the effect that she is the best-lodged, best-fed, dullest author in
his Majesty's dominions, and that the sound of a commoner's name is
refreshment to her ears. She is surrounded by ex-lord-lieutenants,
unpopular princesses (including her of Wales) deposed potentates
(including him of Sweden), half the nobility of England, and many of
the best wits and writers. She had sat to Sir Thomas Lawrence for her
portrait, and sold her Indian novel, _The Missionary,_ for a
famous price. Lord Castlereagh, while staying at Stanmore, heard
portions of the work read aloud, and admired it so much that he
offered to take the author to London, and give her a rendezvous with
her publisher in his own study. Stockdale, the publisher, was so much
impressed by his surroundings that he bid £400 for the book, and the
agreement was signed and sealed under Lord Castlereagh's eye. _The
Missionary_ was not so successful as _The Wild Irish Girl,_
and added nothing to the author's reputation.
It was not until the end of 1810 that Miss Owenson decided to become a
permanent member of the Abercorn household. About this time, or a
little later, she wrote a short description of her temperament and
feelings, from which a sentence or two may be quoted. 'Inconsiderate
and indiscreet, never saved by prudence, but often rescued by pride;
often on the verge of error, but never passing the line. Committing
myself in every way _except in my own esteem_--without any
command over my feelings, my words, or writings--yet full of
self-possession as to action and conduct.' After describing her
sufferings from nervous susceptibility and mental depression, she
continues: 'But the hand that writes this has lost nothing of the
contour of health or the symmetry of youth. I am in possession of all
the fame I ever hoped or ambitioned. I wear not the appearance of
twenty years; I am now, as I generally am, sad and miserable.'
In 1811 Dr. Morgan, a good-looking widower of about eight-and-twenty,
accepted the post of private physician to Lord Abercorn. He was a
Cambridge man, an intimate friend of Dr. Jenner's, and possessed a
small fortune of his own. When he first arrived at Baron's Court, Miss
Owenson was absent, and he heard so much of her praises that he
conceived a violent prejudice against her. On her return she set to
work systematically to fascinate him, and succeeded even better than
she had hoped or desired. In Lady Abercorn he had a warm partisan, but
it may be suspected that the ambitious Miss Owenson found it hard to
renounce all hopes of a more brilliant match. The Abercorns having
vowed that Dr. Morgan should be made Sir Charles, and that they would
push his fortunes, Sydney yielded to their importunities so far as to
write to her father, and ask his consent to her engagement.
'I dare say you will be amazingly astonished,' she observes, 'but not
half so much as I am, for Lord and Lady Abercorn have hurried on the
business in such a manner that I really don't know what I am about.
They called me in last night, and, more like parents than friends,
begged me to be guided by them--that it was their wish not to lose
sight of me ... and that if I accepted Morgan, the man upon earth they
most esteemed and approved, they would be friends to both for
life--that we should reside with them one year after our marriage, so
that we might lay up our income to begin the world. He is also to
continue their physician. He has now £500 a year, independent of his
practice. I don't myself see the thing quite in the light they do; but
they think him a man of such great abilities, such great worth and
honour, that I am the most fortunate person in the world.'
To her old friend, Mrs. Lefanu, she writes in much the same strain.
'The licence and ring have been in the house these ten days, and all
the settlements made; yet I have been battling off from day to day,
and have only ten minutes back procured a little breathing time. The
struggle is almost too great for me. On one side engaged, beyond
retrieval, to a man who has frequently declared to my friends that if
I break off he will not survive it! On the other, the dreadful
certainty of being parted for ever from a country and friends I love,
and a family I adore.'
The 'breathing time' was to consist of a fortnight's visit to her
sister, Lady Clarke, in Dublin, in order to be near her father, who
was in failing health. The fortnight, however, proved an exceedingly
elastic period. Mr. Owenson was not dangerously ill, the winter season
was just beginning, and Miss Owenson was more popular than ever. Her
unfortunate lover, as jealous as he was enamoured, being detained by
his duties at Baron's Court, could only write long letters of
complaint, reproach, and appeal to his hard-hearted lady. Sydney was
thoroughly enjoying herself, and was determined to make the most of
her last days of liberty. She admitted afterwards that she had behaved
very badly at this time, and deserved to have lost the best husband
woman ever had.
'I picture to myself,' writes poor Dr. Morgan, 'the thoughtless and
heartless Glorvina trifling with her friend, jesting at his
sufferings, and flirting with every man she meets.' He sends her some
commissions, but declares that there is only one about which he is
really anxious, 'and that is to love me _exclusively_; to prefer
me to every other good; to think of me, speak of me, write to me, and
look forward to our union as to the completion of every wish, as I do
by you. Do this, and though you grow as ugly as Sycorax, you will
never lose in me the fondest, most doating, affectionate of husbands.
Glorvina, I was born for tenderness; my business in life is _to
love_.... I read part of _The Way to Keep Him_ this morning,
and I see now you take the widow for your model; but it won't do, for
though I love you in _every_ mood, it is only when you are true
to nature, passionate and tender, that I adore you. You are never less
interesting to me than when you _brillez_ in a large party.'
The fortnight's leave of absence had been granted in September, and by
the end of November Dr. Morgan is thoroughly displeased with his
truant _fiancée_, and asks why she could not have told him when
she went away, that she intended to stay till Christmas. 'I know, he
writes, 'this is but a specimen of the roundabout policy of all your
countrywomen. How strange it is that you, who are in general
_great_ beyond every woman I know, philosophical and magnanimous,
should _in detail_ be so often ill-judging, wrong, and (shall I
say) little?' In December Sydney writes to say that she will return
directly after Christmas, and declares that the terrible struggle of
feeling, which she had tried to forget in every species of mental
dissipation, is now over; friends, relatives, country, all are
resigned, and she is his for ever! A little later she shows signs of
wavering again; she cannot make up her mind to part from her invalid
father just yet; but this time Dr. Morgan puts his foot down, and
issues his ultimatum in a stern and manly letter. He will be trifled
with no longer. Sydney must either keep her promise and return at
Christmas, or they had better part, never to meet again. 'The love I
require,' he writes, 'is no ordinary affection. The woman who marries
me must be _identified_ with me. I must have a large bank of
tenderness to draw upon. I must have frequent profession and frequent
demonstration of it. Woman's love is all in all to me; it stands in
place of honours and riches, and what is yet more, in place of
tranquillity of mind.'
This letter, backed by one from Lady Abercorn, brought Sydney to her
senses. In the first days of the new year (1812) she arrived at
Baron's Court, a little shamefaced, and more than a little doubtful of
her reception. The marquis was stiff, and the marchioness stately, but
Sir Charles, who had just been knighted by the Lord Lieutenant, was
too pleased to get his lady-love back, to harbour any resentment
against her. A few days after her return, as she was sitting over the
fire in a morning wrapper, Lady Abercorn came in and said:
'Glorvina, come upstairs directly and be married; there must be no
more trifling.'
The bride was led into her ladyship's dressing-room, where the
bridegroom was awaiting her in company with the chaplain, and the
ceremony took place. The marriage was kept a secret from the other
guests at the time, but a few nights later Lord Abercorn filled his
glass after dinner, and drank to the health of 'Sir Charles and Lady
Morgan.'
PART II
The marriage, unpromising as it appeared at the outset, proved an
exceptionally happy one. Sir Charles was a straightforward, worthy, if
somewhat dull gentleman, with no ambition, a nervous distaste for
society, and a natural indolence of temperament. To his wife he gave
the unstinted sympathy and admiration that her restless vanity craved,
while she invariably maintained that he was the wisest, brightest, and
handsomest of his sex. She seems to have given him no occasion for
jealousy after marriage, though to the last she preserved her passion
for society, and her ambition for social recognition and success. The
first year of married life, which she described as a period of storm,
interspersed with brilliant sunshine, was spent with the Abercorns at
Baron's Court.
'Though living in a palace,' wrote Sydney to Mrs. Lefanu, early in
1812, 'we have all the comfort and independence of a home.... As to
me, I am _every inch a wife_, and so ends that brilliant thing
that was Glorvina. _N.B._--I intend to write a book to explode
the vulgar idea of matrimony being the tomb of love. Matrimony is the
real thing, and all before but leather and prunella.' In a letter to
Lady Stanley she paints Sir Charles in the romantic colours
appropriate to a novelist's husband. 'In _love_ he is Sheridan's
Falkland, and in his view of things there is a _mélange_ of
cynicism and sentiment that will never suffer him to be as happy as
the inferior million that move about him. Marriage has taken nothing
from the _romance_ of his passion for me; and by bringing a sense
of _property_ with it, has rendered him more exigent and nervous
about me than before.'
The luxury of Baron's Court was probably more than counterbalanced by
the inevitable drawbacks of married life in a patron's household,
where the husband, at least, was at that patron's beck and call.
Before the end of the year, the Morgans were contemplating a modest
establishment of their own, and Sydney had set to work upon a novel,
the price of which was to furnish the new house. Mr. Owenson had died
shortly after his daughter's marriage, and Lady Morgan persuaded her
husband to settle in Dublin, in order that she might be near her
sister and her many friends. A house was presently taken in Kildare
Street, and Sir Charles, who had obtained the post of physician to the
Marshalsea, set himself to establish a practice. Lady Morgan prided
herself upon her housewifely talents, and in a letter dated May, 1813,
she describes how she has made their old house clean and comfortable,
all that their means would permit, 'except for one little bit of a
room, four inches by three, which is fitted up in the _Gothic_,
and I have collected into it the best part of a very good cabinet of
natural history of Sir Charles's, eight or nine hundred volumes of
choice books in French, English, Italian, and German, some little
curiosities, and a few scraps of old china, so that, with muslin
draperies, etc., I have made no contemptible set-out.... With respect
to authorship, I fear it is over; I have been making chair-covers
instead of systems, and cheapening pots and pans instead of selling
sentiment and philosophy.'
In the midst of all her domestic labours, however, Lady Morgan
contrived to finish a novel, _O'Donnel_, which Colburn published
in 1814, and for which she received £550. The book was ill-reviewed,
but it was an even greater popular success than _The Wild Irish
Girl_. The heroine, like most of Lady Morgan's heroines, is
evidently meant for an idealised portrait of herself, and the great
ladies by whom she is surrounded are sketched from Lady Abercorn and
certain of the guests at Baron's Court. The Liberal, or as they would
now be called, Radical principles inculcated in the book gave bitter
offence to the author's old-fashioned friends, and increased the
rancour of her Tory reviewers. But _O'Donnel_ found numerous
admirers, among them no less a person than Sir Walter Scott, who notes
in his diary for March 14, 1826: 'I have amused myself occasionally
very pleasantly during the last few days by reading over Lady Morgan's
novel of _O'Donnel_, which has some striking and beautiful
passages of situation and description, and in the comic part is very
rich and entertaining. I do not remember being so pleased with it at
first. There is a want of story, always fatal to a book on the first
reading--and it is well if it gets the chance of a second.'
