CHAPTER XXIV.

END OF THE WAR--FROM GOLDSBORO' TO RALEIGH AND WASHINGTON.

APRIL AND MAY, 1865.

As before described, the armies commanded respectively by Generals

J. M. Schofield, A. H. Terry, and myself, effected a junction in

and about Goldsboro', North Carolina, during the 22d and 23d of

March, 1865, but it required a few days for all the troops and

trains of wagons to reach their respective camps. In person I

reached Goldsboro' on the 23d, and met General Schofield, who

described fully his operations in North Carolina up to that date;

and I also found Lieutenant Dunn, aide-de-camp to General Grant,

with a letter from him of March 16th, giving a general description

of the state of facts about City Point. The next day I received

another letter, more full, dated the 22d, which I give herewith.

Nevertheless, I deemed it of great importance that I should have a

personal interview with the general, and determined to go in person

to City Point as soon as the repairs of the railroad, then in

progress under the personal direction of Colonel W. W. Wright,

would permit:

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES

CITY POINT, VIRGINIA, March 22, 1865

Major-General SHERMAN, Commanding Military Division of the

Mississippi.

GENERAL: Although the Richmond papers do not communicate the fact,

yet I saw enough in them to satisfy me that you occupied Goldsboro'

on the 19th inst. I congratulate you and the army on what may be

regarded as the successful termination of the third campaign since

leaving the Tennessee River, less than one year ago.

Since Sheridan's very successful raid north of the James, the enemy

are left dependent on the Southside and Danville roads for all

their supplies. These I hope to cut next week. Sheridan is at

White House, "shoeing up" and resting his cavalry. I expect him to

finish by Friday night and to start the following morning, raid

Long Bridge, Newmarket, Bermuda Hundred, and the extreme left of

the army around Petersburg. He will make no halt with the armies

operating here, but will be joined by a division of cavalry, five

thousand five hundred strong, from the Army of the Potomac, and

will proceed directly to the Southside and Danville roads. His

instructions will be to strike the Southside road as near

Petersburg as he can, and destroy it so that it cannot be repaired

for three or four days, and push on to the Danville road, as near

to the Appomattox as he can get. Then I want him to destroy the

road toward Burkesville as far as he can; then push on to the

Southside road, west of Burkesville, and destroy it effectually.

From that point I shall probably leave it to his discretion either

to return to this army, crossing the Danville road south of

Burkesville, or go and join you, passing between Danville and

Greensboro'. When this movement commences I shall move out by my

left, with all the force I can, holding present intrenched lines.

I shall start with no distinct view, further than holding Lee's

forces from following Sheridan. But I shall be along myself, and

will take advantage of any thing that turns up. If Lee detaches, I

will attack; or if he comes out of his lines I will endeavor to

repulse him, and follow it up to the best advantage.

It is most difficult to understand what the rebels intend to do; so

far but few troops have been detached from Lee's army. Much

machinery has been removed, and material has been sent to

Lynchburg, showing a disposition to go there. Points, too, have

been fortified on the Danville road.

Lee's army is much demoralized, and great numbers are deserting.

Probably, from returned prisoners, and such conscripts as can be

picked up, his numbers may be kept up. I estimate his force now at

about sixty-five thousand men.

Wilson started on Monday, with twelve thousand cavalry, from

Eastport. Stoneman started on the same day, from East Tennessee,

toward Lynchburg. Thomas is moving the Fourth Corps to Bull's Gap.

Canby is moving with a formidable force on Mobile and the interior

of Alabama.

I ordered Gilmore, as soon as the fall of Charleston was known, to

hold all important posts on the sea-coast, and to send to

Wilmington all surplus forces. Thomas was also directed to forward

to Newbern all troops belonging to the corps with you. I

understand this will give you about five thousand men, besides

those brought east by Meagher.

I have been telegraphing General Meigs to hasten up locomotives and

cars for you. General McCallum, he informs me, is attending to it.

I fear they are not going forward as fast as I world like.

Let me know if you want more troops, or any thing else.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General.

The railroad was repaired to Goldsboro' by the evening of March

25th, when, leaving General Schofield in chief command, with a

couple of staff-officers I started for City Point, Virginia, in a

locomotive, in company with Colonel Wright, the constructing

engineer. We reached Newbern that evening, which was passed in the

company of General Palmer and his accomplished lady, and early the

next morning we continued on to Morehead City, where General Easton

had provided for us the small captured steamer Russia, Captain

Smith. We put to sea at once and steamed up the coast, reaching

Fortress Monroe on the morning of the 27th, where I landed and

telegraphed to my brother, Senator Sherman, at Washington, inviting

him to come down and return with me to Goldsboro. We proceeded on

up James River to City Point, which we reached the same afternoon.

I found General Grant, with his family and staff, occupying a

pretty group of huts on the bank of James River, overlooking the

harbor, which was full of vessels of all classes, both war and

merchant, with wharves and warehouses on an extensive scale. The

general received me most heartily, and we talked over matters very

fully. After I had been with him an hour or so, he remarked that

the President, Mr. Lincoln, was then on board the steamer River

Queen, lying at the wharf, and he proposed that we should call and

see him. We walked down to the wharf, went on board, and found Mr.

Lincoln alone, in the after-cabin. He remembered me perfectly, and

at once engaged in a most interesting conversation. He was full of

curiosity about the many incidents of our great march, which had

reached him officially and through the newspapers, and seemed to

enjoy very much the more ludicrous parts-about the "bummers," and

their devices to collect food and forage when the outside world

supposed us to be starving; but at the same time he expressed a

good deal of anxiety lest some accident might happen to the army in

North Carolina during my absence. I explained to him that that

army was snug and comfortable, in good camps, at Goldsboro'; that

it would require some days to collect forage and food for another

march; and that General Schofield was fully competent to command it

in my absence. Having made a good, long, social visit, we took our

leave and returned to General Grant's quarters, where Mrs. Grant

had provided tea. While at the table, Mrs. Grant inquired if we

had seen Mrs. Lincoln. "No," said the general, "I did not ask for

her;" and I added that I did not even know that she was on board.

Mrs. Grant then exclaimed, "Well, you are a pretty pair!" and added

that our neglect was unpardonable; when the general said we would

call again the next day, and make amends for the unintended slight.

Early the next day, March 28th, all the principal officers of the

army and navy called to see me, Generals Meade, Ord, Ingalls, etc.,

and Admiral Porter. At this time the River Queen was at anchor out

in the river, abreast of the wharf, and we again started to visit

Mr. and Mrs. Lincoln. Admiral Porter accompanied us. We took a

small, tug at the wharf, which conveyed us on board, where we were

again received most courteously by the President, who conducted us

to the after-cabin. After the general compliments, General Grant

inquired after Mrs. Lincoln, when the President went to her state-

room, returned, and begged us to excuse her, as she was not well.

