[*] Exploration
[+] The name is derived from the Guayano Indians, on the
Orinoco.
On Thursday, the sixth of February, in the year 1595, we departed
England, and the Sunday following had sight of the north cape of Spain,
the wind for the most part continuing prosperous; we passed in sight of
the Burlings, and the Rock, and so onwards for the Canaries, and fell
with Fuerteventura the 17. of the same month, where we spent two or
three days, and relieved our companies with some fresh meat. From thence
we coasted by the Grand Canaria, and so to Teneriffe, and stayed there
for the Lion's Whelp, your Lordship's ship, and for Captain Amyas
Preston and the rest. But when after seven or eight days we found them
not, we departed and directed our course for Trinidad, with mine own
ship, and a small barque of Captain Cross's only; for we had before lost
sight of a small galego on the coast of Spain, which came with us from
Plymouth. We arrived at Trinidad the 22. of March, casting anchor
at Point Curiapan, which the Spaniards call Punta de Gallo, which is
situate in eight degrees or thereabouts. We abode there four or five
days, and in all that time we came not to the speech of any Indian or
Spaniard. On the coast we saw a fire, as we sailed from the Point Carao
towards Curiapan, but for fear of the Spaniards none durst come to speak
with us. I myself coasted it in my barge close aboard the shore and
landed in every cove, the better to know the island, while the ships
kept the channel. From Curiapan after a few days we turned up north-east
to recover that place which the Spaniards call Puerto de los Espanoles
(now Port of Spain), and the inhabitants Conquerabia; and as before,
revictualling my barge, I left the ships and kept by the shore, the
better to come to speech with some of the inhabitants, and also to
understand the rivers, watering-places, and ports of the island, which,
as it is rudely done, my purpose is to send your Lordship after a few
days. From Curiapan I came to a port and seat of Indians called Parico,
where we found a fresh water river, but saw no people. From thence
I rowed to another port, called by the naturals Piche, and by the
Spaniards Tierra de Brea. In the way between both were divers little
brooks of fresh water, and one salt river that had store of oysters upon
the branches of the trees, and were very salt and well tasted. All their
oysters grow upon those boughs and sprays, and not on the ground; the
like is commonly seen in other places of the West Indies, and elsewhere.
This tree is described by Andrew Thevet, in his France Antarctique, and
the form figured in the book as a plant very strange; and by Pliny in
his twelfth book of his Natural History. But in this island, as also in
Guiana, there are very many of them.
At this point, called Tierra de Brea or Piche, there is that abundance
of stone pitch that all the ships of the world may be therewith laden
from thence; and we made trial of it in trimming our ships to be most
excellent good, and melteth not with the sun as the pitch of Norway, and
therefore for ships trading the south parts very profitable. From thence
we went to the mountain foot called Annaperima, and so passing the river
Carone, on which the Spanish city was seated, we met with our ships at
Puerto de los Espanoles or Conquerabia.
This island of Trinidad hath the form of a sheephook, and is but narrow;
the north part is very mountainous; the soil is very excellent, and will
bear sugar, ginger, or any other commodity that the Indies yield. It
hath store of deer, wild porks, fruit, fish, and fowl; it hath also for
bread sufficient maize, cassavi, and of those roots and fruits which are
common everywhere in the West Indies. It hath divers beasts which the
Indies have not; the Spaniards confessed that they found grains of gold
in some of the rivers; but they having a purpose to enter Guiana, the
magazine of all rich metals, cared not to spend time in the search
thereof any further. This island is called by the people thereof Cairi,
and in it are divers nations. Those about Parico are called Jajo, those
at Punta de Carao are of the Arwacas (Arawaks) and between Carao and
Curiapan they are called Salvajos. Between Carao and Punta de Galera
are the Nepojos, and those about the Spanish city term themselves
Carinepagotes (Carib-people). Of the rest of the nations, and of
other ports and rivers, I leave to speak here, being impertinent to my
purpose, and mean to describe them as they are situate in the particular
plot and description of the island, three parts whereof I coasted with
my barge, that I might the better describe it.
Meeting with the ships at Puerto de los Espanoles, we found at the
landing-place a company of Spaniards who kept a guard at the descent;
and they offering a sign of peace, I sent Captain Whiddon to speak with
them, whom afterwards to my great grief I left buried in the said island
after my return from Guiana, being a man most honest and valiant. The
Spaniards seemed to be desirous to trade with us, and to enter into
terms of peace, more for doubt of their own strength than for aught
else; and in the end, upon pledge, some of them came aboard. The same
evening there stale also aboard us in a small canoa two Indians, the one
of them being a cacique or lord of the people, called Cantyman, who had
the year before been with Captain Whiddon, and was of his acquaintance.
By this Cantyman we understood what strength the Spaniards had, how far
it was to their city, and of Don Antonio de Berreo, the governor, who
was said to be slain in his second attempt of Guiana, but was not.
While we remained at Puerto de los Espanoles some Spaniards came aboard
us to buy linen of the company, and such other things as they wanted,
and also to view our ships and company, all which I entertained kindly
and feasted after our manner. By means whereof I learned of one and
another as much of the estate of Guiana as I could, or as they knew; for
those poor soldiers having been many years without wine, a few draughts
made them merry, in which mood they vaunted of Guiana and the riches
thereof, and all what they knew of the ways and passages; myself seeming
to purpose nothing less than the entrance or discovery thereof, but bred
in them an opinion that I was bound only for the relief of those English
which I had planted in Virginia, whereof the bruit was come among them;
which I had performed in my return, if extremity of weather had not
forced me from the said coast.
I found occasions of staying in this place for two causes. The one was
to be revenged of Berreo, who the year before, 1594, had betrayed eight
of Captain Whiddon's men, and took them while he departed from them to
seek the Edward Bonaventure, which arrived at Trinidad the day before
from the East Indies: in whose absence Berreo sent a canoa aboard the
pinnace only with Indians and dogs inviting the company to go with them
into the woods to kill a deer. Who like wise men, in the absence of
their captain followed the Indians, but were no sooner one arquebus
shot from the shore, but Berreo's soldiers lying in ambush had them all,
notwithstanding that he had given his word to Captain Whiddon that they
should take water and wood safely. The other cause of my stay was, for
that by discourse with the Spaniards I daily learned more and more of
Guiana, of the rivers and passages, and of the enterprise of Berreo, by
what means or fault he failed, and how he meant to prosecute the same.
While we thus spent the time I was assured by another cacique of the
north side of the island, that Berreo had sent to Margarita and Cumana
for soldiers, meaning to have given me a cassado (blow) at parting, if
it had been possible. For although he had given order through all the
island that no Indian should come aboard to trade with me upon pain of
hanging and quartering (having executed two of them for the same,
which I afterwards found), yet every night there came some with most
lamentable complaints of his cruelty: how he had divided the island and
given to every soldier a part; that he made the ancient caciques, which
were lords of the country, to be their slaves; that he kept them in
chains, and dropped their naked bodies with burning bacon, and such
other torments, which I found afterwards to be true. For in the city,
after I entered the same, there were five of the lords or little kings,
which they call caciques in the West Indies, in one chain, almost dead
of famine, and wasted with torments. These are called in their own
language acarewana, and now of late since English, French, and Spanish,
are come among them, they call themselves captains, because they
perceive that the chiefest of every ship is called by that name.
Those five captains in the chain were called Wannawanare, Carroaori,
Maquarima, Tarroopanama, and Aterima. So as both to be revenged of the
former wrong, as also considering that to enter Guiana by small boats,
to depart 400 or 500 miles from my ships, and to leave a garrison in my
back interested in the same enterprise, who also daily expected supplies
out of Spain, I should have savoured very much of the ass; and therefore
taking a time of most advantage, I set upon the Corps du garde in
the evening, and having put them to the sword, sent Captain Caulfield
onwards with sixty soldiers, and myself followed with forty more, and so
took their new city, which they called St. Joseph, by break of day. They
abode not any fight after a few shot, and all being dismissed, but
only Berreo and his companion (the Portuguese captain Alvaro Jorge), I
brought them with me aboard, and at the instance of the Indians I set
their new city of St. Joseph on fire. The same day arrived Captain
George Gifford with your lordship's ship, and Captain Keymis, whom
I lost on the coast of Spain, with the galego, and in them divers
gentlemen and others, which to our little army was a great comfort and
supply.
