Most loving and kind brother,
My promise doth put me in remembrance, with the first opportunity of a
messenger,[63] to write unto you. And if I were not by promise, yet that
special nearness that is between us obliges me to the same, for as I
have always to this time found your constant affections towards me, so
have I, and shall continually, acknowledge the same.
And now, loving brother, since I have undertaken a voyage not altogether
pleasing to some of my friends—and because of my forwardness in the
same, I may be taxed with many censures—therefore, as it doth more
nearly concern me, I will here lay down not what my ear hath heard, but
what I have with my eyes seen to be true.
After our departure from the Cowes in the Isle of Wight, we recovered
our desired passage three months and one day after, being the 5th of
August, with many bitter a storm. And I have learned by this voyage that
God hath made the seas more for use than pleasure, but I praise the Lord
for his goodness that I never had my health better. And likewise by the
blessings of God, I have and hope to learn that at sea which will prove
for my extraordinary advantage. But everyone hath a time, although some
sooner than others.
After our arrival in New England, we found all our plantation in good
health, and neither man, woman or child sick. And here, likewise, we
found the other ship set forth by the Company,[64] who came from
Portsmouth six days after us, and arrived here at New England ten days
before, with all her people well—as we with our people did the like. And
yet one good wife Jennings[65] was brought abed of a son aboard our ship
and was very well. And then, we had an old woman in our ship about four
score years of age, which was in good health—and this I speak not as
needful to write of, but to show that God did give us our health when we
looked not for it, and to those, likewise, that had not been well a year
before on the shore.
And now to come more nearer to that I intend to write of, and first of
the situation of the place—I mean the plantation at Patuxet.[66] It is
well situated upon a high hill close unto the seaside, and very
commodious for shipping to come unto them. In this plantation is about
twenty houses, four or five of which are very fair and pleasant, and the
rest (as time will serve) shall be made better. And this town is in such
manner that it makes a great street between the houses, and at the upper
end of the town there is a strong fort, both by nature and art, with six
pieces of reasonable good artillery mounted thereon; in which fort is
continual watch, so that no Indian can come near thereabouts but he is
presently seen. This town is paled round about with pale of eight foot
long, or thereabouts, and in the pale are three great gates.
Furthermore, here is belonging to the town six goats, about fifty hogs
and pigs, also divers hens. And lastly, the town is furnished with a
company of honest men, that do, in what lies in them, to get profit to
the adventurers.
And now to speak more at large of the country and what profit is to be
raised here; and first, to speak of the fishing that is in this country.
Indeed it is beyond belief, but I can assure you thus much: that if a
man be well provided with all things necessary for to make a fishing
voyage, he may easily make his voyage two for one.[67] But lest this
should seem incredible to some, I will give you an instance of the same.
Before we got hither to Patuxet, we had many fogs at sea, insomuch that
we were driven to lie at hull and to take down all our sails—and so went
to fishing. In one hour we got 100 great cod, and if we would have but
stayed after the fog broke up, we might quickly [have] loaded our
ship—and, I am persuaded, had we been prepared with all things necessary
for a fishing voyage, we might have loaded our ship in a week. I think
we got 1000 in all. And indeed, when we had nothing else to do, my
people took delight to catch them, although we threw them away again, as
I think we did 300. One fish we got, I think, weighed 100 pound: it was
as big a cod as ever was seen. We got many turbots, likewise, and one
turbot we got gave all our ship a meal and to spare. And to speak what
voyages of fishing hath been found and made this year, here hath been at
Monhegan, Damerill’s Cove, Anquam, Pemaquid, Sagadahoc, and the Isles of
Shoals[68]—all principal places for fishing—about 400 sail. And every
one of them, by their confession, say that they have made good voyages,
and now most of them are gone into Spain, to sell their fish where they
have ready gold for it. And now to speak what sorts of other fish are
here to be had. Here are great store of sturgeon—I mean abundance;
likewise great of salmon, bass, trout, eels—and lobsters such infinite
that when we have them the very multitude of them cloys us. There are
likewise great store of other fish which I cannot remember, as clams and
oysters.
