She lived in the midst of most furious theological strife. Christianity

was still a comparatively new religion, even if we accept the

traditional chronology of the early world; and in her time the experts

had not yet settled what were its tenets. The only thing that was

perfectly clear to each theological expert was that if you did not

agree with his own particular belief you were eternally damned,

and that it was his duty to put you out of your sin immediately by

cutting your throat lest you should inveigle some other foolish

fellows into the broad path that leadeth to destruction. Theodora was

a Monophysite--that is to say, she believed that Christ had only one

soul, whereas it was well known to the experts that He had two. Nothing

could be too dreadful for the miscreants who believed otherwise. It

was gleefully narrated how Nestorius, who had started the abominable

doctrine of Monophysm, had his tongue eaten by worms--that is, died

of cancer of the tongue; and it is not incredible that Procopius, who

was a Synodist or Orthodox believer, may have invented the libels

and secretly written them down in order to show the world of after

days what sort of monster his heretical Empress really was, wear she

never so many gorgeous ropes of pearls in her Imperial panoply. It

is difficult to place any bounds to theological hatred--or to human

credulity for that matter. The whole question of the nature of Christ

was settled by the Sixth Œcumenical Council about a hundred and fifty

years later, when it was finally decided that Christ had two natures,

or souls, or wills--however we interpret the Greek word Φύσις--each

separate and indivisible in one body. This, and the Holy Trinity, are

still, I understand, part of Christian theology, and appear to be

equally comprehensible to the ordinary scientific man.

But it is difficult to get over a tradition of the eleventh

century--that is to say, six hundred years before Procopius’ _Annals_

saw the light--that Justinian married “Theodora of the Brothel.”

Although Mallet showed that Procopius had strong personal reasons for

libelling his Empress, one cannot help feeling that there must be

something in the stories after all.

Once she had assumed the marvellous crown, with its ropes of pearls,

in which she and many of the other Empresses are depicted, her whole

character is said to have changed. Though her enemies accused her of

cruelty, greed, treachery, and dishonesty--and no accounts from her

friends have survived--yet they were forced to admit that she acted

with propriety and amazing courage; and no word was spoken against

her virtue. In the Nika riots, which at one time threatened to depose

Justinian, she saved the Empire. Justinian, his ministers, and even the

hero Belisarius, were for flight, the mob howling in the square outside

the Palace, when Theodora spoke up in gallant words which I paraphrase.

She began by saying how indecorous it was for a woman to interfere in

matters of State, and then went on to say: “We must all die some time,

but it is a terrible thing to have been an Emperor and to give up

Empire before one dies. The purple is a noble winding-sheet! Flight is

easy, my Emperor--there are the steps of the quay--there are the ships

waiting for you; you have money to live on. But in very shame you will

taste the bitterness of death in life if you flee! I, your wife, will

not flee, but will stay behind without you, and will die an Empress

rather than live a coward!” Proud little woman--could that woman have

been a prostitute selling her body in degradation? It seems impossible.

The Council, regaining courage, decided for fighting; armed bands were

sent forth into the square; the riot was suppressed with Oriental

ferocity; and the Roman Empire lasted nearly a thousand years more.

“Toujours l’audace,” as Danton said nearly thirteen hundred years

later, when, however, he was not in imminent peril himself.

[Illustration: [_Photo, Alinari._

THE EMPRESS THEODORA.

From a Mosaic (Ravenna, San Vitale).]