We then hasted away towards our purposed discovery, and first I called
all the captains of the island together that were enemies to the
Spaniards; for there were some which Berreo had brought out of other
countries, and planted there to eat out and waste those that were
natural of the place. And by my Indian interpreter, which I carried out
of England, I made them understand that I was the servant of a queen who
was the great cacique of the north, and a virgin, and had more caciqui
under her than there were trees in that island; that she was an enemy to
the Castellani in respect of their tyranny and oppression, and that she
delivered all such nations about her, as were by them oppressed; and
having freed all the coast of the northern world from their servitude,
had sent me to free them also, and withal to defend the country of
Guiana from their invasion and conquest. I shewed them her Majesty's
picture, which they so admired and honoured, as it had been easy to have
brought them idolatrous thereof. The like and a more large discourse
I made to the rest of the nations, both in my passing to Guiana and to
those of the borders, so as in that part of the world her Majesty
is very famous and admirable; whom they now call EZRABETA CASSIPUNA
AQUEREWANA, which is as much as 'Elizabeth, the Great Princess, or
Greatest Commander.' This done, we left Puerto de los Espanoles, and
returned to Curiapan, and having Berreo my prisoner, I gathered from him
as much of Guiana as he knew. This Berreo is a gentleman well descended,
and had long served the Spanish king in Milan, Naples, the Low
Countries, and elsewhere, very valiant and liberal, and a gentleman of
great assuredness, and of a great heart. I used him according to his
estate and worth in all things I could, according to the small means I
had.
I sent Captain Whiddon the year before to get what knowledge he could of
Guiana: and the end of my journey at this time was to discover and enter
the same. But my intelligence was far from truth, for the country is
situate about 600 English miles further from the sea than I was made
believe it had been. Which afterwards understanding to be true by
Berreo, I kept it from the knowledge of my company, who else would never
have been brought to attempt the same. Of which 600 miles I passed 400,
leaving my ships so far from me at anchor in the sea, which was more of
desire to perform that discovery than of reason, especially having such
poor and weak vessels to transport ourselves in. For in the bottom of
an old galego which I caused to be fashioned like a galley, and in one
barge, two wherries, and a ship-boat of the Lion's Whelp, we carried 100
persons and their victuals for a month in the same, being all driven
to lie in the rain and weather in the open air, in the burning sun, and
upon the hard boards, and to dress our meat, and to carry all manner of
furniture in them. Wherewith they were so pestered and unsavoury, that
what with victuals being most fish, with the wet clothes of so many men
thrust together, and the heat of the sun, I will undertake there was
never any prison in England that could be found more unsavoury and
loathsome, especially to myself, who had for many years before been
dieted and cared for in a sort far more differing.
If Captain Preston had not been persuaded that he should have come too
late to Trinidad to have found us there (for the month was expired which
I promised to tarry for him there ere he could recover the coast of
Spain) but that it had pleased God he might have joined with us, and
that we had entered the country but some ten days sooner ere the rivers
were overflown, we had adventured either to have gone to the great city
of Manoa, or at least taken so many of the other cities and towns nearer
at hand, as would have made a royal return. But it pleased not God so
much to favour me at this time. If it shall be my lot to prosecute the
same, I shall willingly spend my life therein. And if any else shall
be enabled thereunto, and conquer the same, I assure him thus much; he
shall perform more than ever was done in Mexico by Cortes, or in Peru by
Pizarro, whereof the one conquered the empire of Mutezuma, the other
of Guascar and Atabalipa. And whatsoever prince shall possess it, that
prince shall be lord of more gold, and of a more beautiful empire, and
of more cities and people, than either the king of Spain or the Great
Turk.
But because there may arise many doubts, and how this empire of Guiana
is become so populous, and adorned with so many great cities, towns,
temples, and treasures, I thought good to make it known, that the
emperor now reigning is descended from those magnificent princes
of Peru, of whose large territories, of whose policies, conquests,
edifices, and riches, Pedro de Cieza, Francisco Lopez, and others have
written large discourses. For when Francisco Pizarro, Diego Almagro
and others conquered the said empire of Peru, and had put to death
Atabalipa, son to Guayna Capac, which Atabalipa had formerly caused his
eldest brother Guascar to be slain, one of the younger sons of Guayna
Capac fled out of Peru, and took with him many thousands of those
soldiers of the empire called orejones ("having large ears," the name
given by the Spaniards to the Peruvian warriors, who wore ear-pendants),
and with those and many others which followed him, he vanquished all
that tract and valley of America which is situate between the great
river of Amazons and Baraquan, otherwise called Orenoque and Maranon
(Baraquan is the alternative name to Orenoque, Maranon to Amazons).
The empire of Guiana is directly east from Peru towards the sea, and
lieth under the equinoctial line; and it hath more abundance of gold
than any part of Peru, and as many or more great cities than ever Peru
had when it flourished most. It is governed by the same laws, and the
emperor and people observe the same religion, and the same form and
policies in government as were used in Peru, not differing in any part.
And I have been assured by such of the Spaniards as have seen Manoa, the
imperial city of Guiana, which the Spaniards call El Dorado, that
for the greatness, for the riches, and for the excellent seat, it far
exceedeth any of the world, at least of so much of the world as is known
to the Spanish nation. It is founded upon a lake of salt water of 200
leagues long, like unto Mare Caspium. And if we compare it to that of
Peru, and but read the report of Francisco Lopez and others, it will
seem more than credible; and because we may judge of the one by the
other, I thought good to insert part of the 120. chapter of Lopez in
his General History of the Indies, wherein he describeth the court and
magnificence of Guayna Capac, ancestor to the emperor of Guiana, whose
very words are these:--
"Todo el servicio de su casa, mesa, y cocina era de oro y de plata,
y cuando menos de plata y cobre, por mas recio. Tenia en su recamara
estatuas huecas de oro, que parescian gigantes, y las figuras al propio
y tamano de cuantos animales, aves, arboles, y yerbas produce la tierra,
y de cuantos peces cria la mar y agua de sus reynos. Tenia asimesmo
sogas, costales, cestas, y troxes de oro y plata; rimeros de palos de
oro, que pareciesen lena rajada para quemar. En fin no habia cosa en su
tierra, que no la tuviese de oro contrahecha; y aun dizen, que tenian
los Ingas un verjel en una isla cerca de la Puna, donde se iban a
holgar, cuando querian mar, que tenia la hortaliza, las flores, y
arboles de oro y plata; invencion y grandeza hasta entonces nunca vista.
Allende de todo esto, tenia infinitisima cantidad de plata y oro por
labrar en el Cuzco, que se perdio por la muerte de Guascar; ca los
Indios lo escondieron, viendo que los Espanoles se lo tomaban, y
enviaban a Espana."
That is, "All the vessels of his house, table, and kitchen, were of
gold and silver, and the meanest of silver and copper for strength and
hardness of metal. He had in his wardrobe hollow statues of gold which
seemed giants, and the figures in proportion and bigness of all the
beasts, birds, trees, and herbs, that the earth bringeth forth; and of
all the fishes that the sea or waters of his kingdom breedeth. He had
also ropes, budgets, chests, and troughs of gold and silver, heaps of
billets of gold, that seemed wood marked out (split into logs) to
burn. Finally, there was nothing in his country whereof he had not
the counterfeit in gold. Yea, and they say, the Ingas had a garden of
pleasure in an island near Puna, where they went to recreate themselves,
when they would take the air of the sea, which had all kinds of
garden-herbs, flowers, and trees of gold and silver; an invention and
magnificence till then never seen. Besides all this, he had an infinite
quantity of silver and gold unwrought in Cuzco, which was lost by the
death of Guascar, for the Indians hid it, seeing that the Spaniards took
it, and sent it into Spain."
And in the 117. chapter; Francisco Pizarro caused the gold and silver of
Atabalipa to be weighed after he had taken it, which Lopez setteth down
in these words following:--"Hallaron cincuenta y dos mil marcos de buena
plata, y un millon y trecientos y veinte y seis mil y quinientos
pesos de oro." Which is, "They found 52,000 marks of good silver, and
1,326,500 pesos of gold." Now, although these reports may seem strange,
yet if we consider the many millions which are daily brought out of
Peru into Spain, we may easily believe the same. For we find that by the
abundant treasure of that country the Spanish king vexes all the princes
of Europe, and is become, in a few years, from a poor king of Castile,
the greatest monarch of this part of the world, and likely every day to
increase if other princes forslow the good occasions offered, and suffer
him to add this empire to the rest, which by far exceedeth all the rest.
