CHAPTER VIII

ROMAN FRIENDS. _ELEANOR_

The spring of the following year (1900) saw us again in Rome. We spent

our April fortnight there, of which I specially remember some amusing

hours with Sir William Harcourt. I see myself, for instance, as a rather

nervous tourist in his wake and that of the very determined wife of a

young diplomat, storming the Vatican library at an hour when a bland

_custode_ assured us firmly it was _not_ open to visitors. But Sir

William's great height and bulk, aided by his pretty companion's

self-will, simply carried us through the gates by their natural

momentum. Father Ehrle was sent for and came, and we spent a triumphant

and delightful hour. After all, one is not an ex-British Cabinet

Minister for nothing. Sir William was perfectly civil to everybody, with

a blinking smile like that of the Cheshire cat; but nothing stopped him.

I laugh still at the remembrance. On the way home it was wet, and he and

I shared a _legno_. I remember we talked of Mr. Chamberlain, with whom

at that moment--May, 1899--Sir William was not in love; and of Lord

Hartington. "Hartington came to me one day when we were both serving

under Mr. G., and said to me in a temper, 'I wish I could get Gladstone

to answer letters.' 'My dear fellow, he always answers letters.' 'Well,

I have been trying to do something and I can't get a word out of him.'

'What have you been trying to do?' 'Well, to tell the truth, I've been

trying to make a bishop.' 'Have you? Not much in your line, I should

think. Now if it had been something about a horse--' 'Don't be absurd.

He would have made a very good bishop. C---- and S---- [naming two

well-known Liberals] told me I must--so I wrote--- and not a word! Very

uncivil, I call it.' 'Who was it?' 'Oh, I can't remember. Let me think.

Oh yes, it was a man with a double name--Llewellyn-Davies.' Sir William,

with a shout of laughter, 'Why, it took me five years to get him made

a Canon!'"

The following year I sent him _Eleanor_, as a reminder of our meeting in

Rome, and he wrote:

To me the revisiting of Rome is the brightest spot of the day-dreams

of life, and I treasure all its recollections. After the

disappointment of the day when we were to have seen Albano and Nemi

under your guidance, we managed the expedition, and were entranced

with the scene even beyond our hopes, and since that time I have

lived through it again in the pages of _Eleanor_, which I read with

greediness, waiting each number as it appeared.

Now about Manisty. What a fortunate beggar, to have two such

charming women in love with him! It is always so. The less a man

deserves it the more they adore him. That is the advantage you women

writers have. You always figure men as they are and women as they

ought to be. If I had the composition of the history I should never

represent two women behaving so well to one another under the

circumstances. Even American girls, according to my observation, do

not show so much toleration to their rivals, even though in the end

they carry off their man....

Your sincerely attached

W. V. HARCOURT.

Let me detach a few other figures from a gay and crowded time, the

ever-delightful and indefatigable Boni--Commendatore Boni--for instance.

To hear him talk in the Forum or hold forth at a small gathering of

friends on the problems of the earliest Italian races, and the causes

that met in the founding and growth of Rome, was to understand how no

scholar or archeologist can be quite first-rate who is not also

something of a poet. The sleepy blue eyes, so suddenly alive; the

apparently languid manner which was the natural defense against the

outer world of a man all compact of imagination and sleepless energy;

the touch in him of "the imperishable child," combined with the brooding

intensity of the explorer who is always guessing at the next riddle; the

fun, simplicity, _bonhomie_ he showed with those who knew him well--all

these are vividly present to me.

So, too, are the very different characteristics of Monseigneur Duchesne,

the French Lord Acton; like him, a Liberal, and a man of vast learning,

tarred with the Modernist brush in the eyes of the Vatican, but at heart

also like Lord Acton, by the testimony of all who know, a simple and

convinced believer.