In person Theodora was small, slender, graceful, and exquisitely

beautiful; her complexion was pale, her eyes singularly expressive:

the mosaic at Ravenna, in stiff and formal art, gives some evidence of

character and beauty. She was accused, as I have said, of barbarous

cruelties, of herself applying the torture in her underground private

prisons; the stories are contradictory and inconsistent, but one story

appears to be historical: “If you do not obey me I swear by the living

God that I will have you flayed alive,” she said with gentle grace

to her attendants. It is said that her illegitimate son, whom she

had disposed of by putting him with his terrified father in Arabia,

gained possession of the secret of his birth, and boldly repaired to

Constantinople in the belief that her maternal affection would lead her

to pardon him for the offence of having been born, and that thereby

he would attain to riches and greatness; but the story goes that he

was never seen again after he entered the Palace. Possibly the story

is of the nature of romance. She dearly longed for a legitimate son,

and the faithful united in prayer to that end; but the sole fruit of

her marriage was a daughter, and even this girl was said to have been

conceived before the wedding.

When she was still adolescent she went for a tour in the Levant with

a wealthy Tyrian named Ecebolus, who, disgusted by her violent temper

or her universal _charity_, to use Gibbon’s sly phrase, deserted her

and left her penniless at Alexandria. The men of Egypt appear to have

been less erotic than the Greeks, for she remained in dire poverty,

working her way back home by way of the shores of the Euxine. In Egypt

she had become a Monophysite; and when she reached Constantinople it

is said that she sat in a pleasant home outside the Palace and plied

her spinning-wheel so virtuously that Justinian fell in love with her

and ultimately married her, having first tried her charms. Passing

over the obvious difficulty that a girl of the charm and immorality

of Procopius’ Theodora need never have gone in poverty while men were

men, the wonder naturally arises whether the girl who went away with

Ecebolus was the same as she who returned poor and alone and sat so

virtuously at her spinning-wheel as to bewitch Justinian. Mistaken

identity, or rather loss of identity, must have been commoner in

those days than these when the printing-press and rapid postal and

telegraphic communication make it harder to lose one’s self. However,

granting that there was no confusion of identity, one may believe--if

one tries hard enough--that she was befriended by the Monophysites in

Egypt, and may have “found religion” at their hands, and, by suffering

poverty and oppression with them, had learned to sympathize with the

under-world. Though the story may seem to be more suitable for an

American picture-show than for sober history, still one must admit that

it is not absolutely impossible. When she became great and famous she

did not forget those who had rescued her in the days of her affliction;

and her influence on Justinian is to be seen in the “feminism” which is

so marked in his code. What makes it not impossible is the well-known

fact that violent sexuality is in some way related to powerful

religious instincts; and the theory that the passions which had led

Theodora to the brothel may, when her mind was turned to religion, have

led her to be a Puritan, is rather attractive. But nothing is said

about Theodora which has not in some way been twisted to her infamy.

The only certain fact about her is that she had enormous influence over

her husband, and it is difficult to believe that a great and able man

like Justinian could have entirely yielded his will to the will of a

cruel and treacherous harlot. The idea certainly opens an unexpectedly

wide vista of masculine weakness.

She used this influence in helping to frame the great Code of

Justinian, which has remained the standard of law in many countries

ever since. A remarkable feature about this code is that, while it

is severe on the keepers of brothels, it is mild to leniency on the

unhappy women who prostituted themselves for these keepers’ benefit.

The idea that a prostitute is a woman, with rights and feelings like

any other woman, appears to have been unknown until Theodora had it

introduced into the code of laws which perpetuates her husband’s

memory. One night she collected all the prostitutes in Constantinople,

five hundred in all--were there only five hundred in that vast

Oriental city?--shut them up in a palace on the Asiatic shore of the

Bosphorus, and expected them to reform as she had reformed, but with

less success; as our modern experience would lead us to expect. The

girls grew morbidly unhappy, and many threw themselves into the sea.

Even in a lock hospital we know how difficult it is to reclaim girls

to whom sexual intercourse has become a matter of daily habit, and if

Theodora’s well-meant attempt failed we must at least give her credit

for an attempt at an idealistic impossibility. These girls did not

have the prospect of marrying an Emperor; no pearl-stringed crown was

dangled before their fingers for the grasping. Poor human nature is

not so easily kept on the strait and narrow path as Theodora thought.