If his gold now endanger us, he will then be unresistible. Such of the
Spaniards as afterwards endeavoured the conquest thereof, whereof there
have been many, as shall be declared hereafter, thought that this Inga,
of whom this emperor now living is descended, took his way by the river
of Amazons, by that branch which is called Papamene (The Papamene is a
tributary not of the Amazon river but of the Meta, one of the principal
tributaries of the Orinoco). For by that way followed Orellana, by the
commandment of Gonzalo Pizarro, in the year 1542, whose name the river
also beareth this day. Which is also by others called Maranon, although
Andrew Thevet doth affirm that between Maranon and Amazons there are 120
leagues; but sure it is that those rivers have one head and beginning,
and the Maranon, which Thevet describeth, is but a branch of Amazons or
Orellana, of which I will speak more in another place. It was attempted
by Ordas; but it is now little less than 70 years since that Diego
Ordas, a Knight of the Order of Santiago, attempted the same; and it was
in the year 1542 that Orellana discovered the river of Amazons; but the
first that ever saw Manoa was Juan Martinez, master of the munition
to Ordas. At a port called Morequito (probably San Miguel), in Guiana,
there lieth at this day a great anchor of Ordas his ship. And this port
is some 300 miles within the land, upon the great river of Orenoque.
I rested at this port four days, twenty days after I left the ships at
Curiapan.
The relation of this Martinez, who was the first that discovered Manoa,
his success, and end, is to be seen in the Chancery of St. Juan de
Puerto Rico, whereof Berreo had a copy, which appeared to be the
greatest encouragement as well to Berreo as to others that formerly
attempted the discovery and conquest. Orellana, after he failed of the
discovery of Guiana by the said river of Amazons, passed into Spain, and
there obtained a patent of the king for the invasion and conquest, but
died by sea about the islands; and his fleet being severed by tempest,
the action for that time proceeded not. Diego Ordas followed the
enterprise, and departed Spain with 600 soldiers and thirty horse. Who,
arriving on the coast of Guiana, was slain in a mutiny, with the most
part of such as favoured him, as also of the rebellious part, insomuch
as his ships perished and few or none returned; neither was it certainly
known what became of the said Ordas until Berreo found the anchor of his
ship in the river of Orenoque; but it was supposed, and so it is written
by Lopez, that he perished on the seas, and of other writers diversely
conceived and reported. And hereof it came that Martinez entered so far
within the land, and arrived at that city of Inga the emperor; for it
chanced that while Ordas with his army rested at the port of Morequito
(who was either the first or second that attempted Guiana), by some
negligence the whole store of powder provided for the service was set
on fire, and Martinez, having the chief charge, was condemned by the
General Ordas to be executed forthwith. Martinez, being much favoured by
the soldiers, had all the means possible procured for his life; but it
could not be obtained in other sort than this, that he should be set
into a canoa alone, without any victual, only with his arms, and so
turned loose into the great river. But it pleased God that the canoa was
carried down the stream, and certain of the Guianians met it the same
evening; and, having not at any time seen any Christian nor any man of
that colour, they carried Martinez into the land to be wondered at, and
so from town to town, until he came to the great city of Manoa, the seat
and residence of Inga the emperor. The emperor, after he had beheld him,
knew him to be a Christian, for it was not long before that his brethren
Guascar and Atabalipa were vanquished by the Spaniards in Peru: and
caused him to be lodged in his palace, and well entertained. He lived
seven months in Manoa, but was not suffered to wander into the country
anywhere. He was also brought thither all the way blindfold, led by the
Indians, until he came to the entrance of Manoa itself, and was fourteen
or fifteen days in the passage. He avowed at his death that he entered
the city at noon, and then they uncovered his face; and that he
travelled all that day till night through the city, and the next day
from sun rising to sun setting, ere he came to the palace of Inga. After
that Martinez had lived seven months in Manoa, and began to understand
the language of the country, Inga asked him whether he desired to return
into his own country, or would willingly abide with him. But Martinez,
not desirous to stay, obtained the favour of Inga to depart; with whom
he sent divers Guianians to conduct him to the river of Orenoque, all
loaden with as much gold as they could carry, which he gave to Martinez
at his departure. But when he was arrived near the river's side, the
borderers which are called Orenoqueponi (poni is a Carib postposition
meaning "on") robbed him and his Guianians of all the treasure (the
borderers being at that time at wars, which Inga had not conquered) save
only of two great bottles of gourds, which were filled with beads of
gold curiously wrought, which those Orenoqueponi thought had been
no other thing than his drink or meat, or grain for food, with which
Martinez had liberty to pass. And so in canoas he fell down from the
river of Orenoque to Trinidad, and from thence to Margarita, and so to
St. Juan del Puerto Rico; where, remaining a long time for passage into
Spain, he died. In the time of his extreme sickness, and when he was
without hope of life, receiving the sacrament at the hands of his
confessor, he delivered these things, with the relation of his travels,
and also called for his calabazas or gourds of the gold beads, which he
gave to the church and friars, to be prayed for.
This Martinez was he that christened the city of Manoa by the name of El
Dorado, and, as Berreo informed me, upon this occasion, those Guianians,
and also the borderers, and all other in that tract which I have seen,
are marvellous great drunkards; in which vice I think no nation can
compare with them; and at the times of their solemn feasts, when the
emperor carouseth with his captains, tributaries, and governors, the
manner is thus. All those that pledge him are first stripped naked and
their bodies anointed all over with a kind of white balsamum (by them
called curca), of which there is great plenty, and yet very dear amongst
them, and it is of all other the most precious, whereof we have had good
experience. When they are anointed all over, certain servants of the
emperor, having prepared gold made into fine powder, blow it through
hollow canes upon their naked bodies, until they be all shining from
the foot to the head; and in this sort they sit drinking by twenties
and hundreds, and continue in drunkenness sometimes six or seven days
together. The same is also confirmed by a letter written into Spain
which was intercepted, which Master Robert Dudley told me he had seen.
Upon this sight, and for the abundance of gold which he saw in the city,
the images of gold in their temples, the plates, armours, and shields of
gold which they use in the wars, he called it El Dorado.
After the death of Ordas and Martinez, and after Orellana, who was
employed by Gonzalo Pizarro, one Pedro de Orsua, a knight of Navarre,
attempted Guiana, taking his way into Peru, and built his brigandines
upon a river called Oia, which riseth to the southward of Quito, and
is very great. This river falleth into Amazons, by which Orsua with
his companies descended, and came out of that province which is called
Motilones ("friars"--Indians so named from their cropped heads); and
it seemeth to me that this empire is reserved for her Majesty and the
English nation, by reason of the hard success which all these and other
Spaniards found in attempting the same, whereof I will speak briefly,
though impertinent in some sort to my purpose. This Pedro de Orsua had
among his troops a Biscayan called Aguirre, a man meanly born, who bare
no other office than a sergeant or alferez (al-faris, Arab.--horseman,
mounted officer): but after certain months, when the soldiers were
grieved with travels and consumed with famine, and that no entrance
could be found by the branches or body of Amazons, this Aguirre raised
a mutiny, of which he made himself the head, and so prevailed as he put
Orsua to the sword and all his followers, taking on him the whole charge
and commandment, with a purpose not only to make himself emperor of
Guiana, but also of Peru and of all that side of the West Indies. He had
of his party 700 soldiers, and of those many promised to draw in other
captains and companies, to deliver up towns and forts in Peru; but
neither finding by the said river any passage into Guiana, nor any
possibility to return towards Peru by the same Amazons, by reason that
the descent of the river made so great a current, he was enforced to
disemboque at the mouth of the said Amazons, which cannot be less than
1,000 leagues from the place where they embarked. From thence he coasted
the land till he arrived at Margarita to the north of Mompatar, which is
at this day called Puerto de Tyranno, for that he there slew Don Juan
de Villa Andreda, Governor of Margarita, who was father to Don Juan
Sarmiento, Governor of Margarita when Sir John Burgh landed there and
attempted the island. Aguirre put to the sword all other in the island
that refused to be of his party, and took with him certain cimarrones
(fugitive slaves) and other desperate companions. From thence he went to
Cumana and there slew the governor, and dealt in all as at Margarita.