The following year, 1815, France being once again open to English
travellers, the Morgans paid a visit to Paris, Lady Morgan having
undertaken to write a book about what was then a strange people and a
strange country. The pair went a good deal into society, and made many
friends, among them Lafayette, Cuvier, the Comte de Ségur, Madame de
Genlis, and Madame Jerome Bonaparte. Sydney, whose Celtic manners were
probably more congenial to the French than Anglo-Saxon reserve, seems
to have received a great deal of attention, and her not over-strong
head was slightly turned in consequence.
'The French admire you more than any Englishwoman who has appeared
here since the Battle of Waterloo,' wrote Madame Jerome Bonaparte to
Lady Morgan, after the latter had returned to Ireland. 'France is the
country you should reside in, because you are so much admired, and
here no Englishwoman has received the same attentions since you. I am
dying to see your last publication. Public expectation is as high as
possible. How happy you must be at filling the world with your name as
you do! Madame de Staël and Madame de Genlis are forgotten; and if the
love of fame be of any weight with you, your excursion to Paris was
attended with brilliant success.'
Madame de Genlis, in her _Memoirs_, gives a more soberly-worded
account of the impression produced by Lady Morgan on Parisian society.
The author of _France_ is described as 'not beautiful, but with
something lively and agreeable in her whole person. She is very
clever, and seems to have a good heart; it is a pity that for the sake
of popularity she should have the mania of meddling in politics....
Her vivacity and rather springing carriage seemed very strange in
Parisian circles. She soon learned that good taste of itself condemned
that kind of demeanour; in fact, gesticulation and noisy manners have
never been popular in France.' The spoilt little lady was by no means
satisfied with this portrait, and Sir Charles, who was away from home
at the time the _Memoirs_ appeared, writes to console her. 'You
must not mind that lying old witch Madame de Genlis' attack upon you,'
says the admiring husband. 'I thought she would not let you off
easily; you were not only a better and younger (and _I_ may say
_prettier_) author than herself, but also a more popular one.'
Over the price to be paid for _France_, to which Sir Charles
contributed some rather heavy chapters on medical science, political
economy, and jurisprudence, there was the usual battle between the
keen little woman and her publisher. Colburn, having done well with
_O'Donnel_, felt justified in offering £750 for the new work, but
Lady Morgan demanded £1000, and got it. The sum must have been a
substantial compensation for the wounds that her vanity received at
the hands of the reviewers. _France_, which made its appearance
in 1817, in two volumes quarto, was eagerly read and loudly abused.
Croker, in the _Quarterly Review_, attacked the book, or rather
the author, in an article which has become almost historic for its
virulence. Poor Lady Morgan was accused of bad taste, bombast and
nonsense, blunders, ignorance of the French language and manners,
general ignorance, Jacobinism, falsehood, licentiousness, and impiety!
The first four or five charges might have been proved with little
difficulty, if it were worth while to break a butterfly on a wheel,
but it was necessary to distort the meaning and even the text of the
original in order to give any colour to the graver accusations.
Croker had discovered, much to his delight, that the translator of the
work (which was also published in Paris) had subjoined a note to some
of Lady Morgan's scraps of French, in which he confessed that though
the words were printed to look like French, he could not understand
them. The critic observes, _à propos_ of this fact, 'It is, we
believe, peculiar to Lady Morgan's works, that her English readers
require an English translation of her English, and her French readers
a French translation of her French.' This was a fair hit, as also was
the ridicule thrown upon such sentences as 'Cider is not held in any
estimation by the _véritables Amphitryons_ of rural _savoir
faire_.' Croker professes to be shocked at Lady Morgan's mention of
_Les Liaisons Dangereuses_, having hitherto cherished the hope
that 'no British female had ever seen this detestable book'; while his
outburst of virtuous indignation at her mention of the 'superior
effusions' of Parny, which some Frenchman had recommended to her, is
really superb. 'Parny,' he exclaims, 'is the most beastly, the most
detestably wicked and blasphemous of all the writers who have ever
disgraced literature. _Les Guerres des Dieux_ is the most
dreadful tissue of obscenity and depravity that the devil ever
inspired to the depraved heart of man, and we tremble with horror at
the guilt of having read unwittingly even so much of the work as
enables us to pronounce this character of it.'
Croker concludes with the hope that he has given such an idea of this
book as might prevent, in some degree, the circulation of trash which,
under the name of a '_Lady_ author,' might otherwise have found
its way into the hands of young persons of both sexes, for whose
perusal it was, on the score both of morals and politics, utterly
unfit. Such a notice naturally defeated its own object, and
_France_ went triumphantly through several editions. The review
attracted almost as much attention as the book, and many protests were
raised against it. 'What cruel work you make with Lady Morgan,' wrote
Byron to Murray. 'You should recollect that she is a woman; though, to
be sure, they are now and then very provoking, still as authoresses
they can do no great harm; and I think it a pity so much good
invective should have been laid out upon her, when there is such a
fine field of us Jacobin gentlemen for you to work upon.' The Regent
himself, according to Lady Charleville's report, had said of Croker:
'D----d blackguard to abuse a woman; couldn't he let her _France_
alone, if it be all lies, and read her novels, and thank her, by
Jasus, for being a good Irishwoman?'
Lady Morgan, as presently appeared, was not only quite able to defend
herself, but to give as good as she got. Peel, in a letter to Croker,
says: 'Lady Morgan vows vengeance against you as the supposed author
of the article in the _Quarterly_, in which her atheism, profanity,
indecency, and ignorance are exposed. You are to be the
hero of some novel of which she is about to be delivered. I hope she
has not heard of your predilection for angling, and that she will not
describe you as she describes one of her heroes, as "seated in his
_piscatory_ corner, intent on the destruction of the finny
tribe."' 'Lady Morgan,' it seems, replies Croker, 'is resolved to make
me read one of her novels. I hope I shall feel interested enough to
learn the language. I wrote the first part of the article in question,
but was called away to Ireland when it was in the press; and I am
sorry to say that some blunders crept in accidentally, and one or two
were premeditatedly added, which, however, I do not think Lady Morgan
knows enough of either English, French, or Latin to find out. If she
goes on, we shall have sport.'
Early in 1818 Colburn wrote to suggest that the Morgans should proceed
to Italy with a view to collaborating in a book on that country, and
offered them the handsome sum of £2000 for the copyright. By this time
Sir Charles had lost most of his practice, owing to his publication of
a scientific work, _The Outlines of the Physiology of Life_,
which was considered objectionably heterodox by the Dublin public.
There was no obstacle, therefore, to his leaving home for a lengthened
period, and joining his wife in her literary labours. In May, the pair
journeyed to London _en route_ for the South, Lady Morgan taking
with her the nearly finished manuscript of a new novel, _Florence
Macarthy_. With his first reading of this book Colburn was so
charmed, that he presented the author with a fine parure of amethysts
as a tribute of admiration.
According to the testimony of impartial witnesses, Lady Morgan made as
decided a social success in Italy as she had done a couple of years
earlier in France. Moore, who met the couple in Florence, notes in his
diary for October 1819: 'Went to see Sir Charles and Lady Morgan; her
success everywhere astonishing. Camac was last night at the Countess
of Albany's (the Pretender's wife and Alfieri's), and saw Lady Morgan
there in the seat of honour, quite the queen of the room.' In Rome the
same appreciation awaited her. 'The Duchess of Devonshire,' writes her
ladyship, 'is unceasing in her attentions. Cardinal Fesche
(Bonaparte's uncle) is quite my beau.... Madame Mère (Napoleon's
mother) sent to say she would be glad to see me; we were received
quite in an imperial style. I never saw so fine an old lady--still
quite handsome. The pictures of her sons hung round the room, all in
royal robes, and her daughters and grandchildren, and at the head of
them all, _old Mr. Bonaparte_. She is full of sense, feeling, and
spirit, and not the least what I expected--vulgar.'
_Florence Macarthy_ was published during its author's absence
abroad. The heroine, Lady Clancare, a novelist and politician, a
beauty and a wit, is obviously intended for Lady Morgan herself, while
Lady Abercorn figures again under the title of Lady Dunore. But the
most striking of all the character-portraits is Counsellor Con
Crawley, who was sketched from Lady Morgan's old enemy, John Wilson
Croker. According to Moore, Croker winced more under this caricature
than under any of the direct attacks which were made upon him. Con
Crawley, we are told, was of a bilious, saturnine constitution, even
his talent being but the result of disease. These physical
disadvantages, combined with an education 'whose object was
pretension, and whose principle was arrogance, made him at once a
thing fearful and pitiable, at war with its species and itself, ready
to crush in manhood as to sting in the cradle, and leading his
overweening ambition to pursue its object by ways dark and
hidden--safe from the penalty of crime, and exposed only to the
obloquy which he laughed to scorn. If ever there was a man formed
alike by nature and education to betray the land which gave him birth,
and to act openly as the pander of political corruption, or secretly
as the agent of defamation; who would stoop to seek his fortune by
effecting the fall of a frail woman, or would strive to advance it by
stabbing the character of an honest one; who could crush aspiring
merit behind the ambuscade of anonymous security, while he came
forward openly in defence of the vileness which rank sanctified and
influence protected--that man was Conway Crawley.'
The truth of the portraiture of the whole Crawley family--exaggerated
as it may seem in modern eyes--was at once recognised by Lady Morgan's
countrymen. Sir Jonah Barrington, an undisputed authority on Irish
manners and character, writes: 'The Crawleys are superlative, and
suffice to bring before my vision, in their full colouring, and almost
without a variation, persons and incidents whom and which I have many
a time encountered.' Again, Owen Maddyn, who was by no means
prejudiced in Lady Morgan's favour, admits that her attack on Croker
had much effect in its day, and was written on the model of the Irish
school of invective furnished by Flood and Grattan. As a novelist, he
held that she pointed the way to Lever, and adds: 'The rattling
vivacity of the Irish character, its ebullient spirit, and its
wrathful eloquence of sentiment and language, she well portrayed; one
can smell the potheen and turf smoke even in her pictures of a
boudoir.' In this sentence are summed up the leading characteristics,
not only of _Florence Macarthy_, but of all Lady Morgan's
national romances.
_Italy_ was published simultaneously in London and Paris in June,
1821, and produced an even greater sensation than the work on France,
though Croker declared that it fell dead from the press, and devoted
the greater part of his 'review' in the _Quarterly_ to an
analysis of Colburn's methods of advertisement. Criticism of a penal
kind, he explained, was not called for, because, 'in the first place,
we are convinced that this woman is wholly _incorrigible_;
secondly, we hope that her indelicacy, vanity, and malignity are
inimitable, and that, therefore, her example is very little dangerous;
and thirdly, though every page teems with errors of all kinds, from
the most disgusting to the most ludicrous, they are smothered in such
Boeotian dulness that they can do no harm.' In curious contrast to
this professional criticism is a passage in one of Byron's letters to
Moore. 'Lady Morgan,' writes the poet, 'in a _really excellent_
book, I assure you, on Italy, calls Venice an ocean Rome; I have the
very same expression in _Foscari_, and yet you know that the play
was written months ago, and sent to England; the _Italy_ I
received only on the 16th.... When you write to Lady Morgan, will you
thank her for her handsome speeches in her book about _my_ books?
