[16] Cf. Pissin. p. 25. The incident occurred in 1803 and Herder died
in 1804.
[17] Cf. Kosch's edition, XI, 308. Lochen himself utterly condemned
this work later. See Pissin, pp. 238-39, 267-08. Pissin gives the
number of verse and strophe forms on p. 266.
[18] Cf. Pissin, p. 267. Uhland made the remark in 1812--his own most
fruitful year as a poet.
[19] The story was published in 1817. The full title is _Das weisse
Ross, eine altdeutsche Familienchronik in sechs und dreissig
Bildern._ It is 160 pages long.
[20] An idea as to the lack of action in this story can be derived
from the following statement by Otto (pp. 127-28), the brave hero:
"Was man Schicksale zu nennen pflegt, habe ich wenige gehabt, aber
erfahren habe ich dennoch viel und mehr als mancher durch seine
glänzenden Schicksale erfahren mag: nämlich die Führungen der
ewigen Liebe habe ich erfahren, die keinen verlässt. und alles
herrlich hinausfuhrt." And then Siegenot, the other hero, says
that this is very true--whereupon they embrace each other.
[21] The story was first published In Urania: Taschenbuch für Damen
auf das Jahr 1818. pp. 305-37.
[22] Aside from the poems in Pissin's collection in the _D.L.D. des
18. u. 19. Jahr._, Ignaz Hub's _Deutschlands Balladen- und
Romanzen-Dichter_, Karlsruhe, 1845, contains: (1) "Romanze von der
weissen Rose," (2) "Der Tanz mit dem Tode," (3) "Der Bergknapp,"
(4) "Das Schwanenlied." "Loreley" is also reprinted here, with
modifications for the worse. "Schau', Schiffer, schau' nicht
hinauf," is certainly not an improvement on Loeben's "Lieb Knabe,
sieh' nicht hinauf,"
[23] The following are common forms: "Nez," "zwey," "versteken,"
"Sfären," "Saffo," "Stralenboten," "Abendrothen." "Uebermuth,"
and so on, though the regular forms, except in the case of
"Saffo," also occur.
[24] "Der Abend" reminds one strongly of Hölderlin's "Die Nacht,"
while "Tag und Nacht" goes back undoubtedly to Novalis' "Hymnen an
die Nacht," W. Schlegels sonnet on the sonnet stood sponsor for
"Das Sonett," and Goethe and Tieck also reoccur in changed
dress. The poems on Correggio (73), Ruisdael (75), Goethe (137),
Tieck (138-39), and Novalis (141) sound especially like
W. Schlegel's poems on other poets and artists.
[25] In his _Geschichte des Sonettes in der deutschen
Dichtung_.'Leipzig, 1884. Heinrich Weltl (pp. 210-17) criticizes
Loeben's sonnets most severely from the point of view of content;
and as to their form he says: "Blos die Form, oder gar die blosse
Form der Form ist beachtenswert." This is unquestionably a case of
warping the truth in order to bring in a sort of pun.
[26] The triolett is worth quoting as a type of Loeben's prettiness:
Galt es mir, das süsse Blicken
Aus dem hellen Augenpaar?
Unter'm Netz vom goldnen Haar
Galt es mir das süsse Blicken?
Einem sprach es von Gefahr,
Einen wollt' es licht umstricken;
Galt es mir, das süsso Blicken
Aus dem hellen Augenpaar.
[27] An idea as to Loeben's temperament can he derived from the
following passage in a letter to Tieck: "Gott sei mit Ihnen und
die heilige Muse! Oft drängt es mich, niederzuknien im Schein, den
Albrecht Dürers und Novalis Glorie wirft, im alten frommen
Dom. dann denk' ich Ihrer und ich lieg' an Ihrer Seele. Ich fühle
Sie in mir, wie man eine Gottheit fühlt in geweihter
Stunde. 'Liebe denkt in sel'gen Tönen, denn Gedanken stehn zu
fern." The quotation should read "süssen" instead of "sel'gen."
See _Briefe an Tierk._ edited by Holtei, II, 266.
[28] As a corrective to the monographs of Pissin on Loeben and
H. A. Krüger on Eichendorff. one should read Wilhelm Kosch's
article in _Euphorion_ (1907, pp. 310-20). Kosch. contends
that Pissin and Krüger have vastly overestimated Loeben's
influence on Eichendorff, and that Loeben in general was "eine
bedeutungslose Tageserscheinung."