He spoiled all the coast of Caracas and the province of Venezuela and of
Rio de la Hacha; and, as I remember, it was the same year that Sir John
Hawkins sailed to St. Juan de Ullua in the Jesus of Lubeck; for himself
told me that he met with such a one upon the coast, that rebelled, and
had sailed down all the river of Amazons. Aguirre from thence landed
about Santa Marta and sacked it also, putting to death so many as
refused to be his followers, purposing to invade Nuevo Reyno de Granada
and to sack Pamplona, Merida, Lagrita, Tunja, and the rest of the cities
of Nuevo Reyno, and from thence again to enter Peru; but in a fight in
the said Nuevo Reyno he was overthrown, and, finding no way to escape,
he first put to the sword his own children, foretelling them that they
should not live to be defamed or upbraided by the Spaniards after his
death, who would have termed them the children of a traitor or tyrant;
and that, sithence he could not make them princes, he would yet deliver
them from shame and reproach. These were the ends and tragedies of
Ordas, Martinez, Orellana, Orsua, and Aguirre. Also soon after Ordas
followed Jeronimo Ortal de Saragosa, with 130 soldiers; who failing his
entrance by sea, was cast with the current on the coast of Paria, and
peopled about S. Miguel de Neveri. It was then attempted by Don Pedro
de Silva, a Portuguese of the family of Ruy Gomez de Silva, and by the
favour which Ruy Gomez had with the king he was set out. But he also
shot wide of the mark; for being departed from Spain with his fleet, he
entered by Maranon or Amazons, where by the nations of the river and
by the Amazons, he was utterly overthrown, and himself and all his army
defeated; only seven escaped, and of those but two returned.
After him came Pedro Hernandez de Serpa, and landed at Cumana, in the
West Indies, taking his journey by land towards Orenoque, which may be
some 120 leagues; but ere he came to the borders of the said river, he
was set upon by a nation of the Indians, called Wikiri, and overthrown
in such sort, that of 300 soldiers, horsemen, many Indians, and negroes,
there returned but eighteen. Others affirm that he was defeated in the
very entrance of Guiana, at the first civil town of the empire called
Macureguarai. Captain Preston, in taking Santiago de Leon (which was by
him and his companies very resolutely performed, being a great town, and
far within the land) held a gentleman prisoner, who died in his ship,
that was one of the company of Hernandez de Serpa, and saved among those
that escaped; who witnessed what opinion is held among the Spaniards
thereabouts of the great riches of Guiana, and El Dorado, the city of
Inga. Another Spaniard was brought aboard me by Captain Preston, who
told me in the hearing of himself and divers other gentlemen, that he
met with Berreo's campmaster at Caracas, when he came from the borders
of Guiana, and that he saw with him forty of most pure plates of gold,
curiously wrought, and swords of Guiana decked and inlaid with gold,
feathers garnished with gold, and divers rarities, which he carried to
the Spanish king.
After Hernandez de Serpa, it was undertaken by the Adelantado, Don
Gonzalez Ximenes de Quesada, who was one of the chiefest in the conquest
of Nuevo Reyno, whose daughter and heir Don Antonio de Berreo married.
Gonzalez sought the passage also by the river called Papamene, which
riseth by Quito, in Peru, and runneth south-east 100 leagues, and then
falleth into Amazons. But he also, failing the entrance, returned with
the loss of much labour and cost. I took one Captain George, a Spaniard,
that followed Gonzalez in this enterprise. Gonzalez gave his daughter to
Berreo, taking his oath and honour to follow the enterprise to the last
of his substance and life. Who since, as he hath sworn to me, hath spent
300,000 ducats in the same, and yet never could enter so far into the
land as myself with that poor troop, or rather a handful of men, being
in all about 100 gentlemen, soldiers, rowers, boat-keepers, boys, and of
all sorts; neither could any of the forepassed undertakers, nor Berreo
himself, discover the country, till now lately by conference with an
ancient king, called Carapana (Caribana, Carib land, was an old European
name for the Atlantic coast near the mouth of the Orinoco, and hence was
applied to one of its chiefs. Berrio called this district "Emeria"),
he got the true light thereof. For Berreo came about 1,500 miles ere he
understood aught, or could find any passage or entrance into any part
thereof; yet he had experience of all these fore-named, and divers
others, and was persuaded of their errors and mistakings. Berreo sought
it by the river Cassanar, which falleth into a great river called Pato:
Pato falleth into Meta, and Meta into Baraquan, which is also called
Orenoque. He took his journey from Nuevo Reyno de Granada, where he
dwelt, having the inheritance of Gonzalez Ximenes in those parts; he was
followed with 700 horse, he drove with him 1,000 head of cattle, he had
also many women, Indians, and slaves. How all these rivers cross and
encounter, how the country lieth and is bordered, the passage of Ximenes
and Berreo, mine own discovery, and the way that I entered, with all the
rest of the nations and rivers, your lordship shall receive in a large
chart or map, which I have not yet finished, and which I shall most
humbly pray your lordship to secrete, and not to suffer it to pass
your own hands; for by a draught thereof all may be prevented by other
nations; for I know it is this very year sought by the French, although
by the way that they now take, I fear it not much. It was also told me
ere I departed England, that Villiers, the Admiral, was in preparation
for the planting of Amazons, to which river the French have made divers
voyages, and returned much gold and other rarities. I spake with a
captain of a French ship that came from thence, his ship riding in
Falmouth the same year that my ships came first from Virginia; there was
another this year in Helford, that also came from thence, and had been
fourteen months at an anchor in Amazons; which were both very rich.
Although, as I am persuaded, Guiana cannot be entered that way, yet no
doubt the trade of gold from thence passeth by branches of rivers into
the river of Amazons, and so it doth on every hand far from the country
itself; for those Indians of Trinidad have plates of gold from Guiana,
and those cannibals of Dominica which dwell in the islands by which our
ships pass yearly to the West Indies, also the Indians of Paria, those
Indians called Tucaris, Chochi, Apotomios, Cumanagotos, and all those
other nations inhabiting near about the mountains that run from Paria
through the province of Venezuela, and in Maracapana, and the cannibals
of Guanipa, the Indians called Assawai, Coaca, Ajai, and the rest (all
which shall be described in my description as they are situate) have
plates of gold of Guiana. And upon the river of Amazons, Thevet writeth
that the people wear croissants of gold, for of that form the Guianians
most commonly make them; so as from Dominica to Amazons, which is above
250 leagues, all the chief Indians in all parts wear of those plates of
Guiana. Undoubtedly those that trade Amazons return much gold, which
(as is aforesaid) cometh by trade from Guiana, by some branch of a river
that falleth from the country into Amazons, and either it is by the
river which passeth by the nations called Tisnados, or by Caripuna.
I made enquiry amongst the most ancient and best travelled of the
Orenoqueponi, and I had knowledge of all the rivers between Orenoque and
Amazons, and was very desirous to understand the truth of those warlike
women, because of some it is believed, of others not. And though I
digress from my purpose, yet I will set down that which hath been
delivered me for truth of those women, and I spake with a cacique, or
lord of people, that told me he had been in the river, and beyond it
also. The nations of these women are on the south side of the river in
the provinces of Topago, and their chiefest strengths and retracts
are in the islands situate on the south side of the entrance, some 60
leagues within the mouth of the said river. The memories of the like
women are very ancient as well in Africa as in Asia. In Africa those
that had Medusa for queen; others in Scythia, near the rivers of Tanais
and Thermodon. We find, also, that Lampedo and Marthesia were queens of
the Amazons. In many histories they are verified to have been, and in
divers ages and provinces; but they which are not far from Guiana do
accompany with men but once in a year, and for the time of one month,
which I gather by their relation, to be in April; and that time all
kings of the borders assemble, and queens of the Amazons; and after the
queens have chosen, the rest cast lots for their valentines. This one
month they feast, dance, and drink of their wines in abundance; and the
moon being done they all depart to their own provinces. They are said
to be very cruel and bloodthirsty, especially to such as offer to invade
their territories. These Amazons have likewise great store of these
plates of gold, which they recover by exchange chiefly for a kind of
green stones, which the Spaniards call piedras hijadas, and we use for
spleen-stones (stones reduced to powder and taken internally to cure
maladies of the spleen); and for the disease of the stone we also
esteem them. Of these I saw divers in Guiana; and commonly every king
or cacique hath one, which their wives for the most part wear, and they
esteem them as great jewels.
But to return to the enterprise of Berreo, who, as I have said, departed
from Nuevo Reyno with 700 horse, besides the provisions above rehearsed.