We then again entered upon a general conversation, during which

General Grant explained to the President that at that very instant

of time General Sheridan was crossing James River from the north,

by a pontoon-bridge below City Point; that he had a large,

well-appointed force of cavalry, with which he proposed to strike

the Southside and Danville Railroads, by which alone General Lee,

in Richmond, supplied his army; and that, in his judgment, matters

were drawing to a crisis, his only apprehension being that General

Lee would not wait long enough. I also explained that my army at

Goldsboro' was strong enough to fight Lee's army and Johnston's

combined, provided that General Grant could come up within a day or

so; that if Lee would only remain in Richmond another fortnight, I

could march up to Burkesville, when Lee would have to starve inside

of his lines, or come out from his intrenchments and fight us on

equal terms.

Both General Grant and myself supposed that one or the other of us

would have to fight one more bloody battle, and that it would be

the last. Mr. Lincoln exclaimed, more than once, that there had

been blood enough shed, and asked us if another battle could not be

avoided. I remember well to have said that we could not control

that event; that this necessarily rested with our enemy; and I

inferred that both Jeff. Davis and General Lee would be forced to

fight one more desperate and bloody battle. I rather supposed it

would fall on me, somewhere near Raleigh; and General Grant added

that, if Lee would only wait a few more days, he would have his

army so disposed that if the enemy should abandon Richmond, and

attempt to make junction with General Jos. Johnston in North

Carolina, he (General Grant) would be on his heels. Mr. Lincoln

more than once expressed uneasiness that I was not with my army at

Goldsboro', when I again assured him that General Schofield was

fully competent to command in my absence; that I was going to start

back that very day, and that Admiral Porter had kindly provided for

me the steamer Bat, which he said was much swifter than my own

vessel, the Russia. During this interview I inquired of the

President if he was all ready for the end of the war. What was to

be done with the rebel armies when defeated? And what should be

done with the political leaders, such as Jeff. Davis, etc.? Should

we allow them to escape, etc.? He said he was all ready; all he

wanted of us was to defeat the opposing armies, and to get the men

composing the Confederate armies back to their homes, at work on

their farms and in their shops. As to Jeff. Davis, he was hardly

at liberty to speak his mind fully, but intimated that he ought to

clear out, "escape the country," only it would not do for him to

say so openly. As usual, he illustrated his meaning by a story:

A man once had taken the total-abstinence pledge. When visiting a

friend, he was invited to take a drink, but declined, on the score

of his pledge; when his friend suggested lemonade, which was

accepted. In preparing the lemonade, the friend pointed to the

brandy-bottle, and said the lemonade would be more palatable if he

were to pour in a little brandy; when his guest said, if he could

do so "unbeknown" to him, he would "not object." From which

illustration I inferred that Mr. Lincoln wanted Davis to escape,

"unbeknown" to him.

I made no notes of this conversation at the time, but Admiral

Porter, who was present, did, and in 1866 he furnished me an

account thereof, which I insert below, but the admiral describes

the first visit, of the 27th, whereas my memory puts Admiral

Porter's presence on the following day. Still he may be right, and

he may have been with us the day before, as I write this chiefly

from memory. There were two distinct interviews; the first was

late in the afternoon of March 27th, and the other about noon of

the 28th, both in the after-cabin of the steamer River Queen; on

both occasions Mr. Lincoln was full and frank in his conversation,

assuring me that in his mind he was all ready for the civil

reorganization of affairs at the South as soon as the war was over;

and he distinctly authorized me to assure Governor Vance and the

people of North Carolina that, as soon as the rebel armies laid

down their arms, and resumed their civil pursuits, they would at

once be guaranteed all their rights as citizens of a common

country; and that to avoid anarchy the State governments then in

existence, with their civil functionaries, would be recognized by

him as the government de facto till Congress could provide others.

I know, when I left him, that I was more than ever impressed by his

kindly nature, his deep and earnest sympathy with the afflictions

of the whole people, resulting from the war, and by the march of

hostile armies through the South; and that his earnest desire

seemed to be to end the war speedily, without more bloodshed or

devastation, and to restore all the men of both sections to their

homes. In the language of his second inaugural address, he seemed

to have "charity for all, malice toward none," and, above all, an

absolute faith in the courage, manliness, and integrity of the

armies in the field. When at rest or listening, his legs and arms

seemed to hang almost lifeless, and his face was care-worn and

haggard; but, the moment he began to talk, his face lightened up,

his tall form, as it were, unfolded, and he was the very

impersonation of good-humor and fellowship. The last words I

recall as addressed to me were that he would feel better when I was

back at Goldsboro'. We parted at the gangway of the River Queen,

about noon of March 28th, and I never saw him again. Of all the

men I ever met, he seemed to possess more of the elements of

greatness, combined with goodness, than any other.

ADMIRAL PORTER'S ACCOUNT OF THE INTERVIEW WITH

Mr. LINCOLN.

The day of General Sherman's arrival at City Point (I think the

27th of March, 1866), I accompanied him and General Grant on board

the President's flagship, the Queen, where the President received

us in the upper saloon, no one but ourselves being present.

The President was in an exceedingly pleasant mood, and delighted to

meet General Sherman, whom he cordially greeted.

It seems that this was the first time he had met Sherman, to

remember him, since the beginning of the war, and did not remember

when he had seen him before, until the general reminded him of the

circumstances of their first meeting.

This was rather singular on the part of Mr. Lincoln, who was, I

think, remarkable for remembering people, having that kingly

quality in an eminent degree. Indeed, such was the power of his

memory, that he seemed never to forget the most minute

circumstance.

The conversation soon turned on the events of Sherman's campaign

through the South, with every movement of which the President

seemed familiar.

He laughed over some of the stories Sherman told of his "bummers,"

and told others in return, which illustrated in a striking manner

the ideas he wanted to convey. For example, he would often express

his wishes by telling an apt story, which was quite a habit with

him, and one that I think he adopted to prevent his committing

himself seriously.

The interview between the two generals and the President lasted

about an hour and a half, and, as it was a remarkable one, I jotted

down what I remembered of the conversation, as I have made a

practice of doing during the rebellion, when any thing interesting

occurred.

I don't regret having done so, as circumstances afterward occurred

(Stanton's ill conduct toward Sherman) which tended to cast odium

on General Sherman for allowing such liberal terms to Jos.

Johnston.