Throughout her life she seems to have had great sympathy for the

poor and the oppressed, and one feels with Edward Foord that one can

forgive her a great deal. We must not forget that her husband called

her his “honoured wife,” his “gift from God,” and his “sweet delight”;

and spoke most gratefully of her interest and assistance in framing

his great code of laws. Was her humanitarianism, her sympathy with

down-trodden women, the result of her own sad past experience? To think

so would be to turn her pity towards vice into an argument against her

own virtue, and I shrink from doing so. Let us rather believe that she

really did perceive how terribly the Fates have loaded the dice against

women, and that she did what she could to make their paths easier

through this earth on which we have no continuing city.

Her health gave her a great deal of trouble, and she spent many months

of every year in her beautiful villas on the shores of the Sea of

Marmora and the Bosphorus. She remained in bed most of every day,

rising late, and retiring early. To Procopius and the Synodists these

habits were naturally signs of Oriental weakness and luxury; but may

not the poor lady have been really ill? She visited several famous

baths in search of health, and we have a vivid account of her journey

through Bithynia on her way to the hot springs of the Pythian Apollo

near Brusa.

We have no evidence as to the nature of her illness. Her early life,

of course, suggests some venereal trouble, and it is interesting

to inquire into the position of the various venereal diseases at

that time. Syphilis I think we may rule out of court; for it is now

generally believed that that disease was not known in Europe until

after the return of Columbus’ men from the West Indian islands. Some of

the bones of Egypt were thought to show signs of syphilitic invasion

until it was shown by Elliott Smith that similar markings are caused

by insects; and no indubitable syphilitic lesion has ever been found

in any of the mummies. If syphilis did really occur in European

antiquity, it must have been exceedingly rare and have differed widely

in its pathological effects from the disease which is so common

and destructive to-day; that is to say, in spite of certain German

enthusiasts, it could not have been syphilis.

But gonorrhœa is a very old story, and was undoubtedly prevalent in the

ancient world. Luys indeed says that gonorrhœa is as old as mankind,

and was named by Galen himself, though regular physicians and surgeons

scorned to treat it. It is strange that there is so little reference to

this disease in the vast amount of pornographic literature which has

come down to us. Martial, for instance, or Ovid; nothing would seem too

obscene to have passed by their salacious minds; yet neither of them so

much as hint that such a thing as gonorrhœa existed. But it is possible

that such a disease might have been among the things unlucky or “tabu.”

All nations and all ages have been more or less under the influence

of tabu, which ranges from influence on the most trivial matters to

settlement of the gravest. Thus, many men would almost rather die than

walk abroad in a frock coat and tan boots, or, still more dreadful, in

a frock coat and Homburg hat, though that freakish costume appears to

be common enough in America. In this matter we are under the influence

of tabu--the thing which prevents us, or should prevent us, from eating

peas with our knife, or making unseemly noises when we eat soup, or

playing a funeral march at a cheerful social gathering. In all these

things the idea of _nefas_--unlucky--seems more or less to enter;

similarly we do not like to walk under a ladder lest a paint-pot should

fall upon us. Many people hate to mention the dread word “death,” lest

that should untimely be their portion. Just so possibly a licentious

man like Ovid may have been swayed by some such fear, and he may have

refrained from writing about the horrid disease which he must have

known was ever waiting for him.

But though it may seem to have been impossible that any prostitute

should have escaped gonorrhœa in Byzantium, just as it is impossible

in modern London or Sydney, yet there is no evidence that Theodora so

suffered; what hints we have, if they weigh on either side at all, seem

to make it unlikely. She had a child after her marriage with Justinian,

though women who have had untreated gonorrhœa are very frequently or

generally sterile. Nor is there any evidence that Justinian ever had

any serious illness except the bubonic plague, from which he suffered,

and recovered, during the great epidemic of 546. I assume that the

buboes from which he doubtless suffered at that time were not venereal

but were the ordinary buboes of plague. He had been Theodora’s husband

for many years before that terrible year in which the plague swept away

about a third of the population of the Roman Empire, where it had been

simmering ever since the time of Marcus Aurelius. If Theodora really

had gonorrhœa, Justinian must have caught it, and it is unlikely that

he would have called her his “honoured wife.”