He descended by the river called Cassanar, which riseth in Nuevo Reyno
out of the mountains by the city of Tunja, from which mountain also
springeth Pato; both which fall into the great river of Meta, and Meta
riseth from a mountain joining to Pamplona, in the same Nuevo Reyno de
Granada. These, as also Guaiare, which issueth out of the mountains by
Timana, fall all into Baraquan, and are but of his heads; for at their
coming together they lose their names, and Baraquan farther down is also
rebaptized by the name of Orenoque. On the other side of the city and
hills of Timana riseth Rio Grande, which falleth into the sea by Santa
Marta. By Cassanar first, and so into Meta, Berreo passed, keeping his
horsemen on the banks, where the country served them for to march; and
where otherwise, he was driven to embark them in boats which he builded
for the purpose, and so came with the current down the river of Meta,
and so into Baraquan. After he entered that great and mighty river, he
began daily to lose of his companies both men and horse; for it is in
many places violently swift, and hath forcible eddies, many sands,
and divers islands sharp pointed with rocks. But after one whole year,
journeying for the most part by river, and the rest by land, he grew
daily to fewer numbers; from both by sickness, and by encountering with
the people of those regions through which he travelled, his companies
were much wasted, especially by divers encounters with the Amapaians
(Amapaia was Berrio's name for the Orinoco valley above the Caura
river). And in all this time he never could learn of any passage into
Guiana, nor any news or fame thereof, until he came to a further border
of the said Amapaia, eight days' journey from the river Caroli (the
Caroni river, the first great affluent of the Orinoco on the south,
about 180 miles from the sea), which was the furthest river that he
entered. Among those of Amapaia, Guiana was famous; but few of these
people accosted Berreo, or would trade with him the first three months
of the six which he sojourned there. This Amapaia is also marvellous
rich in gold, as both Berreo confessed and those of Guiana with whom I
had most conference; and is situate upon Orenoque also. In this country
Berreo lost sixty of his best soldiers, and most of all his horse that
remained in his former year's travel. But in the end, after divers
encounters with those nations, they grew to peace, and they presented
Berreo with ten images of fine gold among divers other plates and
croissants, which, as he sware to me, and divers other gentlemen, were
so curiously wrought, as he had not seen the like either in Italy,
Spain, or the Low Countries; and he was resolved that when they came
to the hands of the Spanish king, to whom he had sent them by his
camp-master, they would appear very admirable, especially being wrought
by such a nation as had no iron instruments at all, nor any of those
helps which our goldsmiths have to work withal. The particular name of
the people in Amapaia which gave him these pieces, are called Anebas,
and the river of Orenoque at that place is about twelve English miles
broad, which may be from his outfall into the sea 700 or 800 miles.
This province of Amapaia is a very low and a marish ground near the
river; and by reason of the red water which issueth out in small
branches through the fenny and boggy ground, there breed divers
poisonful worms and serpents. And the Spaniards not suspecting, nor in
any sort foreknowing the danger, were infected with a grievous kind of
flux by drinking thereof, and even the very horses poisoned therewith;
insomuch as at the end of the six months that they abode there, of all
their troops there were not left above 120 soldiers, and neither horse
nor cattle. For Berreo hoped to have found Guiana be 1,000 miles nearer
than it fell out to be in the end; by means whereof they sustained much
want, and much hunger, oppressed with grievous diseases, and all the
miseries that could be imagined. I demanded of those in Guiana that had
travelled Amapaia, how they lived with that tawny or red water when
they travelled thither; and they told me that after the sun was near the
middle of the sky, they used to fill their pots and pitchers with that
water, but either before that time or towards the setting of the sun
it was dangerous to drink of, and in the night strong poison. I learned
also of divers other rivers of that nature among them, which were
also, while the sun was in the meridian, very safe to drink, and in the
morning, evening, and night, wonderful dangerous and infective. From
this province Berreo hasted away as soon as the spring and beginning of
summer appeared, and sought his entrance on the borders of Orenoque
on the south side; but there ran a ledge of so high and impassable
mountains, as he was not able by any means to march over them,
continuing from the east sea into which Orenoque falleth, even to Quito
in Peru. Neither had he means to carry victual or munition over those
craggy, high, and fast hills, being all woody, and those so thick and
spiny, and so full or prickles, thorns, and briars, as it is impossible
to creep through them. He had also neither friendship among the people,
nor any interpreter to persuade or treat with them; and more, to his
disadvantage, the caciques and kings of Amapaia had given knowledge of
his purpose to the Guianians, and that he sought to sack and conquer the
empire, for the hope of their so great abundance and quantities of gold.
He passed by the mouths of many great rivers which fell into Orenoque
both from the north and south, which I forbear to name, for tediousness,
and because they are more pleasing in describing than reading.
Berreo affirmed that there fell an hundred rivers into Orenoque from
the north and south: whereof the least was as big as Rio Grande (the
Magdalena), that passed between Popayan and Nuevo Reyno de Granada, Rio
Grande being esteemed one of the renowned rivers in all the West Indies,
and numbered among the great rivers of the world. But he knew not the
names of any of these, but Caroli only; neither from what nations they
descended, neither to what provinces they led, for he had no means to
discourse with the inhabitants at any time; neither was he curious in
these things, being utterly unlearned, and not knowing the east from the
west. But of all these I got some knowledge, and of many more, partly by
mine own travel, and the rest by conference; of some one I learned one,
of others the rest, having with me an Indian that spake many languages,
and that of Guiana (the Carib) naturally. I sought out all the aged men,
and such as were greatest travellers. And by the one and the other I
came to understand the situations, the rivers, the kingdoms from the
east sea to the borders of Peru, and from Orenoque southward as far as
Amazons or Maranon, and the regions of Marinatambal (north coasts of
Brazil), and of all the kings of provinces, and captains of towns
and villages, how they stood in terms of peace or war, and which were
friends or enemies the one with the other; without which there can be
neither entrance nor conquest in those parts, nor elsewhere. For by the
dissension between Guascar and Atabalipa, Pizarro conquered Peru, and by
the hatred that the Tlaxcallians bare to Mutezuma, Cortes was victorious
over Mexico; without which both the one and the other had failed of
their enterprise, and of the great honour and riches which they attained
unto.
Now Berreo began to grow into despair, and looked for no other success
than his predecessor in this enterprise; until such time as he arrived
at the province of Emeria towards the east sea and mouth of the river,
where he found a nation of people very favourable, and the country full
of all manner of victual. The king of this land is called Carapana, a
man very wise, subtle, and of great experience, being little less than
an hundred years old. In his youth he was sent by his father into the
island of Trinidad, by reason of civil war among themselves, and was
bred at a village in that island, called Parico. At that place in his
youth he had seen many Christians, both French and Spanish, and went
divers times with the Indians of Trinidad to Margarita and Cumana, in
the West Indies, for both those places have ever been relieved with
victual from Trinidad: by reason whereof he grew of more understanding,
and noted the difference of the nations, comparing the strength and arms
of his country with those of the Christians, and ever after temporised
so as whosoever else did amiss, or was wasted by contention, Carapana
kept himself and his country in quiet and plenty. He also held peace
with the Caribs or cannibals, his neighbours, and had free trade with
all nations, whosoever else had war.
Berreo sojourned and rested his weak troop in the town of Carapana
six weeks, and from him learned the way and passage to Guiana, and
the riches and magnificence thereof. But being then utterly unable to
proceed, he determined to try his fortune another year, when he had
renewed his provisions, and regathered more force, which he hoped for
as well out of Spain as from Nuevo Reyno, where he had left his son
Don Antonio Ximenes to second him upon the first notice given of his
entrance; and so for the present embarked himself in canoas, and by
the branches of Orenoque arrived at Trinidad, having from Carapana
sufficient pilots to conduct him. From Trinidad he coasted Paria, and so
recovered Margarita; and having made relation to Don Juan Sarmiento, the
Governor, of his proceeding, and persuaded him of the riches of Guiana,
he obtained from thence fifty soldiers, promising presently to return
to Carapana, and so into Guiana. But Berreo meant nothing less at that
time; for he wanted many provisions necessary for such an enterprise,
and therefore departed from Margarita, seated himself in Trinidad, and
from thence sent his camp-master and his sergeant-major back to the
borders to discover the nearest passage into the empire, as also to
treat with the borderers, and to draw them to his party and love;
without which, he knew he could neither pass safely, nor in any sort be
relieved with victual or aught else. Carapana directed his company to a
king called Morequito, assuring them that no man could deliver so much
Guiana as Morequito could, and that his dwelling was but five days'
journey from Macureguarai, the first civil town of Guiana.