[29] The complete title is _Godwi, oder das steinerne Bild der
Mutter. Ein verwilderter Roman von Maria_. The very rare first
edition of this novel, in two volumes, is in the Columbia
Library. Friedrich Wilmans was the publisher.
[30] Cf. Alfred Kerr, _Godwi. Ein Kapitel deutscher
Romantik_. Berlin, 1898, p. 2.
[31] Cf. Wilhelm Hertz, "Über den Namen Lorelei," _Sitzungsberichte
der k.b. Akademie der Wissenschaften zu München_, Jahrgang
1886, pp. 217-51. For the etymologist, this is an invaluable
study.
[32] The superficial similarity of those two poems can easily be
exaggerated. The rhyme "sitzet-blitzet" is perfectly natural: the
Lorelei had to be portrayed as "sitzen"; what is then easier than
"blitzen"? In "Ritter Peter von Stauffenberg und die Meerfeye"
(Des Knaben Wunderhorn, ed. of Eduard Grisebach, p. 277) we have
this couplet:
Er sieht ein schönes Weib da sitzen.
Von Gold und Silber herrlich blitzen.
For more detailed illustrations, see below.
[33] It is worth while to note the actual date of Heine's composition
of his ballad, since so eminent an authority as Wilhelm Scherer
(_Ges. d. deut. Lit._, 8th ed., p. 662) says that Heine wrote the
poem in 1824. And Eduard Thorn (_Heinrich Heines Beziehungen zu
Clemens Brentano_, p. 90.) says that he published it in 1826.
This is incorrect, as is also Thorn's statement, p. 88, that
Brentano wrote his ballad in 1802. For the correct date of Heine's
ballad, see _Sämtliche Werke_, Hamburg, 1865, XV, 200.]
[34] An instance of this is seen in _Selections from Heine's
Poems_, edited by H.S. White, D.C. Heath & Co., Boston, 1900,
p. 182. Professor White does, to be sure, refer to Strodtmann for
the details; but Strodtmann does not prove anything. And in
_Heines Werke in fünfzehn Teilen_, edited by Hermann
Friedeman, Helene Herrmann. Erwin Kaliseher. Raimund Pissin, and
Veit Valentin, we have the comment by Helene Herrmann, who follows
Pissin: "Die Loreleysage, erfunden von Clemens Brentano; vielfach
von Romantikern gestaltet. Zwischen Brentanos Romanze und Heines
Situationsbild steht die Behandlung durch den Grafen Loeben, einen
unbedeutenden romantischen Dichter."
[35] The best finished collection of Heine's letters is the one by
Hans Daffis, Berlin, 1907, 2 vols. This collection will, however,
soon be superseded by _Heinrich Heines Briefwechsel_, edited
by Friedrich Hirth, München and Berlin, 1914. The first volume
covers Heine's life up to 1831. In neither of these collections is
either Brentano or Loeben mentioned. There are 643 pages in
Hirth's first volume.
[36] For a discussion of _Godwi_, see _Clemens Brentano: Ein
Lebensbild_, by Johannes Baptista Diel and Wilhelm Kreiten,
Freiburg i.B., 1877, two volumes in one, pp. 104-25. As to the
obscurity of Brentano's work, one sentence (p. 116) is
significant: "_Godwi_ spukt heutzutage nur mehr in den Köpfen
der liberalen Literaturgeschichtsschreiber, denen er einen
willkommenen Vorwand an die Hand gibt, mit einigen stereotyp
abgeschriebenen Phrasen den Stab über den phantastischen,
verschwommenen, unsittlichen u.s.w., u.s.w. Dichter zu brechen."
[37] _Clemens Brentano: Godwi oder das steinerne Bild der
Mutter. Ein verwilderter. Roman_. Herausgegeben und
eingeleitet von Dr. Anselm Ruest, Berlin, 1906. Ruest edited the
work because he thought it was worth reviving. In this edition,
the ballad is on pages 507-10. Bartels (Handbuch, 2d ed., p. 400)
lists a reprint in 1905, E.A. Regener, Berlin.
[38] II, 391-93.