Could the conversation that occurred on board the Queen, between

the President and General Sherman, have been known, Sherman would

not, and could not, have been censored. Mr. Lincoln, had he lived,

would have acquitted the general of any blame, for he was only

carrying out the President's wishes.

My opinion is, that Mr. Lincoln came down to City Point with the

most liberal views toward the rebels. He felt confident that we

would be successful, and was willing that the enemy should

capitulate on the most favorable terms.

I don't know what the President would have done had he been left to

himself, and had our army been unsuccessful, but he was than

wrought up to a high state of excitement. He wanted peace on

almost any terms, and there is no knowing what proposals he might

have been willing to listen to. His heart was tenderness

throughout, and, as long as the rebels laid down their arms, he did

not care how it was done. I do not know how far he was influenced

by General Grant, but I presume, from their long conferences, that

they must have understood each other perfectly, and that the terms

given to Lee after his surrender were authorized by Mr. Lincoln. I

know that the latter was delighted when he heard that they had been

given, and exclaimed, a dozen times, "Good!" "All right!"

"Exactly the thing!" and other similar expressions. Indeed, the

President more than once told me what he supposed the terms would

be: if Lee and Johnston surrendered, he considered the war ended,

and that all the other rebel forces world lay down their arms at

once.

In this he proved to be right. Grant and Sherman were both of the

same opinion, and so was everyone else who knew anything about the

matter.

What signified the terms to them, so long as we obtained the actual

surrender of people who only wanted a good opportunity to give up

gracefully? The rebels had fought "to the last ditch," and all

that they had left them was the hope of being handed down in

history as having received honorable terms.

After hearing General Sherman's account of his own position, and

that of Johnston, at that time, the President expressed fears that

the rebel general would escape south again by the railroads, and

that General Sherman would have to chase him anew, over the same

ground; but the general pronounced this to be impracticable. He

remarked: "I have him where he cannot move without breaking up his

army, which, once disbanded, can never again be got together; and I

have destroyed the Southern railroads, so that they cannot be used

again for a long time." General Grant remarked, "What is to

prevent their laying the rails again?" "Why," said General

Sherman, "my bummers don't do things by halves. Every rail, after

having been placed over a hot fire, has been twisted as crooked as

a ram's-horn, and they never can be used again."

This was the only remark made by General Grant during the

interview, as he sat smoking a short distance from the President,

intent, no doubt, on his own plans, which were being brought to a

successful termination.

The conversation between the President and General Sherman, about

the terms of surrender to be allowed Jos. Johnston, continued.

Sherman energetically insisted that he could command his own terms,

and that Johnston would have to yield to his demands; but the

President was very decided about the matter, and insisted that the

surrender of Johnston's army most be obtained on any terms.

General Grant was evidently of the same way of thinking, for,

although he did not join in the conversation to any extent, yet he

made no objections, and I presume had made up his mind to allow the

best terms himself.

He was also anxious that Johnston should not be driven into

Richmond, to reenforce the rebels there, who, from behind their

strong intrenchments, would have given us incalculable trouble.

Sherman, as a subordinate officer, yielded his views to those of

the President, and the terms of capitulation between himself and

Johnston were exactly in accordance with Mr. Lincoln's wishes. He

could not have done any thing which would have pleased the

President better.

Mr. Lincoln did, in fact, arrange the (so considered) liberal terms

offered General Jos. Johnston, and, whatever may have been General

Sherman's private views, I feel sure that he yielded to the wishes

of the President in every respect. It was Mr. Lincoln's policy

that was carried out, and, had he lived long enough, he would have

been but too glad to have acknowledged it. Had Mr. Lincoln lived,

Secretary Stanton would have issued no false telegraphic

dispatches, in the hope of killing off another general in the

regular army, one who by his success had placed himself in the way

of his own succession.

The disbanding of Jos. Johnston's army was so complete, that the

pens and ink used in the discussion of the matter were all wasted.

It was asserted, by the rabid ones, that General Sherman had given

up all that we had been fighting for, had conceded every thing to

Jos. Johnston, and had, as the boys say, "knocked the fat into the

fire;" but sober reflection soon overruled these harsh expressions,

and, with those who knew General Sherman, and appreciated him, he

was still the great soldier, patriot, and gentleman. In future

times this matter will be looked at more calmly and

dispassionately. The bitter animosities that have been engendered

during the rebellion will have died out for want of food on which

to live, and the very course Grant, Sherman, and others pursued, in

granting liberal terms to the defeated rebels, will be applauded.

The fact is, they met an old beggar in the road, whose crutches had

broken from under him: they let him have only the broken crutches

to get home with!

I sent General Sherman back to Newbern, North Carolina, in the

steamer Bat.

While he was absent from his command he was losing no time, for he

was getting his army fully equipped with stores and clothing; and,

when he returned, he had a rested and regenerated army, ready to

swallow up Jos. Johnston and all his ragamuffins.

Johnston was cornered, could not move without leaving every thing

behind him, and could not go to Richmond without bringing on a

famine in that destitute city.

I was with Mr. Lincoln all the time he was at City Point, and until

he left for Washington. He was more than delighted with the

surrender of Lee, and with the terms Grant gave the rebel general;

and would have given Jos. Johnston twice as much, had the latter

asked for it, and could he have been certain that the rebel world

have surrendered without a fight. I again repeat that, had Mr.

Lincoln lived, he would have shouldered all the responsibility.

One thing is certain: had Jos. Johnston escaped and got into

Richmond, and caused a larger list of killed and wounded than we

had, General Sherman would have been blamed. Then why not give him

the full credit of capturing on the best terms the enemy's last

important army and its best general, and putting an end to the

rebellion.

It was a finale worthy of Sherman's great march through the swamps

and deserts of the South, a march not excelled by any thing we read

of in modern military history.

D. D. PORTER, Vice-Admiral.

(Written by the admiral in 1866, at the United States Naval Academy

at Annapolis, Md., and mailed to General Sherman at St. Louis, Mo.)

As soon as possible, I arranged with General Grant for certain

changes in the organization of my army; and the general also

undertook to send to North Carolina some tug-boat and barges to

carry stores from Newbern up as far as Kinston, whence they could

be hauled in wagons to our camps, thus relieving our railroads to

that extent. I undertook to be ready to march north by April 10th,

and then embarked on the steamer Bat, Captain Barnes, for North

Carolina. We steamed down James River, and at Old Point Comfort

took on board my brother, Senator Sherman, and Mr. Edwin Stanton,

son of the Secretary of War, and proceeded at once to our

destination. On our way down the river, Captain Barnes expressed

himself extremely obliged to me for taking his vessel, as it had

relieved him of a most painful dilemma. He explained that he had

been detailed by Admiral Porter to escort the President's unarmed

boat, the River Queen, in which capacity it became his special duty

to look after Mrs. Lincoln. The day before my arrival at City

Point, there had been a grand review of a part of the Army of the

James, then commanded by General Ord. The President rode out from

City Point with General Grant on horseback, accompanied by a

numerous staff, including Captain Barnes and Mrs. Ord; but Mrs.