Now your lordship shall understand that this Morequito, one of the
greatest lords or kings of the borders of Guiana, had two or three years
before been at Cumana and at Margarita, in the West Indies, with great
store of plates of gold, which he carried to exchange for such other
things as he wanted in his own country, and was daily feasted, and
presented by the governors of those places, and held amongst them some
two months. In which time one Vides, Governor of Cumana, won him to be
his conductor into Guiana, being allured by those croissants and images
of gold which he brought with him to trade, as also by the ancient fame
and magnificence of El Dorado; whereupon Vides sent into Spain for a
patent to discover and conquer Guiana, not knowing of the precedence of
Berreo's patent; which, as Berreo affirmeth, was signed before that
of Vidas. So as when Vides understood of Berreo and that he had made
entrance into that territory, and foregone his desire and hope, it was
verily thought that Vides practised with Morequito to hinder and disturb
Berreo in all he could, and not to suffer him to enter through his
seignory, nor any of his companies; neither to victual, nor guide them
in any sort. For Vides, Governor of Cumana, and Berreo, were become
mortal enemies, as well for that Berreo had gotten Trinidad into his
patent with Guiana, as also in that he was by Berreo prevented in the
journey of Guiana itself. Howsoever it was, I know not, but Morequito
for a time dissembled his disposition, suffered ten Spaniards and a
friar, which Berreo had sent to discover Manoa, to travel through his
country, gave them a guide for Macureguarai, the first town of civil and
apparelled people, from whence they had other guides to bring them to
Manoa, the great city of Inga; and being furnished with those things
which they had learned of Carapana were of most price in Guiana, went
onward, and in eleven days arrived at Manoa, as Berreo affirmeth for
certain; although I could not be assured thereof by the lord which now
governeth the province of Morequito, for he told me that they got all
the gold they had in other towns on this side Manoa, there being
many very great and rich, and (as he said) built like the towns of
Christians, with many rooms.
When these ten Spaniards were returned, and ready to put out of the
border of Aromaia (the district below the Caroni river), the people of
Morequito set upon them, and slew them all but one that swam the river,
and took from them to the value of 40,000 pesos of gold; and one of them
only lived to bring the news to Berreo, that both his nine soldiers and
holy father were benighted in the said province. I myself spake with the
captains of Morequito that slew them, and was at the place where it was
executed. Berreo, enraged herewithal, sent all the strength he could
make into Aromaia, to be revenged of him, his people, and country. But
Morequito, suspecting the same, fled over Orenoque, and through the
territories of the Saima and Wikiri recovered Cumana, where he thought
himself very safe, with Vides the governor. But Berreo sending for him
in the king's name, and his messengers finding him in the house of one
Fajardo, on the sudden, ere he was suspected, so as he could not then be
conveyed away, Vides durst not deny him, as well to avoid the suspicion
of the practice, as also for that an holy father was slain by him and
his people. Morequito offered Fajardo the weight of three quintals in
gold, to let him escape; but the poor Guianian, betrayed on all sides,
was delivered to the camp-master of Berreo, and was presently executed.
After the death of this Morequito, the soldiers of Berreo spoiled his
territory and took divers prisoners. Among others they took the uncle
of Morequito, called Topiawari, who is now king of Aromaia, whose son
I brought with me into England, and is a man of great understanding
and policy; he is above an hundred years old, and yet is of a very able
body. The Spaniards led him in a chain seventeen days, and made him
their guide from place to place between his country and Emeria, the
province of Carapana aforesaid, and he was at last redeemed for an
hundred plates of gold, and divers stones called piedras hijadas,
or spleen-stones. Now Berreo for executing of Morequito, and other
cruelties, spoils, and slaughters done in Aromaia, hath lost the love of
the Orenoqueponi, and of all the borderers, and dare not send any of his
soldiers any further into the land than to Carapana, which he called
the port of Guiana; but from thence by the help of Carapana he had trade
further into the country, and always appointed ten Spaniards to reside
in Carapana's town (the Spanish settlement of Santo Tome de la Guyana,
founded by Berrio in 1591 or 1592, but represented by Raleigh as an
Indian pueblo), by whose favour, and by being conducted by his people,
those ten searched the country thereabouts, as well for mines as for
other trades and commodities.
They also have gotten a nephew of Morequito, whom they have christened
and named Don Juan, of whom they have great hope, endeavouring by all
means to establish him in the said province. Among many other trades,
those Spaniards used canoas to pass to the rivers of Barema, Pawroma,
and Dissequebe (Essequibo), which are on the south side of the mouth of
Orenoque, and there buy women and children from the cannibals, which are
of that barbarous nature, as they will for three or four hatchets
sell the sons and daughters of their own brethren and sisters, and for
somewhat more even their own daughters. Hereof the Spaniards make great
profit; for buying a maid of twelve or thirteen years for three or four
hatchets, they sell them again at Margarita in the West Indies for fifty
and an hundred pesos, which is so many crowns.
The master of my ship, John Douglas, took one of the canoas which came
laden from thence with people to be sold, and the most of them escaped;
yet of those he brought, there was one as well favoured and as well
shaped as ever I saw any in England; and afterwards I saw many of them,
which but for their tawny colour may be compared to any in Europe. They
also trade in those rivers for bread of cassavi, of which they buy
an hundred pound weight for a knife, and sell it at Margarita for ten
pesos. They also recover great store of cotton, Brazil wood, and those
beds which they call hamacas or Brazil beds, wherein in hot countries
all the Spaniards use to lie commonly, and in no other, neither did we
ourselves while we were there. By means of which trades, for ransom of
divers of the Guianians, and for exchange of hatchets and knives, Berreo
recovered some store of gold plates, eagles of gold, and images of men
and divers birds, and dispatched his camp-master for Spain, with all
that he had gathered, therewith to levy soldiers, and by the show
thereof to draw others to the love of the enterprise. And having sent
divers images as well of men as beasts, birds, and fishes, so curiously
wrought in gold, he doubted not but to persuade the king to yield to him
some further help, especially for that this land hath never been sacked,
the mines never wrought, and in the Indies their works were well spent,
and the gold drawn out with great labour and charge. He also despatched
messengers to his son in Nuevo Reyno to levy all the forces he could,
and to come down the river Orenoque to Emeria, the province of Carapana,
to meet him; he had also sent to Santiago de Leon on the coast of the
Caracas, to buy horses and mules.
After I had thus learned of his proceedings past and purposed, I told
him that I had resolved to see Guiana, and that it was the end of my
journey, and the cause of my coming to Trinidad, as it was indeed,
and for that purpose I sent Jacob Whiddon the year before to get
intelligence: with whom Berreo himself had speech at that time, and
remembered how inquisitive Jacob Whiddon was of his proceedings, and of
the country of Guiana. Berreo was stricken into a great melancholy and
sadness, and used all the arguments he could to dissuade me; and also
assured the gentlemen of my company that it would be labour lost, and
that they should suffer many miseries if they proceeded. And first he
delivered that I could not enter any of the rivers with any bark or
pinnace, or hardly with any ship's boat, it was so low, sandy, and full
of flats, and that his companies were daily grounded in their canoes,
which drew but twelve inches water. He further said that none of the
country would come to speak with us, but would all fly; and if we
followed them to their dwellings, they would burn their own towns. And
besides that, the way was long, the winter at hand, and that the rivers
beginning once to swell, it was impossible to stem the current; and that
we could not in those small boats by any means carry victuals for half
the time, and that (which indeed most discouraged my company) the kings
and lords of all the borders of Guiana had decreed that none of them
should trade with any Christians for gold, because the same would be
their own overthrow, and that for the love of gold the Christians meant
to conquer and dispossess them of all together.
Many and the most of these I found to be true; but yet I resolving to
make trial of whatsoever happened, directed Captain George Gifford, my
Vice-Admiral, to take the Lion's Whelp, and Captain Caulfield his bark,
to turn to the eastward, against the mouth of a river called Capuri,
whose entrance I had before sent Captain Whiddon and John Douglas the
master to discover. Who found some nine foot water or better upon the
flood, and five at low water: to whom I had given instructions that they
should anchor at the edge of the shoal, and upon the best of the flood
to thrust over, which shoal John Douglas buoyed and beckoned (beaconed)
for them before. But they laboured in vain; for neither could they turn
it up altogether so far to the east, neither did the flood continue so
long, but the water fell ere they could have passed the sands. As we
after found by a second experience: so as now we must either give over
our enterprise, or leaving our ships at adventure 400 mile behind us,
must run up in our ship's boats, one barge, and two wherries. But being
doubtful how to carry victuals for so long a time in such baubles, or
any strength of men, especially for that Berreo assured us that his son
must be by that time come down with many soldiers, I sent away one King,
master of the Lion's Whelp, with his ship-boat, to try another branch of
the river in the bottom of the Bay of Guanipa, which was called Amana,
to prove if there were water to be found for either of the small ships
to enter. But when he came to the mouth of Amana, he found it as the
rest, but stayed not to discover it thoroughly, because he was assured
by an Indian, his guide, that the cannibals of Guanipa would assail them
with many canoas, and that they shot poisoned arrows; so as if he hasted
not back, they should all be lost.