[39] For the various references, see Thorn's _Heinrich Heines
Beziehungen zu Clemens Brentano_. pp. 88-90. His study is
especially unsatisfactory in view of the fact that he says (p. 88)
in this connection: "Wirklich Neues zu bringen ist uns nicht
vergönnt, denn selbstverständlich haben die Forscher dieses
dankbare und interessante Objekt schon in der eingehendsten Weise
untersucht." And Thorn's attempt to show that Heine knew
_Godwi_ early in life by pointing out similarities between
poems in it and poems by Heine is about as untenable as argument
could be, in view of the great number of poets who may have
influenced Heine in these instances; Thorn himself lists (p. 63)
Bürger, Fouqué, Arnim, E.T.A. Hoffmann.
[40] In Pissin's collection of Loeben's poems (_D.L.D_., No. 135)
we have a peculiar note. After the ballad (_Anmerk._,
p. 161), which Pissin entitles "Der Lurleifels," we read:
"N.d. Hs." This would argue that Loeben did so entitle his ballad
and that Pissin had access to the original MS. But then Pissin
says: "Auch, die gleichnamige Novelle einleitend, in der
_Urania_ auf 1821." But in _Urania_ the novelette is
entitled "Eine Sage vom Rhein." and the ballad is entitled
"Loreley." Bet him who can unravel this!
[41] For the entire story of the composition and publication of the
_Rheinmärchen_, see _Die Märchen von Clemens Brentano_,
edited by Guido Görres. 2 vols. in 1, Stuttgart, 1879 (2d ed.)
This edition contains the preface to the original edition of 1840,
pp. i-1.
[42] Thorn, who drew on M.R. Hewelcke's _Die Loreleisage_,
Paderborn, 1908, makes (p. 90) this suggestion. It is impossible
for the writer to see how Thorn can be so positive in regard to
Brentano's influence on Heine. And one's faith is shaken by this
sentence on the same page: "Brentano veröffentlichte sein
_Radlauf-Märchen_ erst 1827, Heine 'Die Lorelei' schon 1826."
Both of these dates are incorrect. Guido Görres, who must be
considered a final authority on this matter, says that, though
Brentano tried to publish his _Märchen_ as early as 1816,
none of them were published until 1846, except extracts from "Das
Myrtenfräulein," and a version of "Gockel," neither of which bears
directly on the Lorelei-matter.
[43] Of Görres' second edition, I, 250: "Nachdem Murmelthier herzlich
für diese Geschenke gedankt hatte, sagte Frau Else: 'Nun, mein
Kind! kämme mir und Frau Lurley die Haare, wir wollen die deinigen
dann auch kämmen'--dann gab sie ihr einen goldnen Kamm, und
Murmelthier kämmte Beiden die Haare und flocht sie so schön, dass
die Wasserfrauen sehr zufrieden mit ihr waren."
[44] In _H. Heines Leben und Werke_. Hamburg, 1884 (3d ed.),
Bd. I. p. 363. In the notes, Strodtmann reprints Loeben's ballad,
pp. 696-97. His statement is especially unsatisfactory in view of
the fact that he refers to the "fast gleicher Inhalt," though the
essentials of Heine's ballad are not in Loeben's, and to
"einegewisse Ähnlichkeit in Form," though the similarity in form
is most pronounced.
[45] In _Allgemeine deut. Biog_., XIX. 44. It is interesting to
see how Professor Muncker lays stress on this matter by placing in
parentheses the statement: "Einige Züge der letzten Geschichte
["Sage vom Rhein"] regten Heine zu seinem bekannten Liede an."
[46] In _Dichtungen von Heinrich Heine, ausgewählt und
erläutert_, Bonn, 1887, p. 326. Hessel's Statement is
peculiarly unsatisfactory, since he says (p. 309) that he is going
to the sources of Heine's poems, and then, after reprinting
Loeben's ballad, he says: "Dieses Lied war Heines nächstes
Vorbild. Ausführlicheres bei Strodtmann, Bd. I, S. 362." And this
edition has been well received.
[47] In _Grundriss, VI, 110. Again we read in parentheses: "Aus
diesem Liede und dem Eingänge der Erzählung schöpfte H. Heine sein
Lied von der Loreley."
[48] In _Ges. d. deut. Lit_., p. 662 (8th ed.).
[49] In _Heinrich Heines Beziehungen zum deutschen Mittelalter_,
Berlin, 1908, pp., 94-95. Mücke is the most cautious of the ten
authorities above listed; and he anticipated Walzel in his
reference to Schreiber's _Handbuch_.