A more probable explanation of her continued ill-health might be

that she became septic at her confinement, when the unwanted girl

was born. When the Byzantines spoke of a child as being “born in the

purple,” they spoke literally, for the Roman Empress was always sent

to a “porphyry palace” on the Bosphorus for her confinement; and once

there she had access to less good treatment than is available for

any sempstress to-day. It is impossible to suppose that the porphyry

palace--the “purple house”--ever became infected with puerperal sepsis

because there was never more than one confinement going on at a time

within its walls, and that only at long intervals. Still, there must

have been a great many septic confinements and unrecorded female

misery from their results among the women of that early world; and

that must be remembered when we consider the extraordinarily small

birth-rate of the Imperial families during so many centuries. Had the

Roman Emperors been able to point to strong sons to inherit their

glories, possibly the history of the Empire would have been less

turbulent. A Greek or Roman Lister might have altered the history of

the world by giving security of succession to the Imperial despot.

After all, it is idle to speculate on Theodora’s illness, and it does

not much matter. She has long gone to her account, poor fascinating

creature; all her beauty and wit and eager vivacity are as though

they had never been save for their influence upon her husband’s laws.

Theodora is the standing example of woman’s fate to achieve results

through the agency of some man.

She died of cancer, and died young. There is no record of the original

site of the cancer; the ecclesiastic who records the glad tidings

merely relates joyfully that it was diffused throughout her body, as

was only right and proper in one who differed from him in religious

opinions. It is generally thought that it started in the breast. No

doubt this is a modern guess, though of course cancer of the breast

is notorious for the way in which its secondary growths spread through

liver, lungs, bones, neck, spine, and so forth; and there is little

reason to suppose that the guess is incorrect. After trying all the

usual remedies for “lumps,” her physicians determined to send her to

the baths of Brusa, famous in miraculous cure. There were two large

iron and two large sulphur springs, besides smaller ones; and people

generally went there in spring and early summer when the earth was

gaily carpeted with the myriad flowers that spring up and fade before

the heat of the Mediterranean July. May we infer from the choice of a

sulphur bath that the cancer had already invaded the skin? Possibly.

Such a horror may have been the determining factor which induced the

Empress and her physicians to travel afield. But if so, surely the

recording priest missed a chance of rejoicing; for he does not tell us

the glad news. All over Bithynia and the Troad there were, and are, hot

mineral springs; Homer relates how one hot spring and a cold gushed

from beneath the walls of Troy itself. The girls of Troy used to wash

their clothes in the hot spring whenever Agamemnon would let them.

When Theodora went to Brusa she was accompanied by a retinue of four

thousand, and Heaven resounded with the prayers of the Monophysites;

but the Orthodox refused to pray for the recovery of so infamous a

heretic, just as they had refused to join in her prayers for a son.

Theodora met with little loving-kindness on this earth after she had

left Egypt; possibly the world repaid her with what it received from

her.