Her work is fearless and excellent on the subject of Italy--pray tell
her so--and I know the country. I wish she had fallen in with
_me_; I could have told her a thing or two that would have
confirmed her positions.'
Almost simultaneously with the appearance of _Italy_, Colburn
printed in his _New Monthly Magazine_ a long, vehement, and
rather incoherent attack by Lady Morgan upon her critics. The editor,
Thomas Campbell, explained in an indignant letter to the _Times_,
that the article had been inserted by the proprietor without being
first submitted to the editorial eye, and that he was in no way
responsible for its contents. Colburn also wrote to the _Times_
to refute the _Quarterly_ reviewer's statements regarding the
sales of _Italy_, and publicly to declare his entire satisfaction
at the result of the undertaking, and his willingness to receive from
the author another work of equal interest on the same terms. In short,
never was a book worse reviewed or better advertised.
The next venture of the indefatigable Lady Morgan, who felt herself
capable of dealing with any subject, no matter how little she might
know of it, was a _Life of Salvator Rosa_. This, which was her
own favourite among all her books, is a rather imaginative work, which
hardly comes up to modern biographical standards. The author seems to
have been influenced in her choice of a subject rather by the
patriotic character of Salvator Rosa than by his artistic attainments.
Lady Morgan was once asked by a fellow-writer where she got her facts,
to which she replied, 'We all imagine our facts, you know--and then
happily forget them; it is to be hoped our readers do the same.'
Nevertheless, she seems to have taken a good deal of trouble to 'get
up' the material for her biography; it was in her treatment of it that
she sometimes allowed her ardent Celtic imagination to run away with
her. About this time Colburn proposed that Sir Charles and Lady Morgan
should contribute to his magazine, _The New Monthly_, and offered
them half as much again as his other writers, who were paid at the
rate of sixteen guineas a sheet. For this periodical Lady Morgan wrote
a long essay on _Absenteeism_ and other articles, some of which
were afterwards republished.
In the spring of 1824 the Morgans came to London for the season, and
went much into the literary society that was dear to both their
hearts. Lady Caroline Lamb took a violent fancy to Lady Morgan, to
whom she confided her Byronic love-troubles, while Lady Cork, who
still maintained a salon, did not neglect her old _protégée_. The
rough notes kept by Lady Morgan of her social adventures are not
usually of much interest or importance, as she had little faculty or
inclination for Boswellising, but the following entry is worth
quoting:--
'Lady Cork said to me this morning when I called Miss ---- a nice
person, "Don't say nice, child, 'tis a bad word." Once I said to Dr.
Johnson, "Sir, that is a very nice person." "A _nice_ person," he
replied; "what does that mean? Elegant is now the fashionable term,
but it will go out, and I see this stupid _nice_ is to succeed to
it. What does nice mean? Look in my Dictionary; you will see it means
correct, precise."'
At Lydia White's famous _soirées_ Lady Morgan met Sydney Smith,
Washington Irving, Hallam, Miss Jane Porter, Anacreon Moore, and many
other literary celebrities. Her own rooms were thronged with a band of
young Italian revolutionaries, whose country had grown too hot to hold
them, and who talked of erecting a statue to the liberty-loving
Irishwoman when Italy should be free. Dublin naturally seemed rather
dull after all the excitement and delights of a London season, but
Lady Morgan, though she loved to grumble at her native city, had not
yet thought of turning absentee herself. Her popularity with her
countrymen (those of her own way of thinking) had suffered no
diminution, and her national celebrity was proved by the following
verse from a ballad which was sung in the Dublin streets:--
'Och, Dublin's city, there's no doubtin',
Bates every city on the say;
'Tis there you'll hear O'Connell spoutin',
And Lady Morgan making tay;
For 'tis the capital of the finest nation,
Wid charmin' peasantry on a fruitful sod,
Fightin' like divils for conciliation,
An' hatin' each other for the love of God.'
Our heroine was hard at work at this time upon the last of her Irish
novels, _The O'Briens and the O'Flaherties_, which was published
early in 1827, and for the copyright of which Colburn paid her £1350.
It was the most popular of all her works, especially with her own
country-folk, and is distinguished by her favourite blend of politics,
melodrama, local colour, and rough satire on the ruling classes. The
reviews as usual accused her of blasphemy and indecency, and so severe
was the criticism in the _Literary Gazette_, then edited by
Jerdan, that Colburn was stirred up to found a new literary weekly of
his own, and, in conjunction with James Silk Buckingham, started the
_Athenaeum_. Jerdan had asserted in the course of his review that 'In
all our reading we never met with a description which tended so
thoroughly to lower the female character.... Mrs. Behn and Mrs.
Centlivre might be more unguarded; but the gauze veil cannot hide the
deformities, and Lady Morgan's taste has not been of efficient power
to filter into cleanliness the original pollution of her infected
fountain.' Lady Morgan observes in her diary that she has a right to
be judged by her peers, and threatens to summon a jury of matrons to
say if they can detect one line in her pages that would tend to make
any honest man her foe.
There were other disadvantages attendant upon celebrity than those
caused by inimical reviewers. No foreigner of distinction thought a
visit to Dublin complete without an introduction to our author, who
figures in several contemporary memoirs, not always in a flattering
light. That curious personage, Prince Pückler Muskau, was travelling
through England and Ireland in 1828, and has left a little vignette of
Lady Morgan in the published record of his journey. 'I was very
eager,' he explains, 'to make the acquaintance of a lady whom I rate
so highly as an authoress. I found her, however, very different from
what I had pictured to myself. She is a little, frivolous, lively
woman, apparently between thirty and forty, neither pretty nor ugly,
but by no means inclined to resign all claims to the former, and with
really fine expressive eyes. She has no idea of _mauvaise honte_
or embarrassment; her manners are not the most refined, and affect the
_aisance_ and levity of the fashionable world, which, however, do
not sit calmly or naturally upon her. She has the English weakness of
talking incessantly of fashionable acquaintances, and trying to pose
for very _recherché_, to a degree quite unworthy of a woman of
such distinguished talents; she is not at all aware how she thus
underrates herself.' The _Quarterly Review_ seized upon this
passage with malicious delight. The prince, as the reviewer points
out, had dropped one lump of sugar into his bowl of gall; he had
guessed Lady Morgan's age at between thirty and forty.' Miss Owenson,'
comments the writer, who was probably Croker, 'was an established
authoress six-and-twenty years ago; and if any lady, player's daughter
or not, knew what _she_ knew when she published her first work at
eight or nine years of age (which Miss Owenson must have been at that
time according to the prince's calculation), she was undoubtedly such
a juvenile prodigy as would be quite worthy to make a _case_ for
the _Gentleman's Magazine_.'
Another observer, who was present at some of the Castle festivities,
and who had long pictured Lady Morgan in imagination as a sylphlike
and romantic person, has left on record his amazement when the
celebrated lady stood before him. 'She certainly formed a strange
figure in the midst of that dazzling scene of beauty and splendour.
Every female present wore feathers and trains; but Lady Morgan scorned
both appendages. Hardly more than four feet high, with a spine not
quite straight, slightly uneven shoulders and eyes, Lady Morgan glided
about in a close-cropped wig, bound with a fillet of gold, her large
face all animation, and with a witty word for everybody. I afterwards
saw her at the theatre, where she was cheered enthusiastically. Her
dress was different from the former occasion, but not less original. A
red Celtic cloak, fastened by a rich gold fibula, or Irish Tara
brooch, imparted to her little ladyship a gorgeous and withal a
picturesque appearance, which antecedent associations considerably
strengthened.'
In 1829 _The Book of the Boudoir_ was published, with a preface
in which Lady Morgan gives the following naïve account of its genesis:
'I was just setting off to Ireland--the horses literally
putting-to--when Mr. Colburn arrived with his flattering proposition
[for a new book]. Taking up a scrubby manuscript volume which the
servant was about to thrust into the pocket of the carriage, he asked
what was that. I said it was one of my volumes of odds and ends, and
read him my last entry. "This is the very thing," he said, and carried
it off with him.' The book was correctly described as a volume of odds
and ends, and was hardly worth preserving in a permanent shape, though
it contains one or two interesting autobiographical scraps, such as
the account of _My First Rout_, from which a quotation has
already been given. A writer in _Blackwood_ reviewed the work in
a vein of ironical admiration, professing to be much impressed by the
author's knowledge of metaphysics as exemplified in such a sentence
as: 'The idea of cause is a consequence of our consciousness of the
force we exert in subjecting externals to the changes dictated by our
volition.' Unable to keep up the laudatory strain, even in joke, the
reviewer (his style points to Christopher North) calls a literary
friend to his assistance, who takes the opposite view, and declares
that the book is 'a tawdry tissue of tedious trumpery; a tessellated
texture of threadbare thievery; a trifling transcript of trite twaddle
and trapessing tittle-tattle.... Like everything that falls from her
pen, it is pert, shallow, and conceited, a farrago of ignorance,
indecency, and blasphemy, a tag-rag and bob-tail style of
writing--like a harlequin's jacket.'
Lady Morgan bobbed up as irrepressibly as ever from under this torrent
of (so-called) criticism, made a tour in France and Belgium for the
purpose of writing more 'trapessing tittle-tattle,' and on her return
to London, such were the profits on blasphemy and indecency, bought
her first carriage. This equipage was a source of much amusement to
her friends in Dublin, 'Neither she nor Sir Charles,' we are told,
'knew the difference between a good carriage and a bad one--a carriage
was a carriage to them. It was never known where this vehicle was
bought, except that Lady Morgan declared it came from the first
carriage-builder in London. In shape it was like a grasshopper, as
well as in colour. Very high and very springy, with enormous wheels,
it was difficult to get into, and dangerous to get out of. Sir
Charles, who never in his life before had mounted a coach-box, was
persuaded by his wife to drive his own carriage. He was extremely
short-sighted, and wore large green spectacles out of doors. His
costume was a coat much trimmed with fur, and heavily braided. James
Grant, the tall Irish footman, in the brightest of red plush, sat
beside him, his office being to jump down whenever anybody was knocked
down, or run over, for Sir Charles drove as it pleased God. The horse
was mercifully a very quiet animal, and much too small for the
carriage, or the mischief would have been worse. Lady Morgan, in the
large bonnet of the period, and a cloak lined with fur hanging over
the back of the carriage, gave, as she conceived, the crowning grace
to a neat and elegant turn-out. The only drawback to her satisfaction
was the alarm caused by Sir Charles's driving; and she was incessantly
springing up to adjure him to take care, to which he would reply with
warmth, after the manner of husbands.'