Lincoln and Mrs. Grant had followed in a carriage.

The cavalcade reached the review-ground some five or six miles out

from City Point, found the troops all ready, drawn up in line, and

after the usual presentation of arms, the President and party,

followed by Mrs. Ord and Captain Barnes on horseback, rode the

lines, and returned to the reviewing stand, which meantime had been

reached by Mrs. Lincoln and Mrs. Grant in their carriage, which had

been delayed by the driver taking a wrong road. Mrs. Lincoln,

seeing Mrs. Ord and Captain Barnes riding with the retinue, and

supposing that Mrs. Ord had personated her, turned on Captain

Barnes and gave him a fearful scolding; and even indulged in some

pretty sharp upbraidings to Mrs. Ord.

This made Barne's position very unpleasant, so that he felt much

relieved when he was sent with me to North Carolina. The Bat was

very fast, and on the morning of the 29th we were near Cape

Hatteras; Captain Barnes, noticing a propeller coming out of

Hatteras Inlet, made her turn back and pilot us in. We entered

safely, steamed up Pamlico Sound into Neuse River, and the next

morning,--by reason of some derangement of machinery, we anchored

about seven miles below Newbern, whence we went up in Captain

Barnes's barge. As soon as we arrived at Newbern, I telegraphed up

to General Schofield at Goldsboro' the fact of my return, and that

I had arranged with General Grant for the changes made necessary in

the reorganization of the army, and for the boats necessary to

carry up the provisions and stores we needed, prior to the renewal

of our march northward.

These changes amounted to constituting the left wing a distinct

army, under the title of "the Army of Georgia," under command of

General Slocum, with his two corps commanded by General Jeff. C.

Davis and General Joseph A. Mower; the Tenth and Twenty-third Corps

already constituted another army, "of the Ohio," under the command

of Major-General Schofield, and his two corps were commanded by

Generals J. D. Cox and A. H. Terry. These changes were necessary,

because army commanders only could order courts-martial, grant

discharges, and perform many other matters of discipline and

administration which were indispensable; but my chief purpose was

to prepare the whole army for what seemed among the probabilities

of the time--to fight both Lee's and Johnston's armies combined, in

case their junction could be formed before General Grant could

possibly follow Lee to North Carolina.

General George H. Thomas, who still remained at Nashville, was not

pleased with these changes, for the two corps with General Slocum,

viz., the Fourteenth and Twentieth, up to that time, had remained

technically a part of his "Army of the Cumberland;" but he was so

far away, that I had to act to the best advantage with the troops

and general officers actually present. I had specially asked for

General Mower to command the Twentieth Corps, because I regarded

him as one of the boldest and best fighting generals in the whole

army. His predecessor, General A. S. Williams, the senior division

commander present, had commanded the corps well from Atlanta to

Goldsboro', and it may have seemed unjust to replace him at that

precise moment; but I was resolved to be prepared for a most

desperate and, as then expected, a final battle, should it fall on

me.

I returned to Goldsboro' from Newbern by rail the evening of March

30th, and at once addressed myself to the task of reorganization

and replenishment of stores, so as to be ready to march by April

10th, the day agreed on with General Grant.

The army was divided into the usual three parts, right and left

wings, and centre. The tabular statements herewith will give the

exact composition of these separate armies, which by the 10th of

April gave the following effective strength:

Infantry ................... 80,968

Artillery .................. 2,448

Cavalry .................... 5,587

Aggregate ............ 88,948

Total number of guns, 91

The railroads to our rear had also been repaired, so that stores

were arriving very fast, both from Morehead City and Wilmington.

The country was so level that a single locomotive could haul

twenty-five and thirty cars to a train, instead of only ten, as was

the case in Tennessee and Upper Georgia.

By the 5th of April such progress had been made, that I issued the

following Special Field Orders, No. 48, prescribing the time and

manner of the next march

[Special Field Orders, No. 48.]

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI

IN THE FIELD, GOLDSBORO', NORTH CAROLINA, April 5, 1865.

Confidential to Army Commanders, Corps Commanders, and Chiefs of

Staff Departments:

The next grand objective is to place this army (with its full

equipment) north of Roanoke River, facing west, with a base for

supplies at Norfolk, and at Winton or Murfreesboro' on the Chowan,

and in full communication with the Army of the Potomac, about

Petersburg; and also to do the enemy as much harm as possible en

route:

1. To accomplish this result the following general plan will be

followed, or modified only by written orders from these

headquarters, should events require a change:

(1.) On Monday, the 10th of April, all preparations are presumed to

be complete, and the outlying detachments will be called in, or

given directions to meet on the next march. All preparations will

also be complete to place the railroad-stock back of Kinston on the

one road, and below the Northeast Branch on the other.

(2.) On Tuesday, the 11th, the columns will draw out on their lines

of march, say, about seven miles, and close up.

(3.) On Wednesday the march will begin in earnest, and will be kept

up at the rate, say, of about twelve miles a day, or according to

the amount of resistance. All the columns will dress to the left

(which is the exposed flank), and commanders will study always to

find roads by which they can, if necessary, perform a general left

wheel, the wagons to be escorted to some place of security on the

direct route of march. Foraging and other details may continue as

heretofore, only more caution and prudence should be observed; and

foragers should not go in advance of the advance-guard, but look

more to our right rear for corn, bacon, and meal.

2. The left wing (Major-General Slocum commanding) will aim

straight for the railroad-bridge near Smithfield; thence along up

the Neuse River to the railroad-bridge over Neuse River, northeast

of Raleigh (Powell's); thence to Warrenton, the general point of

concentration.

The centre (Major-General Schofield commanding) will move to

Whitley's Mill, ready to support the left until it is past

Smithfield, when it will follow up (substantially) Little River to

about Rolesville, ready at all times to move to the support of the

left; after passing Tar River, to move to Warrenton.

The right wing (Major-General Howard commanding), preceded by the

cavalry, will move rapidly on Pikeville and Nahunta, then swing

across to Bulah to Folk's Bridge, ready to make junction with the

other armies in case the enemy offers battle this side of Neuse

River, about Smithfield; thence, in case of no serious opposition

on the left, will work up toward Earpsboro', Andrews, B----, and

Warrenton.