And now to speak somewhat of our store of beaver’s skins that are round
about us both to the norward and southward. And now at this present, we
are going to the southward into Hudson’s River, where the Dutchmen have
all their skins of the savages. We hope there to get good store of
beaver’s, otter’s and martin’s skins, as also fox skins and raccoon
skins—all which will yield money good store in England. And towards
Christmas we are to return to our plantation again. And then, before the
fishermen come in February to the norward, we mean to go trade for all
the skins that are to be had thereabout, and then to take the best stage
for fishing in the country, and so to fish in the beginning of the
year;[69] and then about May, 1624, to go trading for furs again. And
then it may be so, that we will come home about Christmas come
twelvemonth, but look not for me before I come. Divers occasions of
employments may fall out so that I may be hindered—and indeed, I shall
not desire to come for England unless I bring good store of profit with
me, which I make no doubt of, by God’s help.
Thirdly, I will speak somewhat of the timber in the country, which will
raise great profit to the Adventurers. We have here as good timber as
ever I saw—of many sorts. We have here cedar, beech, pine, oak, and
divers other sorts, of which we have here sent a sample of about two or
three hundred pounds worth, and with it a good many beaver’s skins and
furs of divers sorts.
Fourthly, we will say somewhat of the sarsaparilla and sassafras—as
also, alkermes berries[70]—all which are worth good store of money in
England, and of which, when I come myself, God willing, I will bring a
pattern to London. For when I was at London, sarsaparilla was of two
shillings a pound, at the least, and we have here enough to load a ship.
Fifthly, to speak of the profit that may arise by salt—and I make no
doubt we shall make much salt before I come for England. And if we could
but have salt to sell to the fishing ships that come hither yearly, I
think we might compare our plantation to the Spaniards’ Indies. And we
have good hopes of making salt about a mile from our plantation, and it
shall be put in execution ’ere long.[71]
Sixthly and lastly, here are many other things in this country to raise
profit, as for example, at the place whereto we are now bound with our
ship to the southward—the place is called Capawack[72]—there is a
mountain of bole armeniac[73] and divers other metals. No English hath
been there, but only one Captain Dermer whom was killed by the savages
there;[74] for the savages in this place are very strong and are men of
very able bodies. But notwithstanding, we mean to put it upon trial and
to go well armed among them. We hope there to get store of skins.
And now, having spoken what is but the truth concerning the profit that
may with small labor be got for the Company of Adventurers, I will now,
as briefly as I can, show you what good will redound to those that live
here. And first, of the fish in the country, which, as I said before, is
of all sorts in infinite number; and two, for the fowl that are in the
country. Here are eagles of many sorts, pigeons, innumerable turkeys,
geese, swans, duck, teel, partridge divers sorts, and many others fowl,
[so] that one man at six shoots hath killed 400. And then to speak of
the healthfulness of the air. It lieth in 42 degrees of northerly
latitude. We have here the wind come off the land all the day time, and
in the night off the sea, which is wondrous wholesome. Some few have had
agues at the first coming over, but not sick above a week—and myself was
ill for three or four days, but I thank these good friends of mine at
the plantation, I am recovered pretty well, thanks be to God. Thirdly,
those that live here need never want wood, for here is great store. Four
(fourthly), here is as good ground as ever I heard of, whenas the ground
yield five or six hundred for one—nay, some 1400![75] And this year they
have great store of corn—as goodly corn as ever I saw—of which I have
sent you six ears. And if God will, when I come myself, you nor my
worshipful friend, Sir John Leventhorpe, shall not want so much beaver’s
skins as will make each of you a hat. But to our purpose, I say that
none of these commodities can be got without a little pains, and the
most pains and cost is to be stowed at the beginning; for men must
provide for the worst, that they may have provision for themselves a
twelvemonth if these things fail—and then the[y] must take pains to
build them houses and the like. And because I have spoken somewhat large
of the country—and indeed I have good cause, because if I were well
provided with all things necessary, as servants and the like, I could
live here contentedly with great pleasure—but I shall better think and
determine of such matters when more important business doth not call me
aside.
And now I will speak somewhat of the savages in the country about—I mean
the native Indians. The nearest that any dwell unto [Plymouth] is
fourteen miles, and their town is called Manomet. Only without our pales
dwells one Hobomok, his wives and his household (above ten persons), who
is our friend and interpreter, and one whom we have found faithful and
trusty. He I carry away with me to the southward. And now, likewise, in
this bay wherein we live, in former time hath lived about 2000 Indians.