In 1880 Lady Morgan published her _France_ (1829-30). This book
was not a commission, but she had told Colburn that she was writing
it, and as he made her no definite offer, she opened negotiations with
the firm of Saunders and Otley. Colburn, who looked upon her as his
special property, was furious at her desertion, and informed her that
if she did not at once break off with Saunders and Otley, it would be
no less detrimental to her literary than to her pecuniary interest.
Undismayed by this threat, Lady Morgan accepted the offer of a
thousand pounds made her by the rival firm. Colburn, who was a power
in the literary market, kept his word. He advertised in his own
periodicals 'LADY MORGAN AT HALF-PRICE,' and stated publicly that in
consequence of the losses he had sustained by her former works, he had
declined her new book, and that copies of all her publications might
be had at half-price. In consequence of these and other machinations,
the new _France_, which was at least as good a book as the old
one, fell flat, and the unfortunate publishers were only able to make
one payment of £500. They tried to get their contract cancelled in
court, and Colburn, who was called as a witness, admitted that he had
done his best to injure Lady Morgan's literary reputation. Eventually,
the matter was compromised, Saunders and Otley being allowed to
publish Lady Morgan's next book, _Dramatic Scenes and Sketches_,
as some compensation for their loss; but of this, too, they failed to
make a success.
The reviews of _France_ were few and slighting, the wickedest and
most amusing being by Theodore Hook. He quotes with glee the author's
complacent record that she was compared to Molière by the Parisians,
and that she had seen in a 'poetry-book' the following lines:--
'Slendal (_sic_), Morgan, Schlegel-ne vous effrayez pas--
Muses! ce sont des noms fameux dans nos climats.'
'Her ladyship,' continues Theodore, 'went to dine with one of those
spectacle and sealing-wax barons, Rothschild, at Paris; where never
was such a dinner, "no catsup and walnut pickle, but a mayonese fried
in ice, like Ninon's description of Seveigne's (_sic_) heart,"
and to all this fine show she was led out by Rothschild himself. After
the soup she took an opportunity of praising the cook, of whom she had
heard much. "Eh bien," says Rothschild, laughing, as well he might,
"he on his side has also relished your works, and here is a proof of
it." "I really blush," says Miladi, "like Sterne's accusing spirit, as
I give in the fact--but--he pointed to a column of the most ingenious
confectionery architecture, on which my name was inscribed in spun
sugar." There was a thing--Lady Morgan in spun sugar! And what does
the reader think her ladyship did? She shall tell in her own dear
words. "All I could do under my triumphant emotion I did. I begged to
be introduced to the celebrated and flattering artist." It is a
fact--to the cook; and another fact, which only shows that the Hebrew
baron is a Jew _d'esprit_, is that after coffee, the cook
actually came up, and was presented to her. "He," says her ladyship,
"was a well-bred gentleman, perfectly free from pedantry, and when we
had mutually complimented each other on our respective works, he bowed
himself out."'
In spite of her egoism and her many absurdities, it seems clear from
contemporary evidence that in London, where she usually appeared
during the season, Lady Morgan had a following. The names of most of
the literary celebrities of the day appear amid the disjointed
jottings of her diary. We hear of 'that egregious coxcomb D'Israeli,
outraging the privilege a young man has of being absurd'; and Sydney
Smith 'so natural, so _bon enfant_, so little of a wit _titré_';
and Mrs. Bulwer-Lytton, handsome, insolent, and unamiable; and
Allan Cunningham, 'immense fun'; and Thomas Hood, 'a grave-looking
personage, the picture of ill-health'; and her old critical enemy,
Lord Jeffrey, with whom Lady Morgan started a violent flirtation.
'When he comes to Ireland,' she writes, 'we are to go to Donnybrook
Fair together; in short, having cut me down with his tomahawk as
a reviewer, he smothers me with roses as a man. I always say of
my enemies before we meet, "Let me at them."'
The other literary women were naturally the chief object of interest
to her. Lady Morgan seems to have been fairly free from professional
jealousy, though she hated her countrywoman, Lady Blessington, with a
deadly hatred. Mrs. Gore, then one of the most fashionable novelists,
she finds 'a pleasant little _rondelette_ of a woman, something
of my own style. We talked and laughed together, as good-natured women
do, and agreed upon many points.' The learned Mrs. Somerville is
described as 'a simple, little, middle-aged woman. Had she not been
presented to me by name and reputation, I should have said she was one
of the respectable twaddling matrons one meets at every ball, dressed
in a snug mulberry velvet gown, and a little cap with a red flower. I
asked her how she could descend from the stars to mix among us. She
said she was obliged to go out with a daughter. From the glimpse of
her last night, I should say there was no imagination, no deep moral
philosophy, though a great deal of scientific lore, and a great deal
of _bonhomie_.' For 'poor dear Jane Porter,' the author of
_Scottish Chiefs_, Lady Morgan felt the natural contempt of a
'showy woman' for one who looks like a 'shabby canoness.' 'Miss
Porter,' she records, 'told me she was taken for me the other night,
and talked to _as such_ by a party of Americans. She is tall,
lank, lean, and lackadaisical, dressed in the deepest black, with a
battered black gauze hat, and the air of a regular Melpomene. I am the
reverse of all this, and _sans vanité_, the best-dressed woman
wherever I go. Last night I wore a blue satin, trimmed fully with
magnificent point-lace, and stomacher _à la Sévigné_, light blue
velvet hat and feathers, with an aigrette of sapphires and diamonds.'
As Lady Morgan at this time was nearer sixty than fifty, rouged
liberally, and made all her own dresses, her appearance in the costume
above described must at least have been remarkable.
Lady Morgan's last novel, a Belgian story called _The Princess, or
the Béguine_, was published by Bentley in 1834, and for the first
edition she received, £350, a sad falling-off from the prices received
in former days. As her popularity waned, she grew discontented with
life in Dublin, 'the wretched capital of wretched Ireland,' as she
calls it, and in a moment of mental depression she entered the
characteristic query,'_Cui bono?_' in her diary. To the same
faithful volume she confided complaints even of her beloved Morgan,
but the fact that she could find nothing worse to reproach him with
than a disinclination for fresh air and exercise, speaks volumes for
his marital virtue. A more serious trouble came from failing eyesight,
which in 1837 threatened to develop into total blindness. It was in
this year, when things seemed at their darkest, that a pension of £300
a year was conferred on her by Lord Melbourne, 'in recognition of her
merits, literary and patriotic.' It was probably this unexpected
accession of income that decided the Morgans to leave Dublin, and
spend the remainder of their days in London. They found a pleasant
little house in William Street, Knightsbridge, a new residential
quarter which was just growing up under the fostering care of Mr.
Cubitt. Lady Morgan went 'into raptures over the pretty new quarter,'
and wrote some articles on Pimlico in the _Athenæum_. She also
got up a successful agitation for an entrance into Hyde Park at what
is now known as Albert Gate. For deserting Ireland, after receiving a
pension for patriotism, and writing against the evils of Absenteeism,
Lady Morgan was subjected to a good deal of sarcasm by her countrymen.
But, as she pointed out, her property in Ireland was personal, not
real, the tenant-farm of a drawing-room balcony, on which annual crops
of mignonette were raised for home consumption, being the only
territorial possession that she had ever enjoyed.
Lady Morgan's eyesight must have temporarily improved with her change
of dwelling, for in 1839 the first part of her last work of any
importance, _Woman and her Master_, was published by Colburn, to
whom she had at last become reconciled. This book, which was never
finished, was designed to prove, among other things, that in spite of
the subordination in which women have been kept, and in spite of all
the artificial difficulties that have been put in their way, not only
have they never been conquered in spirit, but that they have always
been the depositaries of the vital and leading ideas of the time. The
book is more soberly written than most of Lady Morgan's works, but it
would probably be regarded by the modern reader as dull and
superficial. It was generally believed that Sir Charles had assisted
in its composition, and few men have ever wielded a heavier pen. The
pair only issued one more joint work, _The Book Without a Name_,
which appeared in 1842, and consisted chiefly of articles and sketches
that had already been published in the magazines.
The Morgans now found their chief occupation and amusement in the
society which they attracted to their cheerful little house. One or
two sketches of the pair, as they appeared in their later days, have
been left by contemporaries. Chorley, an intimate friend, observes
that, like all the sceptics he ever approached, they were absurdly
prejudiced, and proof against all new impressions. 'Neither of them,
though both were literary and musical, could endure German literature
and music, had got beyond the stale sarcasms of the _Anti-Jacobin_,
or could admit that there is glory for such men as Weber, Beethoven,
and Mendelssohn, as well as for Cimarosa and Paisiello....
Her familiar conversation was a series of brilliant, egotistic,
shrewd, and genial sallies, and she could be either caressing
or impudent. In the matter of self-approbation she had no
Statute of Limitation, but boasted of having taught Taglioni to dance
an Irish jig, and declared that she had created the Irish novel,
though in the next breath she would say that she was a child when Miss
Edgeworth was a grown woman.' Her blunders were proverbial, as when
she asked in all simplicity, 'Who was Jeremy Taylor?' and on being
presented to Mrs. Sarah Austin, complimented her on having written
_Pride and Prejudice_.
Another friend, Abraham Hayward, used to say that Lady Morgan had been
transplanted to London too late, and that she was never free of the
corporation of fine ladies, though she saw a good deal of them. 'She
erroneously fancied that she was expected to entertain the company, be
it what it might, and she was fond of telling stories in which she
figured as the companion of the great, instead of confining herself to
scenes of low Irish life, which she described inimitably. Lady Cork
was accustomed to say, "I like Lady Morgan very much as an Irish
blackguard, but I can't endure her as an English fine lady."'
In 1843 Sir Charles died rather suddenly from heart disease. His wife
mourned him sincerely, but not for long in solitude. She found the
anaesthetic for her grief in society, and after a few months of
widowhood writes: 'Everybody makes a point of having me out, and I am
beginning to be familiarised with my great loss. London is the best
place in the world for the happy and the unhappy; there is a floating
capital of sympathy for every human good or evil. I am a nobody, and
yet what kindness I am daily receiving.' Again, in 1845, after her
sister's death, she notes in her diary: 'The world is my gin or opium;
I take it for a few hours _per diem_--excitement, intoxication,
absence. I return to my desolate home, and wake to all the horrors of
sobriety.... Yet I am accounted the agreeable rattle of the great
ladies' coterie, and I talk _pas mal_ to many clever men all
day.... That Park near me, of which my beloved Morgan used to say, "It
is ours more than the Queen's, we use it daily and enjoy it
nightly"--that Park that I worked so hard to get an entrance into, I
never walk in it; it seems to me covered with crape.'