The cavalry (General Kilpatrick commanding), leaving its

encumbrances with the right wing, will push as though straight for

Weldon, until the enemy is across Tar River, and that bridge

burned; then it will deflect toward Nashville and Warrenton,

keeping up communication with general headquarters.

3. As soon as the army starts, the chief-quartermaster and

commissary will prepare a resupply of stores at some point on

Pamlico or Albemarle Sounds, ready to be conveyed to Kinston or

Winton and Murfreesboro', according to developments. As soon as

they have satisfactory information that the army is north of the

Roanoke, they will forthwith establish a depot at Winton, with a

sub-depot at Murfreesboro'. Major-General Schofield will hold, as

heretofore, Wilmington (with the bridge across Northern Branch as

an outpost), Newborn (and Kinston as its outpost), and will be

prepared to hold Winton and Murfreesboro' as soon as the time

arrives for that move. The navy has instructions from Admiral

Porter to cooperate, and any commanding officer is authorized to

call on the navy for assistance and cooperation, always in writing,

setting forth the reasons, of which necessarily the naval

commander must be the judge.

4. The general-in-chief will be with the centre habitually, but

may in person shift to either flank where his presence may be

needed, leaving a staff-officer to receive reports. He requires,

absolutely, a report of each army or grand detachment each night,

whether any thing material has occurred or not, for often the

absence of an enemy is a very important fact in military

prognostication.

By order of Major-General W. T. Sherman,

L. M. DAYTON, Assistant Adjutant-General.

But the whole problem became suddenly changed by the news of the

fall of Richmond and Petersburg, which reached as at Goldsboro', on

the 6th of April. The Confederate Government, with Lee's army, had

hastily abandoned Richmond, fled in great disorder toward Danville,

and General Grant's whole army was in close pursuit. Of course, I

inferred that General Lee would succeed in making junction with

General Johnston, with at least a fraction of his army, somewhere

to my front. I at once altered the foregoing orders, and prepared

on the day appointed, viz., April 10th, to move straight on

Raleigh, against the army of General Johnston, known to be at

Smithfield, and supposed to have about thirty-five thousand men.

Wade Hampton's cavalry was on his left front and Wheeler's on his

right front, simply watching us and awaiting our initiative.

Meantime the details of the great victories in Virginia came thick

and fast, and on the 8th I received from General Grant this

communication, in the form of a cipher-dispatch:

HEADQUARTERS ARMIES OF THE UNITED STATES

WILSON'S STATION, April 5, 1865

Major-General SHERMAN, Goldsboro', North Carolina:

All indications now are that Lee will attempt to reach Danville

with the remnant of his force. Sheridan, who was up with him last

night, reports all that is left with him--horse, foot, and

dragoons--at twenty thousand, much demoralized. We hope to reduce

this number one-half. I will push on to Burkesville, and, if a

stand is made at Danville, will, in a very few days, go there. If

you can possibly do so, push on from where you are, and let us see

if we cannot finish the job with Lee's and Johnston's armies.

Whether it will be better for you to strike for Greensboro' or

nearer to Danville, you will be better able to judge when you

receive this. Rebel armies now are the only strategic points to

strike at.

U. S. GRANT, Lieutenant-General.

I answered immediately that we would move on the 10th, prepared to

follow Johnston wherever he might go. Promptly on Monday morning,

April 10th, the army moved straight on Smithfield; the right wing

making a circuit by the right, and the left wing, supported by the

centre, moving on the two direct roads toward Raleigh, distant

fifty miles. General Terry's and General Kilpatrick's troops moved

from their positions on the south or west bank of the Neuse River

in the same general direction, by Cox's Bridge. On the 11th we

reached Smithfield, and found it abandoned by Johnston's army,

which had retreated hastily on Raleigh, burning the bridges. To

restore these consumed the remainder of the day, and during that

night I received a message from General Grant, at Appomattox, that

General Lee had surrendered to him his whole army, which I at once

announced to the troops in orders:

[Special Field Orders, No. 54]

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI

IN THE FIELD, SMITHFIELD, NORTH CAROLINA, April 12, 1865.

The general commanding announces to the army that he has official

notice from General Grant that General Lee surrendered to him his

entire army, on the 9th inst., at Appomattox Court-House, Virginia.

Glory to God and our country, and all honor to our comrades in

arms, toward whom we are marching!

A little more labor, a little more toil on our part, the great race

is won, and our Government stands regenerated, after four long

years of war.

W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding.

Of course, this created a perfect furore, of rejoicing, and we all

regarded the war as over, for I knew well that General Johnston had

no army with which to oppose mine. So that the only questions that

remained were, would he surrender at Raleigh? or would he allow

his army to disperse into guerrilla bands, to "die in the last

ditch," and entail on his country an indefinite and prolonged

military occupation, and of consequent desolation? I knew well

that Johnston's army could not be caught; the country was too open;

and, without wagons, the men could escape us, disperse, and

assemble again at some place agreed on, and thus the war might be

prolonged indefinitely.

I then remembered Mr. Lincoln's repeated expression that he wanted

the rebel soldiers not only defeated, but "back at their homes,

engaged in their civil pursuits." On the evening of the 12th I was

with the head of Slocum's column, at Gulley's, and General

Kilpatrick's cavalry was still ahead, fighting Wade Hampton's

rear-guard, with orders to push it through Raleigh, while I would

give a more southerly course to the infantry columns, so as, if

possible, to prevent a retreat southward. On the 13th, early, I

entered Raleigh, and ordered the several heads of column toward

Ashville in the direction of Salisbury or Charlotte. Before

reaching Raleigh, a locomotive came down the road to meet me,

passing through both Wade Hampton's and Kilpatrick's cavalry,

bringing four gentlemen, with a letter from Governor Vance to me,

asking protection for the citizens of Raleigh. These gentlemen

were, of course, dreadfully excited at the dangers through which

they had passed. Among them were ex-Senator Graham, Mr. Swain,

president of Chapel Hill University, and a Surgeon Warren, of the

Confederate army. They had come with a flag of truce, to which

they were not entitled; still, in the interest of peace, I

respected it, and permitted them to return to Raleigh with their

locomotive, to assure the Governor and the people that the war was

substantially over, and that I wanted the civil authorities to

remain in the execution of their office till the pleasure of the

President could be ascertained. On reaching Raleigh I found these

same gentlemen, with Messrs. Badger, Bragg, Holden, and others, but

Governor Vance had fled, and could not be prevailed on to return,

because he feared an arrest and imprisonment. From the Raleigh

newspapers of the 10th I learned that General Stoneman, with his

division of cavalry, had come across the mountains from East

Tennessee, had destroyed the railroad at Salisbury, and was then

supposed to be approaching Greensboro'. I also learned that

General Wilson's cavalry corps was "smashing things" down about

Selma and Montgomery, Alabama, and was pushing for Columbus and

Macon, Georgia; and I also had reason to expect that General

Sheridan would come down from Appomattox to join us at Raleigh with

his superb cavalry corps. I needed more cavalry to check

Johnston's retreat, so that I could come up to him with my

infantry, and therefore had good reason to delay. I ordered the

railroad to be finished up to Raleigh, so that I could operate from

it as a base, and then made:

[Special Field Orders, No. 55]

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI IN THE FIELD,

RALEIGH, NORTH CAROLINA, April 14, 1865.