In the meantime, fearing the worst, I caused all the carpenters we had
to cut down a galego boat, which we meant to cast off, and to fit her
with banks to row on, and in all things to prepare her the best they
could, so as she might be brought to draw but five foot: for so much we
had on the bar of Capuri at low water. And doubting of King's return,
I sent John Douglas again in my long barge, as well to relieve him, as
also to make a perfect search in the bottom of the bay; for it hath been
held for infallible, that whatsoever ship or boat shall fall therein can
never disemboque again, by reason of the violent current which setteth
into the said bay, as also for that the breeze and easterly wind bloweth
directly into the same. Of which opinion I have heard John Hampton
(Captain of the Minion in the third voyage of Hawkins), of Plymouth,
one of the greatest experience of England, and divers other besides that
have traded to Trinidad.
I sent with John Douglas an old cacique of Trinidad for a pilot, who
told us that we could not return again by the bay or gulf, but that
he knew a by-branch which ran within the land to the eastward, and he
thought by it we might fall into Capuri, and so return in four days.
John Douglas searched those rivers, and found four goodly entrances,
whereof the least was as big as the Thames at Woolwich, but in the
bay thitherward it was shoal and but six foot water; so as we were now
without hope of any ship or bark to pass over, and therefore resolved to
go on with the boats, and the bottom of the galego, in which we thrust
60 men. In the Lion's Whelp's boat and wherry we carried twenty, Captain
Caulfield in his wherry carried ten more, and in my barge other ten,
which made up a hundred; we had no other means but to carry victual for
a month in the same, and also to lodge therein as we could, and to boil
and dress our meat. Captain Gifford had with him Master Edward Porter,
Captain Eynos, and eight more in his wherry, with all their victual,
weapons, and provisions. Captain Caulfield had with him my cousin
Butshead Gorges, and eight more. In the galley, of gentlemen and
officers myself had Captain Thyn, my cousin John Greenvile, my nephew
John Gilbert, Captain Whiddon, Captain Keymis, Edward Hancock, Captain
Clarke, Lieutenant Hughes, Thomas Upton, Captain Facy, Jerome Ferrar,
Anthony Wells, William Connock, and above fifty more. We could not learn
of Berreo any other way to enter but in branches so far to windward as
it was impossible for us to recover; for we had as much sea to cross
over in our wherries, as between Dover and Calice, and in a great
hollow, the wind and current being both very strong. So as we were
driven to go in those small boats directly before the wind into the
bottom of the Bay of Guanipa, and from thence to enter the mouth of some
one of those rivers which John Douglas had last discovered; and had
with us for pilot an Indian of Barema, a river to the south of Orenoque,
between that and Amazons, whose canoas we had formerly taken as he
was going from the said Barema, laden with cassavi bread to sell at
Margarita. This Arwacan promised to bring me into the great river of
Orenoque; but indeed of that which he entered he was utterly ignorant,
for he had not seen it in twelve years before, at which time he was very
young, and of no judgment. And if God had not sent us another help, we
might have wandered a whole year in that labyrinth of rivers, ere we had
found any way, either out or in, especially after we were past ebbing
and flowing, which was in four days. For I know all the earth doth not
yield the like confluence of streams and branches, the one crossing
the other so many times, and all so fair and large, and so like one to
another, as no man can tell which to take: and if we went by the sun or
compass, hoping thereby to go directly one way or other, yet that way we
were also carried in a circle amongst multitudes of islands, and every
island so bordered with high trees as no man could see any further than
the breadth of the river, or length of the breach. But this it chanced,
that entering into a river (which because it had no name, we called the
River of the Red Cross, ourselves being the first Christians that ever
came therein), the 22. of May, as we were rowing up the same, we espied
a small canoa with three Indians, which by the swiftness of my barge,
rowing with eight oars, I overtook ere they could cross the river. The
rest of the people on the banks, shadowed under the thick wood, gazed
on with a doubtful conceit what might befall those three which we had
taken. But when they perceived that we offered them no violence, neither
entered their canoa with any of ours, nor took out of the canoa any
of theirs, they then began to show themselves on the bank's side, and
offered to traffic with us for such things as they had. And as we drew
near, they all stayed; and we came with our barge to the mouth of a
little creek which came from their town into the great river.
As we abode here awhile, our Indian pilot, called Ferdinando, would
needs go ashore to their village to fetch some fruits and to drink of
their artificial wines, and also to see the place and know the lord of
it against another time, and took with him a brother of his which he had
with him in the journey. When they came to the village of these people
the lord of the island offered to lay hands on them, purposing to
have slain them both; yielding for reason that this Indian of ours had
brought a strange nation into their territory to spoil and destroy them.
But the pilot being quick and of a disposed body, slipt their fingers
and ran into the woods, and his brother, being the better footman of the
two, recovered the creek's mouth, where we stayed in our barge, crying
out that his brother was slain. With that we set hands on one of them
that was next us, a very old man, and brought him into the barge,
assuring him that if we had not our pilot again we would presently cut
off his head. This old man, being resolved that he should pay the loss
of the other, cried out to those in the woods to save Ferdinando, our
pilot; but they followed him notwithstanding, and hunted after him upon
the foot with their deer-dogs, and with so main a cry that all the woods
echoed with the shout they made. But at the last this poor chased Indian
recovered the river side and got upon a tree, and, as we were coasting,
leaped down and swam to the barge half dead with fear. But our good hap
was that we kept the other old Indian, which we handfasted to redeem our
pilot withal; for, being natural of those rivers, we assured ourselves
that he knew the way better than any stranger could. And, indeed, but
for this chance, I think we had never found the way either to Guiana or
back to our ships; for Ferdinando after a few days knew nothing at all,
nor which way to turn; yea, and many times the old man himself was
in great doubt which river to take. Those people which dwell in these
broken islands and drowned lands are generally called Tivitivas. There
are of them two sorts; the one called Ciawani, and the other Waraweete.
The great river of Orenoque or Baraquan hath nine branches which fall
out on the north side of his own main mouth. On the south side it hath
seven other fallings into the sea, so it disemboqueth by sixteen arms in
all, between islands and broken ground; but the islands are very great,
many of them as big as the Isle of Wight, and bigger, and many less.
From the first branch on the north to the last of the south it is at
least 100 leagues, so as the river's mouth is 300 miles wide at his
entrance into the sea, which I take to be far bigger than that of
Amazons. All those that inhabit in the mouth of this river upon the
several north branches are these Tivitivas, of which there are two chief
lords which have continual wars one with the other. The islands which
lie on the right hand are called Pallamos, and the land on the left,
Hororotomaka; and the river by which John Douglas returned within the
land from Amana to Capuri they call Macuri.
These Tivitivas are a very goodly people and very valiant, and have the
most manly speech and most deliberate that ever I heard of what nation
soever. In the summer they have houses on the ground, as in other
places; in the winter they dwell upon the trees, where they build very
artificial towns and villages, as it is written in the Spanish story of
the West Indies that those people do in the low lands near the gulf of
Uraba. For between May and September the river of Orenoque riseth thirty
foot upright, and then are those islands overflown twenty foot high
above the level of the ground, saving some few raised grounds in the
middle of them; and for this cause they are enforced to live in this
manner. They never eat of anything that is set or sown; and as at home
they use neither planting nor other manurance, so when they come abroad
they refuse to feed of aught but of that which nature without labour
bringeth forth. They use the tops of palmitos for bread, and kill deer,
fish, and porks for the rest of their sustenance. They have also many
sorts of fruits that grow in the woods, and great variety of birds and
fowls; and if to speak of them were not tedious and vulgar, surely we
saw in those passages of very rare colours and forms not elsewhere to be
found, for as much as I have either seen or read.