Among the friends of Lady Morgan's old age were the Carter Halls,
Hepworth Dixon, Miss Jewsbury, Hayward, and Douglas Jerrold. Lord
Campbell, old Rogers, and Cardinal Wiseman frequented her
_soirées_, though with the last-named she had waged a pamphlet
war over the authenticity of St. Peter's chair at Rome. Rogers was
reported to be engaged to one of Lady Morgan's attractive nieces, the
Miss Clarkes, who often stayed with her. It was in allusion to this
rumour that he said, 'Whenever my name is coupled with that of a young
lady in this manner, I make it a point of honour to say I have been
refused.' To the last, we are told, Lady Morgan preserved the natural
vivacity and aptness of repartee that had made her the delight of
Dublin society half a century before. 'I know I am vain,' she said
once to Mrs. Hall, 'but I have a right to be. It is not put on and off
like my rouge; it is always with me.... I wrote books when your
mothers worked samplers, and demanded freedom for Ireland when Dan
O'Connell scrambled for gulls' eggs in the crags of Derrynane.... Look
at the number of books I have written. Did ever woman move in a
brighter sphere than I do? I have three invitations to dinner to-day,
one from a duchess, one from a countess, and the third from a
diplomatist, a very witty man, who keeps the best society in London.'
Lady Morgan was fond of boasting that she had supported herself since
she was fourteen (for which read seventeen or eighteen), and insisted
on the advantage of giving every girl a profession by which she could
earn her living, if the need arose. Speaking to Mrs. Hall on the
subject of some girls who had been suddenly bereft of fortune, she
exclaimed: 'They do everything that is fashionable imperfectly; their
drawing, singing, dancing, and languages amount to nothing. They were
educated to marry, and had they had time, they might have gone off
with, and hereafter _from_, husbands. I desire to give every
girl, no matter her rank, a trade or profession. Cultivate what is
necessary to the position she is born to; cultivate all things in
moderation, but one thing to perfection, no matter what it is, for
which she has a talent: give her a staff to lay hold of; let her feel,
"This will carry me through life without dependence."'
With the assistance of Miss Jewsbury Lady Morgan, in the last years of
her life, prepared a volume of reminiscences, which she called _The
Odd Volume_. This, which was published in 1859, only deals with a
short period of her career, and is of little literary interest. The
_Athenæum_, in the course of a laudatory review, observed that
'Lady Morgan had lived through the love, admiration, and malignity of
three generations of men, and was, in short, a literary Ninon, who
seemed as brisk and captivating in the year 1859 as when George was
Prince, and the author of "Kate Kearney" divided the laureateship of
society and song with Tom Moore.'
Lady Morgan, though now an octogenarian, was by no means pleased at
these remarks. She still prided herself on her fascinations, was never
tired and never bored, and looked upon any one who died under a
hundred years of age as a suicide. 'You have more strength and spirit,
as well as more genius, than any of us,' wrote Abraham Hayward to her.
'We must go back to the brilliant women of the eighteenth century to
find anything like a parallel to you and your _soirées_.' But
bronchitis was an enemy with which even her high spirit was powerless
to cope. She had an attack in 1858, but threw it off, and on Christmas
Day gave a dinner, at which she told Irish stories with all her old
vivacity, and sang 'The Night before Larry was Stretched.' On St.
Patrick's Day, 1859, she gave a musical matinée, but caught cold the
following week, and after a short illness, died on April 16th.
Thus ended the career of one of the most flattered and best abused
women of the century. Held up as the Irish Madame de Staël by her
admirers, and run down as a monster of impudence and iniquity by her
enemies, it is no wonder that her character, by no means innately
refined, became hardened, if not coarsened, by so unenviable a
notoriety. Still, to her credit be it remembered that she never lost a
friend, and that she converted more than one impersonal enmity (as in
the case of Jeffrey and Lockhart) into a personal friendship. In spite
of her passion for the society of the great, she wrote and worked
throughout her whole career for the cause of liberty, and she was ever
on the side of the oppressed. An incorrigible flirt before marriage,
she developed into an irreproachable matron, while her natural
frivolity and feather-headedness never tempted her to neglect her
work, nor interfered with her faculty for making most advantageous
business arrangements. 'With all her frank vanity,' we are told, 'she
had shrewd good sense, and she valued herself much more on her
industry than on her genius, because the one, she said, she owed to
her organisation, but the other was a virtue of her own rearing.' It
would be impossible to conclude a sketch of Lady Morgan more
appropriately than by the following lines of Leigh Hunt, which she
herself was fond of quoting, and in which her personal idiosyncrasies
are pleasantly touched off:--
'And dear Lady Morgan, see, see, when she comes,
With her pulses all beating for freedom like drums,
So Irish, so modish, so mixtish, so wild;
So committing herself as she talks--like a child.
So trim, yet so easy--polite, yet high-hearted,
That truth and she, try all she can, won't be parted;
She'll put you your fashions, your latest new air,
And then talk so frankly, she'll make you all stare.'
NATHANIEL PARKER WILLIS
PART I
[Illustration: Nathaniel Parker Willis]
Any fool, said a wise man, can write an interesting book if he will
only take the trouble to set down exactly what he has seen and heard.
Unfortunately, it is only a very special kind of fool who is capable
of recording exactly what he sees and hears--a rare bird who
flourishes perhaps once in a century, and is remembered long after
wiser men are forgotten. It is not contended that the subject of this
memoir was a fool in the crude sense of the word, though he was
responsible for a good deal of folly; but he was inspired by that
impertinent curiosity, that happy lack of dignity, and that passion
for the trivial and the intimate, which, when joined to a natural
talent for observation and a picturesque narrative style, enable the
possessor to illuminate a circle and a period in a fashion never
achieved by the most learned lucubrations of the profoundest scholars.
Thanks to his Boswellising powers, 'Namby-Pamby Willis,' as he was
called by his numerous enemies, has left an admirably vivid picture of
the literary society of London in the 'thirties,' a picture that
steadily increases in value as the period at which it was painted
recedes into the past.
Willis came of a family that had contrived, not unsuccessfully, to
combine religion with journalism. His immediate forebears seem to have
been persons of marked individuality, and his pedigree was, for the
New World, of quite respectable antiquity. The founder of the family,
George Willis, was born early in the seventeenth century, and
emigrated to New England about 1730, where he worked at his trade of
brickmaking and building. Our hero's great-grandfather was a patriotic
sailmaker, who assisted at a certain historic entertainment, when tar,
feathers, and hot tea were administered gratis to his Majesty's
tax-collector at Boston. His wife, Abigail, was a lady of character
and maxims, who saved some tea for her private use when three hundred
cases were emptied into Boston Harbour, and exhorted her family never
to eat brown bread when they could get white, and never to go in at
the back door when they might go in at the front. The son of this
worthy couple conducted a Whig newspaper in Boston during the
Rebellion, and became one of the pioneer journalists of the West. His
son, Nathaniel's sire, was invited, in 1803, to start a newspaper at
Portland, Maine, where the future Penciller was born in 1806, one year
before his fellow-townsman Longfellow.
A few years later, Mr. Willis returned to Boston, where, in 1816, he
started the _Boston Recorder_, the first newspaper, he was
accustomed to say, that had ever been run on religious lines. He seems
to have been a respectable, but narrow-minded man, who loved long
devotions and many services, and looked upon dancing, card-playing and
stage-plays as works of the Evil One. His redeeming points were a
sense of humour and a keen appreciation of female beauty, which last
characteristic he certainly bequeathed to his son. It was his custom
to sit round the fire with his nine children on winter evenings, and
tell them stories about the old Dutch tiles, representing New
Testament scenes, with which the chimney-corner was lined. The success
of these informal Scripture lessons led him to establish a religious
paper for young people called _The Youth's Companion_, in which
some of our hero's early verses appeared. His wife, Hannah Parker, is
described as a charming woman, lively, impulsive, and emotional. Her
son, Nathaniel, whose devotion to her never wavered, used to say, 'My
veins are teeming with the quicksilver spirit my mother gave me.'
Willis the younger was sent to school at Boston, where he had Emerson
for a schoolfellow, and afterwards to the university of Yale, where he
wrote much poetry, and was well received in the society of the place
on account of his good looks, easy manners, and precocious literary
reputation. On leaving Yale, he was delivered of a volume of juvenile
poems, and then settled down in Boston to four years' journalistic
work. Samuel Goodrich, better known in England under his pseudonym of
'Peter Parley,' engaged him to edit some annuals and gift-books, an
employment which the young man found particularly congenial. In his
_Recollections_ Peter Parley draws a comparison between his two
contributors, Hawthorne and Willis, and records that everything Willis
wrote attracted immediate attention, while the early productions of
Hawthorne passed almost unnoticed.
In 1829 Willis started on his own account with the _American Monthly
Magazine_, which had an existence of little more than two years. He
announced that he could not afford to pay for contributions, as he
expected only a small circulation, and he wrote most of the copy
himself. Every month there were discursive, gossiping editorial
articles in that 'personal' vein which has been worked with so much
industry in our own day. He took his readers into his confidence,
prattled about his japonica and his pastilles, and described his
favourite bird, a scarlet trulian, and his dogs, Ugolino and L. E. L.,
who slept in the waste-paper basket. He professed to write with a
bottle of Rudesheimer and a plate of olives at his elbow, and it was
hinted that he ate fruit in summer with an amber-handled fork to keep
his palm cool!
These youthful affectations had a peculiarly exasperating effect upon
men of a different type; and Willis became the butt of the more
old-fashioned critics, who vied with each other in inventing
opprobrious epithets to shower upon the head of this young puppy of
journalism. However, Nathaniel was not a person who could easily
be suppressed, and he soon became one of the most popular
magazine-writers of his time, his prose being described by an admirer
as 'delicate and brief like a white jacket--transparent like a lump of
sugar in champagne--soft-tempered like the sea-breeze at night.'
Unfortunately, the magazines paid but little, even for prose of the
above description, and Willis presently found himself in financial
difficulties; while, with all his acknowledged fascinations, he was
unlucky in his first love-affair. He became engaged to a beautiful
girl called Mary Benham, but her guardian broke off the match, and the
lady, who seems to have had an inclination for literary men,
afterwards married Motley, the historian of the Dutch Republic.
In 1831 the _American Monthly Magazine_ ceased to appear, and
Willis, leaving Boston and his creditors without regret, obtained the
post of assistant-editor on the _New York Mirror_, a weekly paper
devoted to literature, light fiction, and the fine arts. It was the
property of Morris, author of the once world-famous song, 'Woodman,
spare that Tree,' and the editor-in-chief was Theodore Fay, a novelist
of some distinction. Soon after his appointment it was decided that
Willis should be sent to Europe as foreign correspondent of his paper.
A sum of about a hundred pounds was scraped together for his expenses,
and it was arranged that he should write weekly letters at the rate of
two guineas a letter. In the autumn of 1831 he sailed in a
merchant-vessel for Havre, whence he journeyed to Paris in November.
Here he spent the first five or six months of his tour, and here began
the series of 'Pencillings by the Way,' a portion of which gained him
rather an unwelcome notoriety in English society by reason of the
'personalities' it contained. When published in book form the
Pencillings were considerably toned down, and the proper names were
represented by initials, so that people who read them then for the
first time wondered what all the excitement had been about. As the
chapters which relate to England are of most interest to English
readers, Willis's continental adventures need only be briefly noticed.