The next movement will be on Ashboro', to turn the position of the

enemy at the "Company's Shops" in rear of Haw River Bridge, and at

Greensboro', and to cut off his only available line of retreat by

Salisbury and Charlotte:

1. General Kilpatrick will keep up a show of pursuit in the

direction of Hillsboro' and Graham, but be ready to cross Haw River

on General Howard's bridge, near Pittsboro', and thence will

operate toward Greensboro', on the right front of the right wing.

2. The right wing, Major-General Howard commanding, will move out

on the Chapel Hill road, and send a light division up in the

direction of Chapel Hill University to act in connection with the

cavalry; but the main columns and trains will move via Hackney's

Cross-Roads, and Trader's Hill, Pittsboro', St. Lawrence, etc., to

be followed by the cavalry and light division, as soon as the

bridge is laid over Haw River.

8. The centre, Major-General Schofield commanding, will move via

Holly Springs, New Hill, Haywood, and Moffitt's Mills.

4. The left wing, Major-General Slocum commanding, will move

rapidly by the Aven's Ferry road, Carthage, Caledonia, and Cox's

Mills.

5. All the troops will draw well out on the roads designated

during today and to-morrow, and on the following day will move with

all possible rapidity for Ashboro'. No further destruction of

railroads, mills, cotton, and produce, will be made without the

specific orders of an army commander, and the inhabitants will be

dealt with kindly, looking to an early reconciliation. The troops

will be permitted, however, to gather forage and provisions as

heretofore; only more care should be taken not to strip the poorer

classes too closely.

By order of General W. T. Sherman,

L. M. DAYTON, Assistant Adjutant-General.

Thus matters stood, when on the morning of the 14th General

Kilpatrick reported from Durham's Station, twenty-six miles up the

railroad toward Hillsboro', that a flag of truce had come in from

the enemy with a package from General Johnston addressed to me.

Taking it for granted that this was preliminary to a surrender, I

ordered the message to be sent me at Raleigh, and on the 14th

received from General Johnston a letter dated April 13, 1865, in

these words:

The results of the recent campaign in Virginia have changed the

relative military condition of the belligerents. I am, therefore,

induced to address you in this form the inquiry whether, to stop

the further effusion of blood and devastation of property, you are

willing to make a temporary suspension of active operations, and to

communicate to Lieutenant-General Grant, commanding the armies of

the United States, the request that he will take like action in

regard to other armies, the object being to permit the civil

authorities to enter into the needful arrangements to terminate the

existing war.

To which I replied as follows:

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI

IN THE FIELD, RALEIGH, NORTH CAROLINA, April 14, 1865.

General J. E. JOHNSTON, commanding Confederate Army.

GENERAL: I have this moment received your communication of this

date. I am fully empowered to arrange with you any terms for the

suspension of farther hostilities between the armies commanded by

you and those commanded by myself, and will be willing to confer

with you to that end. I will limit the advance of my main column,

to-morrow, to Morrisville, and the cavalry to the university, and

expect that you will also maintain the present position of your

forces until each has notice of a failure to agree.

That a basis of action may be had, I undertake to abide by the same

terms and conditions as were made by Generals Grant and Lee at

Appomattox Court-House, on the 9th instant, relative to our two

armies; and, furthermore, to obtain from General Grant an order to

suspend the movements of any troops from the direction of Virginia.

General Stoneman is under my command, and my order will suspend any

devastation or destruction contemplated by him. I will add that I

really desire to save the people of North Carolina the damage they

would sustain by the march of this army through the central or

western parts of the State.

I am, with respect, your obedient servant,

W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General.

I sent my aide-de-camp, Colonel McCoy, up to Durham's Station with

this letter, with instructions to receive the answer, to telegraph

its contents back to me at Raleigh, and to arrange for an

interview. On the 16th I received a reply from General Johnston,

agreeing to meet me the next day at a point midway between our

advance at Durham and his rear at Hillsboro'. I ordered a car and

locomotive to be prepared to convey me up to Durham's at eight

o'clock of the morning of April 17th. Just as we were entering the

car, the telegraph-operator, whose office was up-stairs in the

depot-building, ran down to me and said that he was at that instant

of time receiving a most important dispatch in cipher from Morehead

City, which I ought to see. I held the train for nearly half an

hour, when he returned with the message translated and written out.

It was from Mr. Stanton, announcing the assassination of Mr.

Lincoln, the attempt on the life of Mr. Seward and son, and a

suspicion that a like fate was designed for General Grant and all

the principal officers of the Government. Dreading the effect of

such a message at that critical instant of time, I asked the

operator if any one besides himself had seen it; he answered No!

I then bade him not to reveal the contents by word or look till I

came back, which I proposed to do the same afternoon. The train

then started, and, as we passed Morris's Station, General Logan,

commanding the Fifteenth Corps, came into my car, and I told him I

wanted to see him on my return, as I had something very important

to communicate. He knew I was going to meet General Johnston, and

volunteered to say that he hoped I would succeed in obtaining his

surrender, as the whole army dreaded the long march to Charlotte

(one hundred and seventy-five miles), already begun, but which had

been interrupted by the receipt of General Johnston's letter of the

13th. We reached Durham's, twenty-six miles, about 10 A.M., where

General Kilpatrick had a squadron of cavalry drawn up to receive

me. We passed into the house in which he had his headquarters, and

soon after mounted some led horses, which he had prepared for

myself and staff. General Kilpatrick sent a man ahead with a white

flag, followed by a small platoon, behind which we rode, and were

followed by the rest of the escort. We rode up the Hillsboro' road

for about five miles, when our flag bearer discovered another

coming to meet him: They met, and word was passed back to us that

General Johnston was near at hand, when we rode forward and met

General Johnston on horseback, riding side by side with General

Wade Hampton. We shook hands, and introduced our respective

attendants. I asked if there was a place convenient where we could

be private, and General Johnston said he had passed a small

farmhouse a short distance back, when we rode back to it together

side by side, our staff-officers and escorts following. We had

never met before, though we had been in the regular army together

for thirteen years; but it so happened that we had never before

come

together. He was some twelve or more years my senior; but we knew

enough of each other to be well acquainted at once. We soon

reached the house of a Mr. Bennett, dismounted, and left our horses

with orderlies in the road. Our officers, on foot, passed into the

yard, and General Johnston and I entered the small frame-house. We

asked the farmer if we could have the use of his house for a few

minutes, and he and his wife withdrew into a smaller log-house,

which stood close by.