[50] In _Ueber den Namen Lorelei, p. 224. Hertz is about as cautious
as Strodtmann; "Es ist kaum zu bezweifeln dass," etc.
[51] In _Sämtliche Werke_, I, 491.
[52] In _Hauptströmungen_. VI, 178. Brandes says: "Der Gegenstand
ist der gleiche, das Versmass ist dasselbe, ja die Reimen sind an
einzelnen Stellen die gleichen: blitzetsitzet; statt 'an-gethan'
steht da nur 'Kahn-gethan.'"
[53] In _Der deutschen Romantiker_, Leipzig, 1903, p. 235.
[54] In _Deutsches Literatur-Lexikon_, München, 1914, p. 271. It
is significant that Krüger makes this statement, for the subtitle
of his book Is "Biographisches und bibliographisches Handbuch mit
Motivübersichten und Quellennachweisen." And it is, on the whole,
an extremely useful book.
[55] It is impossible to see how Brandes can lay great stress on the
fact that this rhyme occurs in both poems. The following rhymes
are found on the following pages of the Elster edition, Vol. I, of
Heine's works: "Spitze-Blitze" (36), "sitzen-nützen" (116),
"Witzen-nützen" (124), "sitzen-blitzen" (216),
"erhitzet-bespitzet" (242), "Blitz-Sitz" (257), "blitzt-gestützt"
(276), "blitze-besitze" (319), "blitzet-gespitzet" (464). And in
Loeben's poems the rhyme is equally common. The first strophe of
his _Ferdusi_ runs as follows:
Hell erglänzt an Persiens Throne
Wo der grosse Mahmud sitzt;
Welch Juwel ist's, das die Krone
So vor allen schön umblitzt.
And in Schreiber's saga we have in juxtaposition, the
words. "Blitze" and "Spitze." The rhyme "Sitze-Blitze" occurs in
Immanuel's "Lorelei," quoted by Seeliger, p. 31.
[56] There are, to be sure, only 114 words in Loeben's ballad if we
count "um's," "dir's," and "glaub's" as three words and not six.
[57] These numbers are in the Columbia Library.
[58] During these years Heine's letters are dated from Göttingen,
Berlin, Gnesen, Berlin, Münster, Berlin, Lüneburg, Hamtburg,
Ritzenbüttel, and Lüneburg. During these same years Loeben was in
Dresden and he was ill.
[59] We need only to mention such a strophe as the following from
_Atta Troll_:
Klang das nicht wie Jugendträume.
Die ich träumte mit Chamisso
Und Brentano und Fouqué
In den blauen Mondscheinnächten?
See Elster edition, II, 421. The lines were written in 1843.
[60] The first edition of Karl Simrock's _Rheinsagen_ came out in
1836. This was not accessible. The edition of 1837, "zweite,
vermehrte Auflage," contains 168 poems, 572 pages; this contains
Simrock's "Ballade von der Lorelei." The edition of 1841 also
contains Simrock's "Der Teufel und die Lorelei." The book contains
455 pages, 218 poems. The sixth edition (1809) contains 231 poems.
In all editions the poems are arranged in geographical order from
Südersee to Graubünden. Alexander Kaufmann's _Quellenangaben und
Bemerkungen zu Kart Simrocks Rheinsagen_ throws no new light on
the Lorelei-legend.
[61] Cf. _Heinrich Heines sämtliche Werke_, edited by Walzel,
Fränkel, Krähe, Leitzmann, and Peterson. Leipzig. 1911, II,
408. So far as I have looked into the matter, Walzel stands alone
in this belief, though Mücke, as has been pointed out above,
anticipated him in the statement that Heine drew on Schreiber in
this case. But Mücke thinks that Heine also knew Loeben.
[62] The reference in question reads as follows: "Ich will kein Wort
verlieren über den Wert dieses unverdaulichen Machwerkes [_Les
Burgraves_], das mit allen möglichen Prätensionen auftritt,
namentlich mit historischen, obgleich alles Wissen Victor Hugos
über Zeit und Ort, wo sein Stück spielt, lediglich aus der
französischen Uebersetzung von Schreibers _Handbuch für
Rheinreisende_ geschöpft, ist." This was written March 20, 1843
(see Elster edition, VI. 344).