The sanctuaries of Asklepios were the great centres of Greek and Roman

healing, and the treatment there was both mental and physical. The

temples were generally built in charming localities, where everything

was peace and loveliness; the patients lay in beds in beautiful

colonnades, and to them, last thing at night, priests delivered restful

and touching services; when sleep came upon them they dreamt, and

the dreams were looked upon as the voice of God; they followed His

instructions and were cured. They were not cured, however, if they had

cancer. One Ælius Aristides has left us a vivid--and unconsciously

amusing--account of his adventures in search of health; he seems to

have been a neurotic man who ultimately developed into a first-class

neurasthenic. To him his beloved god was indeed a trial, as no doubt

Aristides himself was to his more earthly physicians. He would sit

surrounded by his friends, to whom he would pour out his woes in true

neurasthenic style. Aristides seems never to have been truly happy

unless he was talking about his ailments, and he loyally followed

any suggestion for treatment if only he could persuade himself that

it came from the beloved Asklepios. The god would send him a vision,

that ordered him to bathe three times in icy water when fevered, and

afterwards to run a mile in the teeth of a north-east wind--and the

north-easters in the Troad can be bitter indeed; very different from

the urbane and gentle breath that spreads so delicious a languor over

the summer of Sydney! This behest the much-tried man of faith would

dutifully perform, accompanied by a running bodyguard of doctors and

nurses marvelling at his endurance and the inscrutable wisdom of the

god, though they expected, and no doubt in their inmost hearts hoped,

that their long-suffering patient would drop dead from exhaustion.

There were real doctors at these shrines besides priests. The doctors

seem to have been much the same kind of inquisitive and benevolent

persons as we are to-day; some of them were paid to attend the poor

without fee. The nurses were both male and female, and appear to have

been most immoral people. Aristides was the wonder of his age; his

fame spread from land to land, and it is marvellous that he neither

succumbed to his heroic treatment nor lost his faith in the divine

being that subjected him to such torment. Both facts are perhaps

characteristic of mankind. The manner of his end I do not know.

In Theodora’s time Asklepios and the other Olympian divinities had

long been gathered to their fathers before the advancing tides of

Christianity and Earth-Mother worship; but though the old gods were

gone the human body and human spirit remained the same, and there is no

doubt that she was expected to dream and bathe and drink mineral waters

just as Aristides had done centuries before; and no doubt a crowd of

sympathizing friends sat round her on the marble seats which are still

there and tried to console her--a difficult task when the sufferer has

cancer of the breast. She sat there, her beauty faded, her once-rounded

cheeks ashy with cachexia and lined with misery, brooding over the real

nature of the Christ she was so soon to meet, wondering whether she or

her implacable enemies were in the right as to His soul--whether He

had in truth two souls or one. She had made her choice, and it was too

late now to alter; in any case she was too gallant a little Empress to

quail in the face of death, come he never so horribly. Let us hope that

she had discovered before she died that Christ the All-merciful would

forgive even so atrocious a sin as attributing to Him a single soul!

All her piety, all the prayers of her friends, and all the medical

skill of Brusa proved in vain, and she died in A.D. 548, being then

forty years of age. So we take leave of this woman, whom many consider

the most remarkable in history. Let us envisage her to ourselves--this

graceful, exquisite, little cameo-faced lady, passionate in her loves

and her hates, with some of the languor of the East in her blood, much

of the tigress; brave in danger and resourceful in time of trouble;

loyal and faithful to her learned husband as he was loyal to her; yet

perhaps a little despising him. Except Medea, as seen by Euripides,

Theodora was probably the first feminist, and as such has made her mark

upon the world. On the whole her influence upon the Roman Empire seems

to have been for good, and the merciful and juster trend of the laws

she inspired must be noted in her favour.

Theodora dead, the glory of Justinian departed. He seemed to be stunned

by the calamity, and for many critical months took no part in the

world’s affairs; even after he recovered he seemed but the shadow of

his old self. Faithful to her in life, he remained faithful after her

death, and sought no other woman; that is another reason for thinking

that Procopius lied. He lived, a lonely and friendless old man, for

eighteen more years, hated by his subjects for his extortionate

taxation--which they attributed to the extravagance of the crowned

prostitute, though more likely it was due to the enormous campaigns of

Belisarius and Narses the eunuch, as a result of which Italy and Africa

once more came under the sway of the East. Justinian was lonely on his

death-bed, and the world breathed a sigh of relief when he was gone. He

had long outlived his glory.

The Emperor Charles V

Post mortem: Essays, historical and medical · 第 3 / 12 段