As soon as we were alone together I showed him the dispatch

announcing Mr. Lincoln's assassination, and watched him closely.

The perspiration came out in large drops on his forehead, and he

did not attempt to conceal his distress. He denounced the act as a

disgrace to the age, and hoped I did not charge it to the

Confederate Government. I told him I could not believe that he or

General Lee, or the officers of the Confederate army, could

possibly be privy to acts of assassination; but I would not say as

much for Jeff. Davis, George Sanders, and men of that stripe. We

talked about the effect of this act on the country at large and on

the armies, and he realized that it made my situation extremely

delicate. I explained to him that I had not yet revealed the news

to my own personal staff or to the army, and that I dreaded the

effect when made known in Raleigh. Mr. Lincoln was peculiarly

endeared to the soldiers, and I feared that some foolish woman or

man in Raleigh might say something or do something that would

madden our men, and that a fate worse than that of Columbia would

befall the place.

I then told Johnston that he must be convinced that he could not

oppose my army, and that, since Lee had surrendered, he could do

the same with honor and propriety. He plainly and repeatedly

admitted this, and added that any further fighting would be

"murder;" but he thought that, instead of surrendering piecemeal,

we might arrange terms that would embrace all the Confederate

armies. I asked him if he could control other armies than his own;

he said, not then, but intimated that he could procure authority

from Mr. Davis. I then told him that I had recently had an

interview with General Grant and President Lincoln, and that I was

possessed of their views; that with them and the people North there

seemed to be no vindictive feeling against the Confederate armies,

but there was against Davis and his political adherents; and that

the terms that General Grant had given to General Lee's army were

certainly most generous and liberal. All this he admitted, but

always recurred to the idea of a universal surrender, embracing his

own army, that of Dick Taylor in Louisiana and Texas, and of Maury,

Forrest, and others, in Alabama and Georgia. General Johnston's

account of our interview in his "Narrative" (page 402, et seq.) is

quite accurate and correct, only I do not recall his naming the

capitulation of Loeben, to which he refers. Our conversation was

very general and extremely cordial, satisfying me that it could

have but one result, and that which we all desired, viz., to end

the war as quickly as possible; and, being anxious to return to

Raleigh before the news of Mr. Lincoln's assassination could be

divulged, on General Johnston's saying that he thought that, during

the night, he could procure authority to act in the name of all the

Confederate armies in existence we agreed to meet again the next

day at noon at the same place, and parted, he for Hillsboro' and I

for Raleigh.

We rode back to Durham's Station in the order we had come, and then

I showed the dispatch announcing Mr. Lincoln's death. I cautioned

the officers to watch the soldiers closely, to prevent any violent

retaliation by them, leaving that to the Government at Washington;

and on our way back to Raleigh in the cars I showed the same

dispatch to General Logan and to several of the officers of the

Fifteenth Corps that were posted at Morrisville and Jones's

Station, all of whom were deeply impressed by it; but all gave

their opinion that this sad news should not change our general

course of action.

As soon as I reached Raleigh I published the following orders to

the army, announcing the assassination of the President, and I

doubt if, in the whole land, there were more sincere mourners over

his sad fate than were then in and about Raleigh. I watched the

effect closely, and was gratified that there was no single act of

retaliation; though I saw and felt that one single word by me would

have laid the city in ashes, and turned its whole population

houseless upon the country, if not worse:

[Special Field Orders, No. 56.]

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI

IN THE FIELD, RALEIGH, NORTH CAROLINA, April 17, 1865.

The general commanding announces, with pain and sorrow, that on the

evening of the 14th instant, at the theatre in Washington city, his

Excellency the President of the United States, Mr. Lincoln, was

assassinated by one who uttered the State motto of Virginia. At

the same time, the Secretary of State, Mr. Seward, while suffering

from a broken arm, was also stabbed by another murderer in his own

house, but still survives, and his son was wounded, supposed

fatally. It is believed, by persons capable of judging, that other

high officers were designed to share the same fate. Thus it seems

that our enemy, despairing of meeting us in open, manly warfare,

begins to resort to the assassin's tools.

Your general does not wish you to infer that this is universal, for

he knows that the great mass of the Confederate army world scorn to

sanction each acts, but he believes it the legitimate consequence

of rebellion against rightful authority.

We have met every phase which this war has assumed, and must now be

prepared for it in its last and worst shape, that of assassins and

guerrillas; but woe onto the people who seek to expend their wild

passions in such a manner, for there is but one dread result!

By order of Major-General W. T. Sherman,

L. M. DAYTON, Assistant Adjutant-General.

During the evening of the 17th and morning of the 18th I saw nearly

all the general officers of the army (Schofield, Slocum, Howard,

Logan, Blair), and we talked over the matter of the conference at

Bennett's house of the day before, and, without exception, all

advised me to agree to some terms, for they all dreaded the long

and harassing march in pursuit of a dissolving and fleeing army--

a march that might carry us back again over the thousand miles that

we had just accomplished. We all knew that if we could bring

Johnston's army to bay, we could destroy it in an hour, but that

was simply impossible in the country in which we found ourselves.

We discussed all the probabilities, among which was, whether, if

Johnston made a point of it, I should assent to the escape from the

country of Jeff. Davis and his fugitive cabinet; and some one of my

general officers, either Logan or Blair, insisted that, if asked

for, we should even provide a vessel to carry them to Nassau from

Charleston.