When we met Monseigneur Duchesne at the house of Count Ugo Balzani, or

in the drawing-room of the French Embassy, all that showed, at first,

was the witty ecclesiastic of the old school, an abbe of the eighteenth

century, _fin_, shrewd, well versed in men and affairs, and capable of

throwing an infinity of meaning into the inflection of a word or the

lift of an eyebrow. I remember listening to an account by him of certain

ceremonies in the catacombs in which he had taken part, in the train of

an Ultramontane Cardinal whom he particularly disliked. He himself had

preached the sermon. A member of the party said, "I hear your audience

were greatly moved, Monsignore." Duchesne bowed, with just a touch of

irony. Then some one who knew the Cardinal well and the relation between

him and Duchesne, said, with _malice prepense_, "Was his Eminence moved,

Monsignore?" Duchesne looked up and shook off the end of his cigarette.

"_Non, Monsieur_," he said, dryly, "his Eminence was not moved--oh, not

at all!" A ripple of laughter went round the group which had heard the

question. For a second, Duchesne's eyes laughed, too, and were then as

impenetrable as before. My last remembrance of him is as the center of a

small party in one of the famous rooms of the Palazzo Borghese which

were painted by the Caracci, this time in a more serious and

communicative mood, so that one realized in him more clearly the

cosmopolitan and liberal scholar, whose work on the early Papacy, and

the origins of Christianity in Rome, is admired and used by men of all

faiths and none. Shortly afterward, a Roman friend of ours, an

Englishman who knew Monseigneur Duchesne well, described to me the

impressions of an English Catholic who had gone with him to Egypt on

some learned mission, and had been thrown for a time into relations of

intimacy with him. My friend reported the touch of astonishment in the

Englishman's mind, as he became aware of the religious passion in his

companion, the devotion of his daily mass, the rigor and simplicity of

his personal life; and we both agreed that as long as Catholicism could

produce such types, men at once so daring and so devout, so free, and

yet so penetrated with--so steeped in--the immemorial life of

Catholicism, the Roman Church was not likely to perish out of Europe.

Let me, however, contrast with Monseigneur Duchesne another Catholic

personality--that of Cardinal Vaughan. I remember being asked to join a

small group of people who were to meet Cardinal Vaughan on the steps of

St. Peter's, and to go with him, and Canon Oakley, an English convert to

Catholicism, through the famous crypt and its monuments. We stood for

some twenty minutes outside St. Peter's, while Cardinal Vaughan, in the

manner of a cicerone reeling off his task, gave us _in extenso_ the

legendary stories of St. Peter's and St. Paul's martyrdoms. Not a touch

of criticism, of knowledge, of insight--a childish tale, told by a man

who had never asked himself for a moment whether he really believed it.

I stood silently by him, inwardly comparing the performance with certain

pages by the Abbe Duchesne, which I had just been reading. Then we

descended to the crypt, the Cardinal first kneeling at the statue of St.

Peter. The crypt, as every one knows, is full of fragments from

Christian antiquity, sarcophagi of early Popes, indications of the

structures that preceded the present building, fragments from papal

tombs, and so on. But it was quite useless to ask the Cardinal for an

explanation or a date. He knew nothing, and he had never cared to know.

Again and again, I thought, as we passed some shrine or sarcophagus

bearing a name or names that sent a thrill through one's historical

sense--"If only J.R. Green were here!--how these dead bones would live!"

But the agnostic historian was in his grave, and the Prince of the Roman

Church passed ignorantly and heedlessly by.

A little while before, I had sat beside the Cardinal at a

luncheon-party, where the case of Doctor Schell, the Rector of the

Catholic University of Würzburg, who had published a book condemned by

the Congregation of the Index, came up for discussion. Doctor Schell's

book, _Catholicismus und Fortschritt_, was a plea on behalf of the

Catholic Universities of Bavaria against the Jesuit seminaries which

threatened to supplant them; and he had shown with striking clearness

the disastrous results which the gradual narrowing of Catholic education

had had on the Catholic culture of Bavaria. The Jesuit influence at Rome

had procured the condemnation of the book. Doctor Schell at first

submitted; then, just before the luncheon-party at which I was present,

withdrew his submission.

I saw the news given to the Cardinal. He shrugged his shoulders. "Oh,

poor fellow!" he said. "Poor fellow!" It was not said unkindly, rather

with a kind of easy pity; but the recollection came back to me in the

crypt of St. Peter's, and I seemed to see the man who could not shut his

ear to knowledge and history struggling in the grip of men like the

Cardinal, who knew no history.

Echoes and reflections from these incidents will be found in _Eleanor_,

and it was the case of Doctor Schell that suggested Father Benecke.