Here is not one living now, nor not one living which belonged to this
plantation before we came, so that the ground on which we are planted
belongs to nobody.[76]
And now to speak of the king of the country, who is a great emperor
among his people. Upon the occasion of the Governor’s marriage,[77]
since I came, Massasoit was sent for to the wedding, where came with him
his wife, the queen, although he hath five wives. With him came four
other kings and about six score men with their bows and arrows—where,
when they came to our town, we saluted them with the shooting off of
many muskets and training our men. And so all the bows and arrows was
brought into the Governor’s house, and he brought the Governor three or
four bucks and a turkey. And so we had very good pastime in seeing them
dance, which is in such manner, with such a noise that you would wonder.
And at that time when we gave Massasoit his hat, coat, band and feather,
I craved a boy of him for you, but he would not part with him; but I
will bring you one hereafter.
And now to say somewhat of the great cheer we had at the Governor’s
marriage. We had about twelve pasty venisons, besides others, pieces of
roasted venison and other such good cheer in such quantity that I could
wish you some of our share. For here we have the best grapes that ever
you say[78]—and the biggest, and divers sorts of plums and nuts which
our business will not suffer us to look for.
And now to speak somewhat of Massasoit’s stature. He is as proper a man
as ever was seen in this country, and very courageous. He is very subtle
for a savage, and he goes like the rest of his men, all naked but only a
black wolf skin he wears upon his shoulder. And about the breadth of a
span he wears beads about his middle. And these beads they make
themselves, which they account as gold above silver before the beads we
bring out of England.
Lastly, to speak a little in what peace and friendship we are with the
savages, which peace we have had with Massasoit ever since our coming.
And he never expressed his love more to us than of late; for in the
Massachusetts there was a colony—I may rather say a company of idle
persons, for they had no civil government among themselves, much less
were they able to govern and rule Indians by them. And this plantation
was begun about one year and one half since by one Mr. Weston,[79] who
came this year to see his plantation. But by many notorious deeds among
themselves, and also having in their necessity stolen corn from the
Indians, the Indians began to condemn them and would have killed all the
English, but they feared that when the English of Patuxet did hear what
they had done, then they would set upon the squaw sachem in the
Massachusetts and so kill all the Indians in the Massachusetts.
Whereupon they determined another resolution: to cut the English at
Patuxet, whom they stand in fear of now, and the English at
Massachusetts both at one time. But in the mean time, the great
Massasoit sent to Patuxet for some physic, because he was fallen very
sick, and so, by God’s help, he was cured. And upon his recovery, he
made known the plot of the Indians of Massachusetts against us, and told
us that if we would not go fight with them, he would. So at the return
of our surgeon from Massasoit, came a messenger from Mr. Weston’s
plantation at Massachusetts, telling us that there was a plot against us
by the Indians of Massachusetts. Whereupon the Governor, Mr. William
Bradford (well worthy the place), sent Captain Standish with some six or
seven others to the Massachusetts to bring away the head of him that
made the broil. And so, by God’s goodness, he killed our chief enemy and
five or six others without any hurt to our part, and brought away the
head of the chiefest of them.[80] And [it] is set on the top of our
fort, and instead of an ancient,[81] we have a piece of linen cloth dyed
in the same Indian’s blood, which was hung out upon the fort when
Massasoit was here. And now the Indians are most of them fled from us,
but they now seek to us to make peace. But we are informed by Hobomok
that eight shallops of Indians, well provided, are coming this way. They
say themselves that they come to fight with other Indians that have
killed a friend of theirs, but if they come at us to offer any violence,
I doubt they will never carry their shallops back again—it may be, not
with their lives. And these Indians, we hear, have muskets and fowling
pieces, with powder and shot, which they have bought of the Frenchmen in
Canada and of the Englishmen at the Isle of Monhegan; but that trade is
already stopped by the King’s proclamations concerning the same trade.
And now, loving brother, I have little else to write of unto you—but
only one thing I thank you kindly for, and that was for the last letter
you sent me in England, wherein you desire [me] to hold fast to the
truth and likewise to be diligent in my place. Of both which make no
doubt—no! be persuaded that I will rather die a thousand deaths than
once to shame God or my country. And now, seeing that I am entered into
this place, doubt not but that I will always increase in knowledge. And
indeed, when I undertook this voyage at first, I always held the art of
navigation to be most hard and difficult, but now, through some practice
and reading, I have attained to that I hope never to forget. And I hope
by that time I see old England to be able to conduct a ship myself, safe
into any harbor in New England. But God disposeth of all things. And
truly, I never lived better to my content nor among those who can more
respect me as the Company in old England and here[82] likewise do, who
think nothing too good for me. I praise God, I have my health ’till now
that I wrote this letter—but I mended apace.