The extracts here quoted are taken from the original letters as they
appeared in the _New York Mirror_, which differ in many respects
from the version that was published in London after the attack by the
_Quarterly Review_.
In Paris Willis found himself in his element, and was made much of by
the Anglo-French community, which was then under the special patronage
of Lafayette. One of the most interesting of his new acquaintances was
the Countess Guiccioli, upon whose appearance and manners he comments
with characteristic frankness.
'I met the Guiccioli yesterday in the Tuileries,' he writes shortly
after his arrival. 'She looks much younger than I anticipated, and is
a handsome blonde, apparently about thirty. I am told by a gentleman
who knows her that she has become a great flirt, and is quite spoiled
by admiration. The celebrity of Lord Byron's attachment would
certainly make her a very desirable acquaintance were she much less
pretty than she really is, and I am told her drawing-room is thronged
with lovers of all nations contending for a preference which, having
once been given, should be buried, I think, for ever.' A little later
he has himself been introduced to the Guiccioli, and he describes an
interview which he has had with her, when the conversation turned upon
her friendship with Shelley.
'She gave me one of his letters to herself as an autograph,' he
narrates. 'She says he was at times a little crazy--_fou_, as she
expressed it--but there never was a nobler or a better man. Lord
Byron, she says, loved him as a brother.... There were several
miniatures of Byron hanging up in the room; I asked her if any of them
were perfect in the resemblance. "No," she said, "that is the most
like him," taking down a miniature by an Italian artist, "_mais il
était beaucoup plus beau--beaucoup--beaucoup_." She reiterated the
word with a very touching tenderness, and continued to look at the
portrait for some time.... She went on talking of the painters who had
drawn Byron, and said the American, West's, was the best likeness. I
did not tell her that West's portrait of herself was excessively
flattered. I am sure no one would know her, from the engraving at
least. Her cheek-bones are high, her forehead is badly shaped, and
altogether the frame of her features is decidedly ugly. She dresses in
the worst taste too, and yet for all this, and poetry and celebrity
aside, the countess is both a lovely and a fascinating woman, and one
whom a man of sentiment would admire at this age very sincerely, but
not for beauty.'
The cholera frightened Willis away from Paris in April, but before he
left, the United States minister, Mr. Rives, appointed him honorary
attaché to his own embassy, a great social advantage to the young man,
who was thereby enabled to obtain the _entrée_ into court circles
in every country that he visited. At the same time the appointment
somewhat misled his numerous new acquaintances on the subject of his
social position, while the 'spurious' attachéship afterwards became a
weapon in the hands of his enemies. However, for the time being, the
young correspondent thoroughly enjoyed his novel experiences, and
contrived to communicate his enjoyment to his readers. His letters
were eagerly read by his countrymen, and are said to have been copied
into no less than five hundred newspapers. He eschewed useful
information, gave impressions rather than statistics, and was fairly
successful in avoiding the style of the guide-book. The summer and
autumn of 1832 were spent in northern Italy, Florence being the
traveller's headquarters. He had letters of introduction to half the
Italian nobility, and was made welcome in the court circles of
Tuscany. In the autumn he was flirting at the Baths of Lucca, and at
this time he had formed a project of travelling to London by way of
Switzerland. 'In London,' he writes to his sister, 'I mean to make
arrangements with the magazines, and then live abroad altogether. It
costs so little here, and one lives so luxuriously too, and there is
so much to fill one's mind and eye, that I think of returning to naked
America with ever-increasing repugnance. I love my country, but the
_ornamental_ is my vocation, and of this she has none.' This
programme was changed, and Willis spent the winter between Rome,
Florence, and Venice. Wherever he went he made friends, but his
progress was in itself a feat of diplomacy, and few people dreamt that
the dashing young attaché depended for his living upon his
contributions to a newspaper, payment for which did not always arrive
with desirable punctuality. 'I have dined,' he writes to his mother,
'with a prince one day, and alone in a cook-shop the next.' He
explains that he can live on about sixty pounds a year at Florence,
paying four or five shillings a week for his rooms, breakfasting for
fourpence, and dining quite magnificently for a shilling.
In June 1833, Willis was invited by the officers of an American
frigate to accompany them on a six months' cruise in the
Mediterranean. This was far too good an offer to be refused, since it
would have been impossible to get a peep at the East under more ideal
conditions of travel. Willis's letters from Greece and Turkey are
among the best and happiest that he wrote, for the weather was
perfect, the company was pleasant (there were ladies on board), and
the reception they met with wherever they weighed anchor was most
hospitable; while the Oriental mode of life appealed to our hero's
highly-coloured, romantic taste. In the island of Ægina he was
introduced to Byron's Maid of Athens, once the beautiful Teresa Makri,
now plain Mrs. Black, with an ugly little boy, and a Scotch terrier
that snapped at the traveller's heels. He describes the
_ci-devant_ Maid of Athens as a handsome woman, with a clear dark
skin, and a nose and forehead that formed the straight line of the
Greek model.
'Her eyes are large,' he continues, 'and of a soft, liquid hazel, and
this is her chief beauty. There is that looking out of the soul
through them which Byron always described as constituting the
loveliness that most moved him.... We met her as simple Mrs. Black,
whose husband's terrier had worried us at the door, and we left her
feeling that the poetry she called forth from the heart of Byron was
her due by every law of loveliness.'
By this time the fame of the _Pencillings_ had reached London;
and at Smyrna Willis found a letter awaiting him from the _Morning
Herald_, which contained an offer of the post of foreign
correspondent at a salary of £200 a year. But as his letters would
have to be mainly political, and as he might be expected to act as
war-correspondent, which was scarcely in his line, he decided to
refuse the offer. On leaving the frigate he loitered through Italy,
Switzerland, and France to England, arriving at Dover on June 1, 1834.
While at Florence he had made the acquaintance of Walter Savage
Landor, who had given him some valuable letters of introduction to
people in England, among them one to Lady Blessington. Landor also put
into Willis's hands a package of books, whose temporary disappearance
through some mismanagement roused the formidable wrath of the old
poet. In his _Letter to an Author_, printed at the end of
_Pericles and Aspasia_, Landor describes the transaction (which
related to an American edition of the _Imaginary Conversations_),
and continues:--
'I regret the appearance of his book (the _Pencillings by the
Way_) more than the disappearance of mine.... My letter of
presentation to Lady Blessington threw open (I am afraid) too many
folding-doors, some of which have been left rather uncomfortably ajar.
No doubt his celebrity as a poet, and his dignity as a diplomatist,
would have procured him all those distinctions in society which he
allowed so humble a person as myself the instrumentality of
conferring. Greatly as I have been flattered by the visits of American
gentlemen, I hope that for the future no penciller of similar
composition will deviate in my favour to the right hand of the road
from Florence to Fiesole.'
The end of this storm in a teacup was that the books, which had safely
arrived in New York, returned as safely to London, where they were
handed over to their rightful owner, but not in time, as Willis
complained, to keep him from going down to posterity astride the finis
to _Pericles and Aspasia_. Long afterwards he expressed his hope
that Landor's biographers would either let him slip off at Lethe's
wharf, or else do him justice in a note. Before this unfortunate
incident, Landor and Willis had corresponded on cordial terms. The old
poet wrote to say how much he envied his correspondent the evenings he
passed in the society of 'the most accomplished and graceful of all
our fashionable world, my excellent friend, Lady Blessington,' while
the American could not sufficiently express his gratitude for the
introduction to that lady, 'my lodestar and most valued friend,' as he
called her, 'for whose acquaintance I am so much indebted to you, that
you will find it difficult in your lifetime to diminish my
obligations.'
Willis seems to have arrived in England prepared to like everything
English, and he began by falling in love with the Ship Hotel at Dover,
'with its bells that _would_ ring, doors that _would_ shut,
blazing coal fires [on June 1], and its landlady who spoke English,
and was civil--a greater contrast to the Continent could hardly he
imagined.' The next morning he was in raptures over the coach that
took him to London, with its light harness, four beautiful bays, and
dashing coachman, who discussed the Opera, and hummed airs from the
_Puritani_. He saw a hundred charming spots on the road that he
coveted with quite a heartache, and even the little houses and gardens
in the suburbs pleased his taste--there was such an _affectionateness_
in the outside of every one of them. Regent Street he declares to be
the finest street he has ever seen, and he exclaims, 'The Toledo of
Naples, the Corso of Rome, the Rue de la Paix, and the Boulevards
of Paris are really nothing to Regent Street.'
Willis called on Lady Blessington in the afternoon of the day after
his arrival, but was informed that her ladyship was not yet down to
breakfast. An hour later, however, he received a note from her
inviting him to call the same evening at ten o'clock. She was then
living at Seamore House, while D'Orsay had lodgings in Curzon Street.
Willis tells us that he found a very beautiful woman exquisitely
dressed, who looked on the sunny side of thirty, though she frankly
owned to forty, and was, in fact, forty-five. Lady Blessington
received the young American very cordially, introduced him to the
magnificent D'Orsay, and plunged at once into literary talk. She was
curious to know the degree of popularity enjoyed by English authors in
America, more especially by Bulwer and D'Israeli, both of whom she
promised that he should meet at her house.
'D'Israeli the elder,' she said, 'came here with his son the other
night. It would have delighted you to see the old man's pride in him.
As he was going away, he patted him on the head, and said, "Take care
of him, Lady Blessington, for my sake. He is a clever lad, but wants
ballast. I am glad he has the honour to know you, for you will check
him sometimes when I am away...." D'Israeli the younger is quite his
own character of Vivian Grey, crowded with talent, but very
_soigné_ of his curls, and a bit of a coxcomb. There is no
reverse about him, however, and he is the only _joyous_ dandy I
ever saw.' Then the conversation turned upon Byron, and Willis asked
if Lady Blessington had known La Guiccioli. 'No; we were at Pisa when
they were together,' she replied. 'But though Lord Blessington had the
greatest curiosity to see her, Lord Byron would never permit it. "She
has a red head of her own," said he, "and don't like to show it."
Byron treated the poor creature dreadfully ill. She feared more than
she loved him.'
On concluding this account of his visit, Willis observes that there
can be no objection to his publishing such personal descriptions and
anecdotes in an American periodical, since 'the English just know of
our existence, and if they get an idea twice a year of our progress in
politics, they are comparatively well informed. Our periodical
literature is never even heard of. I mention this fact lest, at first
thought, I might seem to have abused the hospitality or the frankness
of those on whom letters of introduction have given me claims for
civility.' Alas, poor Willis! He little thought that one of the most
distinguished and most venomous of British critics would make a long
arm across the Atlantic, and hold up his prattlings to ridicule and
condemnation.
The following evening our Penciller met a distinguished company at
Seamore House, the two Bulwers, Edward and Henry; James Smith of
'Rejected Addresses' fame; Fonblanque, the editor of the
_Examiner_; and the young Duc de Richelieu. Of Fonblanque, Willis
observes: 'I never saw a worse face, sallow, seamed, and hollow, his
teeth irregular, his skin livid, his straight black hair uncombed. A
hollow, croaking voice, and a small, fiery black eye, with a smile
like a skeleton's, certainly did not improve his physiognomy.'