So the full weeks passed on. Half _Eleanor_ had been written, and in

June we turned homeward. But before then, one visitor came to the Villa

Barberini in our last weeks there, who brought with him, for myself, a

special and peculiar joy. My dear father, with his second wife, arrived

to spend a week with us. Never before, throughout all his ardent

Catholic life, had it been possible for him to tread the streets of Rome

or kneel in St. Peter's. At last, the year before his death, he was to

climb the Janiculum, and to look out over the city and the plain whence

Europe received her civilization and the vast system of the Catholic

Church. He felt as a Catholic; but hardly less as a scholar, one to whom

Horace and Virgil had been familiar from his boyhood, the greater

portion of them known by heart, to a degree which is not common now. I

remember well that one bright May morning at Castle Gandolfo, he

vanished from the villa, and presently, after some hours, reappeared

with shining eyes.

"I have been on the Appian Way--I have walked where Horace walked!"

In his own autobiography he writes: "In proportion to a man's good sense

and soundness of feeling are the love and admiration, increasing with

his years, which he bears toward Horace." An old-world judgment, some

will say, which to us, immersed in this deluge of war which is changing

the face of all things, may sound, perhaps, as a thin and ghostly voice

from far away. It comes from the Oxford of Newman and Matthew Arnold, of

Jowett and Clough; and for the moment, amid the thunder and anguish of

our time, it is almost strange to our ears. But when the tumult and the

shouting die, and "peace has calmed the world," whatever else may have

passed, the poets and the thinkers will be still there, safe in their

old shrines, for they are the "ageless mouths" of all mankind, when men

are truly men. The supposed reformers, who thirst for the death of

classical education, will not succeed, because man doth not live by

bread alone, and certain imperishable needs in him have never been so

fully met as by some Greeks and some Latins, writing in a vanished

society, which yet, by reason of their thought and genius, is still in

some real sense ours. More science? More foreign languages? More

technical arts? Yes! All these. But if democracy is to mean the

disappearance of the Greek and Latin poets from the minds of the future

leaders of our race, the history of three thousand years is there to

show what the impoverishment will be.

As to this, a personal experience, even from one who in Greek literature

is only a "proselyte of the gate," may not be without interest. I shall

never forget the first time, when, in middle life, I read in the Greek,

so as to understand and enjoy, the "Agamemnon" of Æschylus. The feeling

of sheer amazement at the range and power of human thought--and at such

a date in history--which a leisurely and careful reading of that play

awakened in me, left deep marks behind. It was as though for me,

thenceforward, the human intellect had been suddenly related, much more

clearly than ever before, to an absolute, ineffable source, "not

itself." So that, in realizing the greatness of the mind of Aeschylus,

the creative Mind from which it sprang had in some new and powerful way

touched my own; with both new light on the human Past, and mysterious

promise for the Future. Now, for many years, the daily reading of Greek

and Latin has been not only a pleasure, but the only continuous bit of

mental discipline I have been able to keep up.

I do not believe this will seem exaggerated to those on whom Greek

poetry and life have really worked. My father, or the Master, or Matthew

Arnold, had any amateur spoken in similar fashion to them, would have

smiled, but only as those do who are in secure possession of some

precious thing, on the eagerness of the novice who has just laid a

precarious hold upon it.

At any rate, as I look back upon my father's life of constant labor and

many baffled hopes, there are at least two bright lights upon the scene.

He had the comfort of religious faith, and the double joy of the scholar

and of the enthusiast for letters. He would not have bartered these

great things, these seeming phantoms--

Eternal as the recurrent cloud, as air

Imperative, refreshful as dawn-dew--

for any of the baser goods that we call real. A year and a half after

his visit to Rome, he died in Dublin, where he had been for years a

Fellow and Professor of the Irish University, occupied in lecturing on

English literature, and in editing some of the most important English

Chronicles for the Rolls Series. His monument, a beautiful medallion by

Mr. Derwent Wood, which recalls him to the life, hangs on the wall of

the University Church, in Stephen's Green, which was built in Newman's

time and under his superintendence. The only other monument in the

church is that to the great Cardinal himself. So once more, as in 1886,

they--the preacher and his convert--are together. "_Domine, Deus meus,

in Te speravi_." So, on my father's tablet, runs the text below the

quiet, sculptured face. It expresses the root fact of his life.