[63] Aloys Wilhelm Schreiber (1763-1840) was a teacher in the Lyceum
at Baden-Baden (1800-1802), professor of aesthetics at Heidelberg
(1802-13) where he was intimate with the Voss family,
historiographer at Karlsruhe (1813-26), and in 1826 he retired and
became a most prolific writer. He interested himself in guidebooks
for travelers. His manuals contain maps, distances, expense
accounts, historical sketches, in short, about what the modern
_Baedeker_ contains with fewer statistics and more popular
description. His books appeared in German, French, and
English. In 1812 he published his _Handbuch für Reisende am
Rhein von Schaffhausen bis Holland_, to give only a small part
of the wordy title, and in 1818 he brought out a second, enlarged
edition of the same work with an appendix containing 17
_Volkssagen aus den Gegenden am Rhein und am Taunus_, the
sixteenth of which is entitled "Die Jungfrau auf dem Lurley." His
books were exceedingly popular in their day and are still
obtainable. Of the one here in question, Von Weech
(_Allgem. deut. Biog._, XXXII, 471) says: "Sein _Handbuch
für Reisende am Rhein_, dessen Anhang eine wertvolle Sammlung
rheinischer Volkssagen enthält, war lange der beliebteste Führer
auf Rheinreisen." There are 7 volumes of his manuals in the New
York Public Library, and one, _Traditions populaires du
Rhin,_ Heidelberg, 1830 (2d ed.), is in the Columbia
Library. It contains 144 legends and beautiful engravings. (The
writer has just [October 15, 1915] secured the four Volumes of
Schreiber's _Rheinische Geschichten und Sagen_. The fourth
volume, published in 1830. is now a very rare book.)
[64] The remainder of Schreiher's plot is as follows: The news of the
infatuated hero's death so grieved the old Count that ho
determined to have the Lorelei captured, dead or alive. One of his
captains, aided by a number of brave followers, set out on the
hazardous expedition. First, they surround the rock on which the
Lorelei sits, and. then three of the most courageous ascend to her
seat and determine to kill her, so that the danger of her
repealing her former deed maybe forever averted. But when they
reach her and she hoars what they intend to do, she simply smiles
and invokes the aid of her Father, who immediately sends two white
horses--two white waves--up the Rhine, and. after leaping down to
the Rhine, she is safely carried away by these. She was never
again seen, but her voice was frequently heard as she mocked, in
echo, the songs of the sailors on her paternal stream.
[65] It is not simply in the appendix of Schreiber's _Handbuch_
that he discusses the legend of Lorelei, but also in the
scientific part of it. Concerning the Lorelei rock he says
(pp. 174-75): "Ein wunderbarer Fels schiebt sich jetzt dem
Schiffer gleichsam in seine Bahn--es ist der Lurley (von Lure,
Lauter, und Ley, Schiefer) aus welchem ein Echo den Zuruf der
Vorbeifahrendem fünfzehnmal wiederholt. Diesen Schieferfels
bewohnte in grauen Zeiten eine Undine, welche die Schiffenden
durch ihr Zurufen ins Verderben lockte."
[66] Brockhaus says (p. xxiv): "Die einfache Sage von den beiden
feindlichen Brüdern am Rhein, van denen die Trümmer ihrer Bürgen
selbst noch _Die Brüder_ heissen ist in A. Schreiber's
Auswahl von Sagen jener Gegenden zu lesen." Usener's tragedy is
published In full in this number of _Urania_, pp. 383-442.
[67] Cf. Elster edition, IV, 406-9. The circumstantial way in which
Heine retells this story is almost sufficient to lead one to
believe that he had Schreiber at hand when he wrote this part of
Elementargeister; but he says that he did not.
[68] Discussion as to the first conception of Heine's _Rabbi_ are
found in: _Heinrich Heines Fragment_; _Der Rabbi von Bacharach_,
by Lion Feuchtwanger, München, 1907; _Heinrich Heine und Der Rabbi
von Bacharach_, by Gustav Karpeles, Wien, 1895.