Fonblanque, as might have been anticipated, did not at all appreciate
this description of his personal defects, when it afterwards appeared
in print. Edward Bulwer was quite unlike what Willis had expected. 'He
is short,' he writes, 'very much bent, slightly knock-kneed, and as
ill-dressed a man for a gentleman as you will find in London.... He
has a retreating forehead, large aquiline nose, immense red whiskers,
and a mouth contradictory of all talent. A more good-natured,
habitually smiling, nerveless expression could hardly be imagined.'
Bulwer seems to have made up for his appearance by his high spirits,
lover-like voice, and delightful conversation, some of which our
Boswell has reported.
'Smith asked Bulwer if he kept an amanuensis. "No," he said, "I
scribble it all out myself, and send it to the press in a most
ungentlemanlike hand, half print, half hieroglyphics, with all its
imperfections on its head, and correct in the proof--very much to the
dissatisfaction of the publisher, who sends me in a bill of £16, 6s.
4d. for extra corrections. Then I am free to confess I don't know
grammar. Lady Blessington, do you know grammar? There never was such a
thing heard of before Lindley Murray. I wonder what they did for
grammar before his day! Oh, the delicious blunders one sees when they
are irretrievable! And the best of it is the critics never get hold of
them. Thank Heaven for second editions, that one may scratch out one's
blots, and go down clean and gentlemanlike to posterity." Smith asked
him if he had ever reviewed one of his own books. "No, but I could!
And then how I should like to recriminate, and defend myself
indignantly! I think I could be preciously severe. Depend upon it,
nobody knows a book's faults so well as its author. I have a great
idea of criticising my books for my posthumous memoirs. Shall I,
Smith? Shall I, Lady Blessington?"'
Willis fell into conversation with the good-natured, though gouty
James Smith, who talked to him of America, and declared that there
never was so delightful a fellow as Washington Irving. 'I was once,'
he said, 'taken down with him into the country by a merchant to
dinner. Our friend stopped his carriage at the gate of his park, and
asked if we would walk through the grounds to the house. Irving
refused, and held me down by the coat-tails, so that we drove on to
the house together, leaving our host to follow on foot. "I make it a
principle," said Irving, "never to walk with a man through his own
grounds. I have no idea of praising a thing whether I like it or not.
You and I will do them to-morrow by ourselves."' 'The Rejected
Addresses,' continues Willis, 'got on his crutches about three o'clock
in the morning, and I made my exit with the rest, thanking Heaven
that, though in a strange country, my mother-tongue was the language
of its men of genius.'
One of the most interesting passages in the _Pencillings_ is that
in which Willis describes a breakfast at Crabb Robinson's chambers in
the Temple, where he met Charles and Mary Lamb, a privilege which he
seems thoroughly to have appreciated. 'I never in my life,' he
declares, 'had an invitation more to my taste. The _Essays of
Elia_ are certainly the most charming things in the world, and it
has been, for the last ten years, my highest compliment to the
literary taste of a friend to present him with a copy.... I arrived
half an hour before Lamb, and had time to learn something of his
peculiarities. Some family circumstances have tended to depress him of
late years, and unless excited by convivial intercourse, he never
shows a trace of what he once was. He is excessively given to
mystifying his friends, and is never so delighted as when he has
persuaded some one into a belief in one of his grave inventions....
There was a rap at the door at last, and enter a gentleman in black
small clothes and gaiters, short and very slight in his person, his
hair just sprinkled with grey, a beautiful, deep-set, grey eye,
aquiline nose, and a very indescribable mouth. His sister, whose
literary reputation is very closely associated with her brother's,
came in after him. She is a small, bent figure, evidently a victim to
ill-health, and hears with difficulty. Her face has been, I should
think, a fine, handsome one, and her bright grey eye is still full of
intelligence and fire....
'I had set a large arm-chair for Miss Lamb. "Don't take it, Mary,"
said Lamb, pulling it away from her very gravely. "It looks as if you
were going to have a tooth drawn." The conversation was very local,
but perhaps in this way I saw more of the author, for his manner of
speaking of their mutual friends, and the quaint humour with which he
complained of one, and spoke well of another, was so completely in the
vein of his inimitable writings, that I could have fancied myself
listening to an audible composition of new Elia. Nothing could be more
delightful than the kindness and affection between the brother and
sister, though Lamb was continually taking advantage of her deafness
to mystify her on every topic that was started. "Poor Mary," he said,
"she hears all of an epigram but the point." "What are you saying of
me, Charles?" she asked. "Mr. Willis," said he, raising his voice,
"admires your _Confessions of a Drunkard_ very much, and I was
saying that it was no merit of yours that you understood the subject."
'The conversation presently turned upon literary topics, and Lamb
observed: "I don't know much of your American authors. Mary, there,
devours Cooper's novels with a ravenous appetite with which I have no
sympathy. The only American book I ever read twice was the _Journal
of Edward Woolman_, a Quaker preacher and tinker, whose character
is one of the finest I ever met. He tells a story or two about negro
slaves that brought the tears into my eyes. I can read no prose now,
though Hazlitt sometimes, to be sure--but then Hazlitt is worth all
the modern prose-writers put together." I mentioned having bought a
copy of _Elia_ the last day I was in America, to send as a
parting gift to one of the most lovely and talented women in the
country. "What did you give for it?" asked Lamb. "About
seven-and-six." "Permit me to pay you that," said he, and with the
utmost earnestness he counted the money out on the table. "I never yet
wrote anything that would sell," he continued. "I am the publisher's
ruin. My last poem won't sell a copy. Have you seen it, Mr. Willis?" I
had not. "It is only eighteenpence, and I'll give you sixpence towards
it," and he described to me where I should find it sticking up in a
shop-window in the Strand.
'Lamb ate nothing, and complained in a querulous tone of the veal pie.
There was a kind of potted fish, which he had expected that our friend
would procure for him. He inquired whether there was not a morsel left
in the bottom of the last pot. Mr. Robinson was not sure. "Send and
see," said Lamb, "and if the pot has been cleaned, bring me the lid. I
think the sight of it would do me good." The cover was brought, upon
which there was a picture of the fish. Lamb kissed it with a
reproachful look at his friend, and then left the table and began to
wander round the room with a broken, uncertain step, as if he almost
forgot to put one leg before the other. His sister rose after a while,
and commenced walking up and down in the same manner on the opposite
side of the table, and in the course of half an hour they took their
leave.' Landor, in commenting on this passage, says it is evident that
Willis 'fidgeted the Lambs,' and seems rather unaccountably annoyed at
his having alluded to Crabb Robinson simply as 'a barrister.'
In London Willis appears to have fallen upon his feet from the very
first. To the end of his life he looked back upon his first two years
in England as the happiest and most successful period in his whole
career. It was small wonder that he became a little dazzled and
intoxicated by the brilliancy of his surroundings, which spoilt him
for the homelier conditions of American life. 'What a star is mine,'
he wrote to his sister Julia, three days after landing at Dover. 'All
the best society of London exclusives is now open to me--_me!_
without a sou in my pocket beyond what my pen brings me, and with not
only no influence from friends at home, but with a world of envy and
slander at my back.... In a literary way I have already had offers
from the _Court Magazine_, the _Metropolitan_, and the _New
Monthly_, of the first price for my articles. I sent a short
tale, written in one day, to the _Court Magazine_, and they gave
me eight guineas for it at once. I lodge in Cavendish Square, the most
fashionable part of the town, paying a guinea a week for my lodgings,
and am as well off as if I had been the son of the President.'
Willis was constantly at Lady Blessington's house, where he met some
of the best masculine society of the day. At one dinner-party among
his fellow-guests were D'Israeli, Bulwer, Procter (Barry Cornwall),
Lord Durham, and Sir Martin Shee. It was his first sight of Dizzy,
whom he found looking out of the window with the last rays of sunlight
reflected on the gorgeous gold flowers of an embroidered waistcoat. A
white stick with a black cord and tassel, and a quantity of chains
about his neck and pocket, rendered him rather a conspicuous object.
'D'Israeli,' says our chronicler, 'has one of the most remarkable
faces I ever saw. He is vividly pale, and but for the energy of his
action and the strength of his lungs, would seem a victim to
consumption. His eye is as black as Erebus, and has the most mocking,
lying-in-wait expression conceivable. His mouth is alive with a kind
of impatient nervousness, and when he has burst forth with a
particularly successful cataract of expression, it assumes a curl of
triumphant scorn that would be worthy of Mephistopheles. A thick,
heavy mass of jet-black ringlets falls over his left cheek almost to
his collarless stock, while on the right temple it is parted and put
away with the smooth carefulness of a girl's, and shines most
unctuously with "thy incomparable oil, Macassar."' Willis was always
interested in dress, being himself a born dandy, and he was inclined
to judge a man by the cut of his coat and the set of his hat. On this
occasion he remarks that Bulwer was very badly dressed as usual, while
Count D'Orsay was very splendid, but quite indefinable. 'He seemed
showily dressed till you looked to particulars, and then it seemed
only a simple thing well fitted to a very magnificent person.'
The conversation ran at first on Sir Henry Taylor's new play,
_Philip van Artevelde_, which the company thought overrated, and
then passed to Beckford, of _Vathek_ fame, who had already
retired from the world, and was living at Bath in his usual eccentric
fashion. Dizzy was the only person present who had met him, and,
declares Willis, 'I might as well attempt to gather up the foam of the
sea as to convey an idea of the extraordinary language in which he
clothed his description. There were at least five words in every
sentence which must have been very much astonished at the use to which
they were put, and yet no others apparently could so well have
conveyed his idea. He talked like a racehorse approaching the
winning-post, every muscle in action, and the utmost energy of
expression flowing out in every burst. It is a great pity he is not in
Parliament.'
At midnight Lady Blessington left the table, when the conversation
took a political turn, but D'Israeli soon dashed off again with a
story of an Irish dragoon who was killed in the Peninsular. 'His arm
was shot off, and he was bleeding to death. When told he could not
live, he called for a large silver goblet, out of which he usually
drank his claret. He held it to the gushing artery, and filled it to
the brim, then poured it slowly out upon the ground, saying, "If that
had been shed for old Ireland." You can have no idea how thrillingly
this little story was told. Fonblanque, however, who is a cold
political satirist, could see nothing in a man's "decanting his
claret" that was in the least sublime, so "Vivian Grey" got into a
passion, and for a while was silent.'