The next morning I again started in the cars to Durham's Station,

accompanied by most of my personal staff, and by Generals Blair,

Barry, Howard, etc., and, reaching General Kilpatrick's

headquarters at Durham's, we again mounted, and rode, with the same

escort of the day, before, to Bennett's house, reaching there

punctually at noon. General Johnston had not yet arrived, but a

courier shortly came, and reported him as on the way. It must have

been nearly 2 p.m. when he arrived, as before, with General Wade

Hampton. He had halted his escort out of sight, and we again

entered Bennett's house, and I closed the door. General Johnston

then assured me that he had authority over all the Confederate

armies, so that they would obey his orders to surrender on the same

terms with his own, but he argued that, to obtain so cheaply this

desirable result, I ought to give his men and officers some

assurance of their political rights after their surrender. I

explained to him that Mr. Lincoln's proclamation of amnesty, of

December 8, 1863, still in force; enabled every Confederate soldier

and officer, below the rank of colonel, to obtain an absolute

pardon, by simply laying down his arms, and taking the common oath

of allegiance, and that General Grant, in accepting the surrender

of General Lee's army, had extended the same principle to all the

officers, General Lee included; such a pardon, I understood, would

restore to them all their rights of citizenship. But he insisted

that the officers and men of the Confederate army were

unnecessarily alarmed about this matter, as a sort of bugbear. He

then said that Mr. Breckenridge was near at hand, and he thought

that it would be well for him to be present. I objected, on the

score that he was then in Davis's cabinet, and our negotiations

should be confined strictly to belligerents. He then said

Breckenridge was a major-general in the Confederate army, and might

sink his character of Secretary of War. I consented, and he sent

one of his staff-officers back, who soon returned with

Breckenridge, and he entered the room. General Johnston and I then

again went over the whole ground, and Breckenridge confirmed what

he had said as to the uneasiness of the Southern officers and

soldiers about their political rights in case of surrender. While

we were in consultation, a messenger came with a parcel of papers,

which General Johnston said were from Mr. Reagan,

Postmaster-General. He and Breckenridge looked over them, and,

after some side conversation, he handed one of the papers to me.

It was in Reagan's handwriting, and began with a long preamble and

terms, so general and verbose, that I said they were inadmissible.

Then recalling the conversation of Mr. Lincoln, at City Point, I

sat down at the table, and wrote off the terms, which I thought

concisely expressed his views and wishes, and explained that I was

willing to submit these terms to the new President, Mr. Johnson,

provided that both armies should remain in statu quo until the

truce therein declared should expire. I had full faith that

General Johnston would religiously respect the truce, which he did;

and that I would be the gainer, for in the few days it would take

to send the papers to Washington, and receive an answer, I could

finish the railroad up to Raleigh, and be the better prepared for a

long chase.

Neither Mr. Breckenridge nor General Johnston wrote one word of

that paper. I wrote it myself, and announced it as the best I

could do, and they readily assented.

While copies of this paper were being made for signature, the

officers of our staffs commingled in the yard at Bennett's house,

and were all presented to Generals Johnston and Breckenridge. All

without exception were rejoiced that the war was over, and that in

a very few days we could turn our faces toward home. I remember

telling Breckenridge that he had better get away, as the feeling of

our people was utterly hostile to the political element of the

South, and to him especially, because he was the Vice-President of

the United States, who had as such announced Mr. Lincoln, of

Illinois, duly and properly elected the President of the United

States, and yet that he had afterward openly rebelled and taken up

arms against the Government. He answered me that he surely would

give us no more trouble, and intimated that he would speedily leave

the country forever. I may have also advised him that Mr. Davis

too should get abroad as soon as possible.

The papers were duly signed; we parted about dark, and my party

returned to Raleigh. Early the next morning, April 19th, I

dispatched by telegraph to Morehead City to prepare a fleet-steamer

to carry a messenger to Washington, and sent Major Henry Hitchcock

down by rail, bearing the following letters, and agreement with

General Johnston, with instructions to be very careful to let

nothing escape him to the greedy newspaper correspondents, but to

submit his papers to General Halleck, General Grant, or the

Secretary of War, and to bring me back with all expedition their

orders and instructions.

On their face they recited that I had no authority to make final

terms involving civil or political questions, but that I submitted

them to the proper quarter in Washington for their action; and the

letters fully explained that the military situation was such that

the delay was an advantage to us. I cared little whether they were

approved, modified, or disapproved in toto; only I wanted

instructions. Many of my general officers, among whom, I am almost

positive, were Generals Logan and Blair, urged me to accept the

"terms," without reference at all to Washington, but I preferred

the latter course:

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI, IN THE FIELD,

RALEIGH, NORTH CAROLINA, April 18, 1886.

General H. W. HALLECK, Chief of Staff, Washington, D. C.

GENERAL: I received your dispatch describing the man Clark,

detailed to assassinate me. He had better be in a hurry, or he

will be too late.

The news of Mr. Lincoln's death produced a most intense effect on

our troops. At first I feared it would lead to excesses; but now

it has softened down, and can easily be guided. None evinced more

feeling than General Johnston, who admitted that the act was

calculated to stain his cause with a dark hue; and he contended

that the loss was most serious to the South, who had begun to

realize that Mr. Lincoln was the best friend they had.

I cannot believe that even Mr. Davis was privy to the diabolical

plot, but think it the emanation of a set of young men of the

South, who are very devils. I want to throw upon the South the

care of this class of men, who will soon be as obnoxious to their

industrial classes as to us.

Had I pushed Johnston's army to an extremity, it would have

dispersed, and done infinite mischief. Johnston informed me that

General Stoneman had been at Salisbury, and was now at Statesville.

I have sent him orders to come to me.

General Johnston also informed me that General Wilson was at

Columbia, Georgia, and he wanted me to arrest his progress. I leave

that to you.

Indeed, if the President sanctions my agreement with Johnston, our

interest is to cease all destruction.

Please give all orders necessary according to the views the

Executive may take, and influence him, if possible, not to vary the

terms at all, for I have considered every thing, and believe that,

the Confederate armies once dispersed, we can adjust all else

fairly and well. I am, yours, etc.,

W. T. SHERMAN, Major-General commanding.

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI

IN THE FIELD, RALEIGH, NORTH CAROLINA, April 18, 1865.

Lieutenant-General U. S. GRANT, or Major-General HALLECK,

Washington, D. C.

GENERAL: I inclose herewith a copy of an agreement made this day

between General Joseph E. Johnston and myself, which, if approved

by the President of the United States, will produce peace from the

Potomac to the Rio Grande. Mr. Breckenridge was present at our

conference, in the capacity of major-general, and satisfied me of

the ability of General Johnston to carry out to their full extent

the terms of this agreement; and if you will get the President to

simply indorse the copy, and commission me to carry out the terms,

I will follow them to the conclusion.

You will observe that it is an absolute submission of the enemy to

the lawful authority of the United States, and disperses his armies

absolutely; and the point to which I attach most importance is,

that the dispersion and disbandment of these armies is done in such

a manner as to prevent their breaking up into guerrilla bands. On

the other hand, we can retain just as much of an army as we please.

I agreed to the mode and manner of the surrender of arms set forth,

as it gives the States the means of repressing guerrillas, which we

could not expect them to do if we stripped them of all arms.

Memoirs of General William T. Sherman — Complete · 第 25 / 29 章