject was the “human sacrifices.” He said, “You have seen
that only a few are sacrificed, and not the thousands that wicked men
have told the world. If I were to give up this custom at once, my head
would be taken off to-morrow. These institutions cannot be stopped in
the way you propose. By-and-by, little by little, much may be
done—softly, softly, not by threats. You see how I am placed, and the
difficulties in the way: by-and-by, by-and-by.”
We then came to a Prince being sent to England, which he said he would
do if I came again to renew the friendship and give him the Queen’s
answer to what he had said.
With regard to the schools at Whydah, the King said, “Any of the
mulattoes may send their children”; and I have no doubt, if he sees we
are in earnest, that in a very short time he will allow his own people
to do the same thing if they choose.
After the interview, which lasted some time, was over, the King made
several presents, namely, for the Queen, a large umbrella made of
different coloured velvets, with the devices emblematic of their
customs; a large carved stool, which no one but Kings are allowed to
possess; a pipe-stick and bag; a bag made from the leather of the
country, with a lion worked upon it; a very handsome country cloth, and
a long stick ornamented with silver, which can only be carried by the
King. Also two girls, one about twelve, the other sixteen, very pretty
and intelligent. I have left these last at Whydah, in charge of the
coloured missionary’s wife there, until I can learn the wishes of Her
Majesty on the subject. The girls were taken at Ishagga, and I should
think would be very interesting to the Queen.
In my next letter I hope to give an account of the resources of Dahomey,
its form of government, the number of soldiers and Amazons, as well as a
description of the country, and everything else that will be both
valuable and interesting to know; also many sayings of the King, which I
have not time to mention now.
We left Abomey the same evening, and were conducted with great honours
to Whydah, where we arrived on Thursday afternoon, the 22nd instant,
after an absence of fifty-one days. I went on board the following
morning.
Such a lengthened stay in the country of the King, and at his capital,
could not have been effected without some expense; many presents of
different kinds had to be given away, as well as money. The reception
given me by the King demanded this, and I hope I maintained with
becoming dignity the honour of the country. Trusting my proceedings will
meet with approval, as I have only acted for the good of the public
service, I have, &c.
* * * * *
No. 2.
_Commodore Wilmot to Rear-Admiral Sir B. Walker._
_(Extract.)_
_“Rattlesnake,” at Sea, Lat. 3° 33′ N. Long. 6° 7′ E., February 10,
1863._
In continuation of my former letter of proceedings, dated Lagos, 29th
January, 1863, I have to add the following additional observations on
various subjects connected with my late visit to Abomey.
I have already remarked on the friendly disposition evinced by the King
towards the English, as manifested in his manner to me on all occasions.
“From henceforth,” he said, “the King of Dahomey and the Queen of
England are one; you shall hold the tail of the kingdom, and I will take
the head”: meaning that we should have possession of Whydah for trading
purposes, and supply him with everything.
He is most anxious for trade at Whydah, and if we can only prove to him
that we are really sincere in our wishes to be friendly with him, I am
quite certain that he will think very seriously of our proposals to him
for giving up the Slave Trade, as well as the “human sacrifices.”
Both of these are “institutions” of the country; the first, established
and encouraged by the “white man” himself; the second, handed down from
father to son as a principal part of their religious ceremonies, still
enforced and fostered by the ignorance and superstition of the “fetish”
priests.