Willis was now fairly launched in London society, literary and
fashionable. He went to the Opera to hear Grisi, then young and
pretty, and Lady Blessington pointed out the beautiful Mrs. Norton,
looking like a queen, and Lord Brougham flirting desperately with a
lovely woman, 'his mouth going with the convulsive twitch that so
disfigures him, and his most unsightly of pug-noses in the strongest
relief against the red lining of the box.' He breakfasted with 'Barry
Cornwall,' whose poetry he greatly admired, and was introduced to the
charming Mrs. Procter and the 'yellow-tressed Adelaide,' then only
eight or nine years old. Procter gave his visitor a volume of his own
poems, and told him anecdotes of the various authors he had known,
Hazlitt, Lamb, Keats, and Shelley. Another interesting entertainment
was an evening party at Edward Bulwer's house. Willis arrived at
eleven, and found his hostess alone, playing with a King Charles'
spaniel, while she awaited her guests.
'The author of _Pelham_,' he writes, 'is a younger son, and
depends on his writings for a livelihood; and truly, measuring works
of fancy by what they will bring, a glance round his luxurious rooms
is worth reams of puffs in the Quarterlies. He lives in the heart of
fashionable London, entertains a great deal, and is expensive in all
his habits, and for this pay Messrs. Clifford, Pelham, and Aram--most
excellent bankers. As I looked at the beautiful woman before me,
waiting to receive the rank and fashion of London, I thought that
close-fisted old literature never had better reason for his partial
largess.'
Willis was astonished at the neglect with which the female portion of
the assemblage was treated, no young man ever speaking to a young lady
except to ask her to dance. 'There they sit with their mammas,' he
observes, 'their hands before them in the received attitude; and if
there happens to be no dancing, looking at a print, or eating an ice,
is for them the most entertaining circumstance of the evening. Late in
the evening a charming girl, who is the reigning belle of Naples, came
in with her mother from the Opera, and I made this same remark to her.
"I detest England for that very reason," she said frankly. "It is the
fashion in London for young men to prefer everything to the society of
women. They have their clubs, their horses, their rowing matches,
their hunting, and everything else is a _bore_! How different are
the same men at Naples! They can never get enough of one there."...
She mentioned several of the beaux of last winter who had returned to
England. "Here have I been in London a month, and these very men who
were at my side all day on the Strada Nuova, and all but fighting to
dance three times with me of an evening, have only left their cards.
Not because they care less about me, but because it is not the
fashion--it would be talked about at the clubs; it is _knowing_
to let us alone."'
There were only three men at the party, according to Willis, who could
come under the head of _beaux_, but there were many distinguished
persons. There was Byron's sister, Mrs. Leigh, a thin, plain,
middle-aged woman, of a serious countenance, but with very cordial,
pleasing manners. Sheil, the famous Irish orator, small, dark,
deceitful, and talented-looking, with a squeaky voice, was to be seen
in earnest conversation with the courtly old Lord Clarendon.
Fonblanque, with his pale, dislocated-looking face, was making the
amiable, with a ghastly smile, to Lady Stepney, author of _The Road
to Ruin_ and other fashionable novels. The bilious Lord Durham,
with his Brutus head and severe countenance, high-bred in appearance
in spite of the worst possible coat and trousers, was talking politics
with Bowring. Prince Moscowa, son of Marshal Ney, a plain,
determined-looking young man, was unconscious of everything but the
presence of the lovely Mrs. Leicester Stanhope. Her husband,
afterwards Sir Leicester, who had been Byron's companion in Greece,
was introduced to Willis, and the two soon became on intimate terms.
In the course of the season Willis made the acquaintance of Miss
Mitford, who invited him to spend a week with her at her cottage near
Reading. In a letter to her friend, Miss Jephson, Miss Mitford says:
'I also like very much Mr. Willis, an American author, who is now
understood to be here to publish his account of England. He is a very
elegant young man, more like one of the best of our peers' sons than a
rough republican.' The admiration was apparently mutual, for Willis,
in a letter to the author of _Our Village_, says: 'You are
distinguished in the world as the "gentlewoman" among authoresses, as
you are for your rank merely in literature. I have often thought you
very enviable for the universality of that opinion about you. You
share it with Sir Philip Sidney, who was in his day the
_gentleman_ among authors. I look with great interest for your
new tragedy. I think your mind is essentially dramatic; and in that,
in our time, you are alone. I know no one else who could have written
_Rienzi_, and I felt _Charles I._ to my fingers' ends, as one
feels no other modern play.'
Willis was less happy in his relations with Harriet Martineau, to whom
he was introduced just before her departure for America. 'While I was
preparing for my travels,' she writes, in her own account of the
interview, 'an acquaintance brought a buxom gentleman, whom he
introduced under the name of Willis. There was something rather
engaging in the round face, brisk air, and _enjouement_ of
the young man; but his conscious dandyism and unparalleled
self-complacency spoiled the satisfaction, though they increased the
inclination to laugh.... He whipped his bright little boot with his
bright little cane, while he ran over the names of all his
distinguished fellow-countrymen, and declared that he would send me
letters to them all.' Miss Martineau further relates that the few
letters she presented met with a very indifferent reception. Her
indignation increased when she found that in his private
correspondence Willis had given the impression that she was one of his
most intimate friends. In his own account of the interview he merely
says: 'I was taken by the clever translator of Faust to see the
celebrated Miss Martineau. She has perhaps at this moment the most
general and enviable reputation in England, and is the only one of the
literary clique whose name is mentioned without some envious
qualification.'
A budget of literary news sent to the _Mirror_ includes such
items as that 'D'Israeli is driving about in an open carriage with
Lady S., looking more melancholy than usual. The absent baronet, whose
place he fills, is about to bring an action against him, which will
finish his career, unless he can coin the damages in his brain. Mrs.
Hemans is dying of consumption in Ireland. I have been passing a week
at a country-house, where Miss Jane Porter [author of _Scottish
Chiefs_] and Miss Pardoe [author of _Beauties of the Bosphorus_]
were staying. Miss Porter is one of her own heroines grown old,
a still noble wreck of beauty.... Dined last week with Joanna
Baillie at Hampstead--the most charming old lady I ever saw.
To-day I dine with Longman, to meet Tom Moore, who is living
_incog._ near this Nestor of publishers, and pegging hard at his
_History of Ireland_.... Lady Blessington's new book makes a
great noise. Living as she does twelve hours out of the twenty-four in
the midst of the most brilliant and intellectually exhausting circle
in London, I only wonder how she found time to write it. Yet it was
written in six weeks! Her novels sell for a hundred pounds more than
any other author's, except Bulwer's. Bulwer gets £1400; Lady
Blessington, £400; Mrs. Norton, £250; Lady Charlotte Bury, £200;
Grattan, £300; and most other authors below this. Captain Marryat's
gross trash sells immensely about Wapping and Portsmouth, and brings
him in £500 or £600 the book--but that can scarce be called
literature. D'Israeli cannot sell a book _at all_, I hear. Is not
that odd? I would give more for one of his books than for forty of the
common saleable things about town.'
One more description of a literary dinner at Lady Blessington's may be
quoted before Willis's account of this, his first and most memorable
London season, is brought to an end. Among the company on this
occasion were Moore, D'Israeli, and Dr. Beattie, the King's physician,
who was himself a poet. Moore had been ruralising for a year at
Slopperton Cottage, and, before his arrival, D'Israeli expressed his
regret that he should have been met on his return to town with a
savage article in _Fraser_ on his supposed plagiarisms. Lady
Blessington declared that he would never see it, since he guarded
himself against the sight and knowledge of criticism as other people
guarded against the plague. Some one remarked on Moore's passion for
rank. 'He was sure to have five or six invitations to dine on the same
day,' it was said, 'and he tormented himself with the idea that he had
perhaps not accepted the most exclusive. He would get off from an
engagement with a countess to dine with a marchioness, and from a
marchioness to accept the invitation of a duchess. As he cared little
for the society of men, and would sing and be delightful only for the
applause of women, it mattered little whether one circle was more
talented than another.' At length Mr. Moore was announced, and the
poet, 'sliding his little feet up to Lady Blessington, made his
compliments with an ease and gaiety, combined with a kind of
worshipping deference, that were worthy of a prime minister at the
Court of Love.... His eyes still sparkle like a champagne bubble,
though the invader has drawn his pencillings about the corners; and
there is a kind of wintry red that seems enamelled on his cheek, the
eloquent record of the claret his wit has brightened. His mouth is the
most characteristic feature of all. The lips are delicately cut, and
as changeable as an aspen; but there is a set-up look about the lower
lip--a determination of the muscle to a particular expression, and you
fancy that you can see wit astride upon it. It is arch, confident, and
half diffident, as if he were disguising his pleasure at applause,
while another bright gleam of fancy was breaking upon him. The
slightly tossed nose confirms the fun of his expression, and
altogether it is a face that sparkles, beams, and radiates.'
The conversation at dinner that night was the most brilliant that the
American had yet heard in London. Sir Walter Scott was the first
subject of discussion, Lady Blessington having just received from Sir
William Gell the manuscript of a volume on the last days of Sir Walter
Scott, a melancholy chronicle of ruined health and weakened intellect,
which was afterwards suppressed. Moore then described a visit he had
paid to Abbotsford, when his host was in his prime. 'Scott,' he said,
'was the most manly and natural character in the world. His
hospitality was free and open as the day; he lived freely himself, and
expected his guests to do the same.... He never ate or drank to
excess, but he had no system; his constitution was Herculean, and he
denied himself nothing. I went once from a dinner-party at Sir Thomas
Lawrence's to meet Scott at another house. We had hardly entered the
room when we were set down to a hot supper of roast chicken, salmon,
punch, etc., and Sir Walter ate immensely of everything. What a
contrast between this and the last time I saw him in London! He had
come to embark for Italy, quite broken down both in mind and body. He
gave Mrs. Moore a book, and I asked him if he would make it more
valuable by writing in it. He thought I meant that he should write
some verses, and said, "I never write poetry now." I asked him to
write only his name and hers, and he attempted it, but it was quite
illegible.'
O'Connell next became the topic of conversation, and Moore declared
that he would be irresistible if it were not for two blots on his
character, viz. the contributions in Ireland for his support, and his
refusal to give satisfaction to the man he was willing to attack.
'They may say what they will of duelling,' he continued, 'but it is
the great preserver of the decencies of society. The old school which
made a man responsible for his words was the better.' Moore related
how O'Connell had accepted Peel's challenge, and then delayed a
meeting on the ground of his wife's illness, till the law interfered.
Another Irish patriot refused a meeting on account of the illness of
his daughter, whereupon a Dublin wit composed the following epigram
upon the two:--
'Some men with a horror of slaughter,
Improve on the Scripture command.
And honour their--wife and their daughter--
That their days may be long in the land.'
Alluding to Grattan's dying advice to his son, 'Always be ready with
the pistol,' Moore asked, 'Is it not wonderful that, with all the
agitation in Ireland, we have had no such men since his time? The
whole country in convulsion--people's lives, fortune, religion at
stake, and not a gleam of talent from one's year's end to another. It
is natural for sparks to be struck out in a time of violence like
this--but Ireland, for all that is worth living for, _is dead_!
You can scarcely reckon Sheil of the calibre of the spirits of old,
and O'Connell, with all his faults, stands alone in his glory.'