Of these people those that dwell upon the branches of Orenoque, called
Capuri, and Macureo, are for the most part carpenters of canoas; for
they make the most and fairest canoas; and sell them into Guiana for
gold and into Trinidad for tabacco, in the excessive taking whereof
they exceed all nations. And notwithstanding the moistness of the air in
which they live, the hardness of their diet, and the great labours they
suffer to hunt, fish, and fowl for their living, in all my life,
either in the Indies or in Europe, did I never behold a more goodly or
better-favoured people or a more manly. They were wont to make war upon
all nations, and especially on the Cannibals, so as none durst without a
good strength trade by those rivers; but of late they are at peace with
their neighbours, all holding the Spaniards for a common enemy. When
their commanders die they use great lamentation; and when they think
the flesh of their bodies is putrified and fallen from their bones, then
they take up the carcase again and hang it in the cacique's house that
died, and deck his skull with feathers of all colours, and hang all
his gold plates about the bones of this arms, thighs, and legs. Those
nations which are called Arwacas, which dwell on the south of Orenoque,
of which place and nation our Indian pilot was, are dispersed in many
other places, and do use to beat the bones of their lords into powder,
and their wives and friends drink it all in their several sorts of
drinks.
After we departed from the port of these Ciawani we passed up the river
with the flood and anchored the ebb, and in this sort we went onward.
The third day that we entered the river, our galley came on ground; and
stuck so fast as we thought that even there our discovery had ended, and
that we must have left four-score and ten of our men to have inhabited,
like rooks upon trees, with those nations. But the next morning, after
we had cast out all her ballast, with tugging and hauling to and fro we
got her afloat and went on. At four days' end we fell into as goodly a
river as ever I beheld, which was called the great Amana, which ran more
directly without windings and turnings than the other. But soon after
the flood of the sea left us; and, being enforced either by main
strength to row against a violent current, or to return as wise as we
went out, we had then no shift but to persuade the companies that it was
but two or three days' work, and therefore desired them to take pains,
every gentleman and others taking their turns to row, and to spell one
the other at the hour's end. Every day we passed by goodly branches of
rivers, some falling from the west, others from the east, into Amana;
but those I leave to the description in the chart of discovery, where
every one shall be named with his rising and descent. When three days
more were overgone, our companies began to despair, the weather being
extreme hot, the river bordered with very high trees that kept away the
air, and the current against us every day stronger than other. But we
evermore commanded our pilots to promise an end the next day, and used
it so long as we were driven to assure them from four reaches of the
river to three, and so to two, and so to the next reach. But so long we
laboured that many days were spent, and we driven to draw ourselves to
harder allowance, our bread even at the last, and no drink at all;
and our men and ourselves so wearied and scorched, and doubtful withal
whether we should ever perform it or no, the heat increasing as we drew
towards the line; for we were now in five degrees.
The further we went on, our victual decreasing and the air breeding
great faintness, we grew weaker and weaker, when we had most need of
strength and ability. For hourly the river ran more violently than other
against us, and the barge, wherries, and ship's boat of Captain Gifford
and Captain Caulfield had spent all their provisions; so as we were
brought into despair and discomfort, had we not persuaded all the
company that it was but only one day's work more to attain the land
where we should be relieved of all we wanted, and if we returned, that
we were sure to starve by the way, and that the world would also laugh
us to scorn. On the banks of these rivers were divers sorts of fruits
good to eat, flowers and trees of such variety as were sufficient to
make ten volumes of Herbals; we relieved ourselves many times with the
fruits of the country, and sometimes with fowl and fish. We saw birds of
all colours, some carnation, some crimson, orange-tawny, purple, watchet
(pale blue), and of all other sorts, both simple and mixed, and it was
unto us a great good-passing of the time to behold them, besides the
relief we found by killing some store of them with our fowling-pieces;
without which, having little or no bread, and less drink, but only the
thick and troubled water of the river, we had been in a very hard case.
Our old pilot of the Ciawani, whom, as I said before, we took to redeem
Ferdinando, told us, that if we would enter a branch of a river on the
right hand with our barge and wherries, and leave the galley at anchor
the while in the great river, he would bring us to a town of the
Arwacas, where we should find store of bread, hens, fish, and of the
country wine; and persuaded us, that departing from the galley at noon
we might return ere night. I was very glad to hear this speech, and
presently took my barge, with eight musketeers, Captain Gifford's
wherry, with himself and four musketeers, and Captain Caulfield with
his wherry, and as many; and so we entered the mouth of this river; and
because we were persuaded that it was so near, we took no victual with
us at all. When we had rowed three hours, we marvelled we saw no sign
of any dwelling, and asked the pilot where the town was; he told us,
a little further. After three hours more, the sun being almost set, we
began to suspect that he led us that way to betray us; for he confessed
that those Spaniards which fled from Trinidad, and also those that
remained with Carapana in Emeria, were joined together in some village
upon that river. But when it grew towards night, and we demanded where
the place was, he told us but four reaches more. When we had rowed four
and four, we saw no sign; and our poor watermen, even heart-broken and
tired, were ready to give up the ghost; for we had now come from the
galley near forty miles.
At the last we determined to hang the pilot; and if we had well known
the way back again by night, he had surely gone. But our own necessities
pleaded sufficiently for his safety; for it was as dark as pitch, and
the river began so to narrow itself, and the trees to hang over from
side to side, as we were driven with arming swords to cut a passage
through those branches that covered the water. We were very desirous to
find this town hoping of a feast, because we made but a short breakfast
aboard the galley in the morning, and it was now eight o'clock at night,
and our stomachs began to gnaw apace; but whether it was best to return
or go on, we began to doubt, suspecting treason in the pilot more and
more; but the poor old Indian ever assured us that it was but a little
further, but this one turning and that turning; and at the last about
one o'clock after midnight we saw a light, and rowing towards it we
heard the dogs of the village. When we landed we found few people; for
the lord of that place was gone with divers canoas above 400 miles off,
upon a journey towards the head of Orenoque, to trade for gold, and to
buy women of the Cannibals, who afterwards unfortunately passed by us as
we rode at an anchor in the port of Morequito in the dark of the night,
and yet came so near us as his canoas grated against our barges; he left
one of his company at the port of Morequito, by whom we understood that
he had brought thirty young women, divers plates of gold, and had great
store of fine pieces of cotton cloth, and cotton beds. In his house we
had good store of bread, fish, hens, and Indian drink, and so rested
that night; and in the morning, after we had traded with such of his
people as came down, we returned towards our galley, and brought with us
some quantity of bread, fish, and hens.
On both sides of this river we passed the most beautiful country that
ever mine eyes beheld; and whereas all that we had seen before was
nothing but woods, prickles, bushes, and thorns, here we beheld plains
of twenty miles in length, the grass short and green, and in divers
parts groves of trees by themselves, as if they had been by all the art
and labour in the world so made of purpose; and still as we rowed, the
deer came down feeding by the water's side as if they had been used to
a keeper's call. Upon this river there were great store of fowl, and
of many sorts; we saw in it divers sorts of strange fishes, and of
marvellous bigness; but for lagartos (alligators and caymans) it
exceeded, for there were thousands of those ugly serpents; and the
people call it, for the abundance of them, the River of Lagartos, in
their language. I had a negro, a very proper young fellow, who leaping
out of the galley to swim in the mouth of this river, was in all our
sights taken and devoured with one of those lagartos. In the meanwhile
our companies in the galley thought we had been all lost, for we
promised to return before night; and sent the Lion's Whelp's ship's boat
with Captain Whiddon to follow us up the river. But the next day, after
we had rowed up and down some fourscore miles, we returned, and went on
our way up the great river; and when we were even at the last cast for
want of victuals, Captain Gifford being before the galley and the rest
of the boats, seeking out some place to land upon the banks to make
fire, espied four canoas coming down the river; and with no small joy
caused his men to try the uttermost of their strengths, and after a
while two of the four gave over and ran themselves ashore, every man
betaking himself to the fastness of the woods. The two other lesser
got away, while he landed to lay hold on these; and so turned into some
by-creek, we knew not whither. Those canoas that were taken were loaded
with bread, and were bound for Margarita in the West Indies, which those
Indians, called Arwacas, proposed to carry thither for exchange; but in
the lesser there were three Spaniards, who having heard of the defeat of
their Governor in Trinidad, and that we purposed to enter Guiana, came
away in those canoas; one of them was a cavallero, as the captain of the
Arwacas after told us, another a soldier and the third a refiner.