[69] The poem is one of the _Junge Leiden_, published in 1821, Elster
(I, 490) says: "Eine bekannte Sage, mit einzelnen vielfach
wiederkehrenden uralten Zügen, dargestellt In Simrocks
_Rheinsagen_." Simrock had, of course, done nothing on the
_Rheinsagen_ in 1821, being then only nineteen years old and an
inconspicuous student at Bonn. Walzel says (I. 449.): "Mit einem
andern Ausgang ist die Sage in dem von Heine vielbenutzten
_Handbuch für Reisende am Rhein_ von Aloys Schreiber (Heidelberg,
1816) überliefert." The edition of this work in the New York
Public Library has no printed date, but 1818 is written in. Walzel
may be correct. The outcome of Heine's poem is, after all, not so
different: In Schreiber, both brothers relinquish their clalms to
the girl and remain unmarried; in Heine the one kills the other
and in this way neither wins the girl.
[70] It is the same story as the one told by Bulwer-Lytton in his
_Pilgrims of the Rhine_. chap. xxiv.
[71] All through the body of Schreiber's _Handbuch_, there are
references to the places and legends mentioned in Heine's
_Rabbi_. On Bacharach there is the following: "Der Reisende,
wenn er auch nur eine Stunde in Bacharach verweilt, unterlasse
nicht, die Ruinen von Staleck zu besteigen, wo eine der schönsten
Rheinlandschaften sich von seinen Blicken aufrollt. Die Burg von
sehr beträchtlichem Umfang scheint, auf den Trümmern eines
Römerkastells erbaut. Die, welche die Entstehung derselben den
Hunnen zuschreiben, well sie in Urkunden den Namen Stalekum hat,
sind in einem Irrtum befangen, denn Stalekum oder Stalek heisst
eben so viel als Stalbühl, oder ein Ort, wo ein Gericht gehegt
wurde. Pfalzgraf Hermann von Staleck, starb im 12ten Jahrhundert;
er war der letzte seines Stammes, und von ihm kam die Burg, als
Kölnisches Lehen, an Konrad Von Staufen."
[72] To come back to Heine and Loeben, Herm. Anders Krüger says (p.,
147) in his _Pseudoromantik:_ "Heinrich Heine, der überhaupt
Loeben studiert zu haben scheint," etc. He offers no proof. If one
wished to make out a case for Loeben, it could bo done with his
narrative poem "Ferdusi" (1817) and Heine's "Der Dichter Ferdusi."
Both tell about the same story; but each tells a story that was
familiar in romantic circles.
[73] In reply to a letter addressed to Professor Elster on October 4,
1914, the writer received the following most kind reply on
November 23: "Die Frage, die Sie an mich richten ist leicht
beantwortet: Heine hat Loeben in seinen Schriften nicht erwähnt,
aber das besagt nicht viel; er hat manchen benutzt, den er nicht
nennt. Und es kann _gar keinem Zweifel unterliegen_, dass
Loeben für die Lorelei Heines _unmittelbares_ Vorbild ist;
darauf habe ich öfter hingewiesen, aber wohl auch andere. Das
Taschenbuch _Urania_ für das Jahr 1821, wo Loebens Gedicht
u. Novelle zuerst erschienen, ist unserem Dichter zweifellos zu
Gesicht gekommen." No one can view Professor Elster in any other
light than as an eminent authority on Heine, but his certainty
here must be accepted with reserve, and his "wohl auch andere" is,
in view of the fact that, he was by no means the first, and
certainly not the last, to make this assertion, a trifle
disconcerting.
[74] The ultimate determining of sources is an ungrateful theme. Some
excellent suggestions on this subject are offered by Hans Rohl in
his _Die ältere Romantik und die Kunst des jungen Goethe_,
Berlin, 1909, pp. 70-72. This work was written under the general
leadership of Professor Elster. The disciple would, in this case,
hardly agree with the master. Pissin likewise speaks wisely in
discussing the influence of Novalis on Loeben in his monograph on
the latter, pp. 97-98. and 129-30. And Heine himself (Elster
edition, V. 294) says in regard to the question whether Hegel did
borrow so much from Schelling: "Nichts ist lächerlicher als das
reklamierte Eigentumsrecht an Ideen." He then shows how the ideas
were not original with Schelling either; he had them from
Spinoza. And it is just so here. Brentano started the legend;
Heine goes back to him indirectly. Eichenidorff and Vogt directly;
Schreiber borrowed from Vogt, Loeben from Schreiber, and Heine
from Schreiber--and thereafter it would be impossible to say who
borrowed from whom.