And now, loving brother, I must make an end, although I think no pains
sufficient to express my love unto you. I doubt not but you will show
yourself a friend to me in taking care for that little stock I have. I
am desirous it should increase—and in your hands, if you think it
profitable to you. I know you will deal the more providently for me,
because of divers reasons well known to yourself. I pray let that same
£100 be taken of my Mr. Hawes or his heirs when it is due (and that will
be about March, 1624), and if you and my brother Hawtry[83] think good,
take it into your own hands. I have wrote to my brother Hawtry to buy me
the books of English voyages, which will do me great good. I pray look
that they be bought me, and send by this messenger that is come from New
England and hath lived there three years. And he comes away about
December from London, that he may come with the fishermen, to be here in
February. I pray let those books be of the same voyages that is lately
put forth by Mr. Purchas, minister about Ludgate.[84]
Thus much I have thought good to let you understand concerning the
estate of myself and New England, and now I will take my leave of you,
desiring the God of hosts to guide you and yours in your going out and
coming, so that all your labors may prosper under your hands, and that
your life in this world of misery may be such a life that may prepare
you to a better in the world to come.
And thus, my kindest love and best affections being remembered to you,
desiring you to accept of this mite (being compared to my mind).
Likewise, as I am bound to respect, so let my love be remembered to my
sister your wife, and to my worthy friend, Sir John Leventhorpe, and to
his good lady, and all the rest of that noble house, as to my Lady Fowle
and Sir John Fowle, my brother Thomas, and my sister Mary.[85] And I
pray merrily tell her it will be no tarrying for me because I know not
when I shall come into England. But I pray likewise tell [her] that I
could here give her much land if she will come and live among this wild
scene of Indians. I hope this will make her smile. And now, I pray let
my love be remembered to my aunt Wolley, hoping that she will have me in
her mind, although not in her eye; I mean I hope she will remember me at
her death, which must be one day.[86] Pray remember me likewise to Mr.
Denn and his wife and old goodwife Stracy, and to my worthy Adventurer
Henry Stracy, who, if he claims his money, let him have it, I pray you,
for I see it will come in with profit. Pray likewise remember my love to
Mr. Bland and William Watson, and pray tell them thus much: that because
a ship could not be got when I had cattle in my hands, and likewise
because I could get nobody to join with me, I put that money into the
common stock; and it shall be answered in that, which, if they be not
contented, I will repay again. The like, I pray, do to goodman Wells.
Remember me to him and tell him I find great need of his cousin, the
potter.[87] I pray, sir, let them read this letter—either the same or a
copy of the same—and so, likewise, I pray let my noble friend, Sir John
Leventhorpe; although I have wrote to him, yet I refer him to
particulars in your letters.
And so I take my leave of you; but I pray remember me to my father Adee
and mother Adee, and to all the rest of my friends to whom I am by any
way tied—as to Seth Haggar and Edward Skoles, whose so long continuance
and good service in your house have caused me to speak well of them.
And thus I end, desiring the Lord to direct you in all your ways, words
and actions, and to guide you by his Holy Spirit and so to enable you,
that in what you have been wanting to glorify his name in this world
among men, your heart may be more and more touched with the reverence of
so great a God, and to labor more and more to glorify him here, that so
you may be glorified by him in the world to come, where one day, if I
see you not in this world, I make no doubt but to meet you, which God,
for Christ Jesus’ sake grant unto us. And so I bid you, Farewell!
Farewell in the Lord; and the God of heaven, earth, seas and all things
be with you and protect you in your going forth and coming in. And so,
being guided and directed by God’s holy angels, you may not be ashamed
to show yourself before God and the Lord Christ at that great day of
account when all things shall be made known. And so, even from my heart
and soul, I take my leave of you and the rest of my other friends who
are mentioned in my other letters. _Vale!_
I shall be glad to hear from you. In the beginning of December, pray
send your letters to Mr. Sherley’s in Crooked Lane.[88] Divers matters I
could write, but only this let me tell you: that I would entreat you to
stir up a few friends to venture four or five hundred pounds with me
when I come myself. For I then intend to make a voyage to fish, which I
make no doubt but I can get two of one in eight months. This thing I
thought good to impart to you, and do entreat you to provide such a
course against I come home, if you can.
Forth, this is a most ordinary voyage undertaken.
Thus I rest,
your most loving brother,