A few weeks before my father's death _Eleanor_ appeared. It had taken me

a year and a quarter to write, and I had given it full measure of work.

Henry James wrote to me, on receipt of it, that it gave him

. . . the chance to overflow into my favorite occupation of rewriting

as I read, such fiction as--I can read. I took this liberty in an

inordinate degree with Eleanor--and I always feel it the highest

tribute I can pay. I recomposed and reconstructed her from head to

foot--which I give you for the real measure of what I think of her.

I think her, less obscurely--a thing of rare beauty, a large and

noble performance, rich, complex, comprehensive, deeply interesting

and highly distinguished. I congratulate you heartily on having

_mené à bonne fin_ so intricate and difficult a problem, and on

having seen your subject so wrapped in its air and so bristling with

its relations. I should say that you had done nothing more

homogeneous, nor more hanging and moving together. It has

Beauty--the book, the theme and treatment alike, is magnificently

mature, and is really a delightful thing to have been able to do--to

have laid at the old golden door of the beloved Italy. You deserve

well of her. I can't "criticize"--though I _could_ (that is, I

_did_--but can't do it again)--rewrite. The thing's infinitely

delightful and distinguished, and that's enough. The success of it,

specifically, to my sense is Eleanor, admirably sustained in the

"high-note" way, without a break or a drop. She is a very exquisite

and very rendered conception. I won't grossly pretend to you that I

think the book hasn't a weakness and rather a grave one, or you will

doubt of my intelligence. It _has_ one, and in this way, to my

troubled sense: that the anti-thesis on which your subject rests

isn't a real, valid anti-thesis. It was utterly built, your subject,

by your intention, of course, on one; but the one you chose seems to

me not efficiently to have operated, so that if the book is so

charming and touching even so, that is a proof of your affluence.

Lucy has in respect to Eleanor--that is, the image of Lucy that you

have tried to teach yourself to see--has no true, no adequate, no

logical antithetic force--and this is not only, I think, because the

girl is done a little more _de chic_ than you would really have

liked to do her, but because the _nearer_ you had got to her type

the less she would have served that particular condition of your

subject. You went too far for her, or, going so far, should have

brought her back--roughly speaking--stronger. (Irony--and various

things!--should at its hour have presided.) But I throw out that

more imperfectly, I recognize, than I should wish. It doesn't

matter, and not a solitary reader in your millions, or critic in

your hundreds, will either have missed, or have made it! And when a

book's beautiful, nothing _does_ matter! I hope greatly to see you

after the New Year. Good night. It's my usual 1.30 A.M.

Yours, dear Mrs. Ward, always,

HENRY JAMES.

I could not but feel, indeed, that the book had given great pleasure to

those I might well wish to please. My old friend, Mr. Frederic Harrison,

wrote to me:--"I have read it all through with great attention and

delight, and have returned to it again and again.... I am quite sure

that it is the most finished and artistic of all your books and one of

the most subtle and graceful things in all our modern fiction." And

Charles Eliot Norton's letter from Shady Hill, the letter of one who

never praised perfunctorily or insincerely, made me glad:

"It would be easier to write about the book to any one else but

you.... You have added to the treasures of English imaginative

literature, and no higher reward than this can any writer hope to

gain." The well-known and much-loved editor of the _Century_,

Richard Watson Gilder, "on this the last Sunday of the nineteenth

century"--so he headed his letter--sat down to give a long hour of

precious time to _Eleanor's_ distant author.

How can you reconcile it to your conscience to write a book like

_Eleanor_ that keeps a poor fellow reading it to a finish till after

three in the morning? Not only that--but that keeps him sobbing and

sighing "like a furnace," that charms him and makes him angry--that

hurts and delights him, and will not let him go till all is done!

Yes, there are some things I might quarrel with--but, ah, how much

you give of Italy--of the English, of the American--three nations so

well-beloved; and how much of things deeper than peoples or

countries.

Imagine me at our New England farm--with the younger part of the

family--in my annual "retreat." Last year at this time I was here,

with the thermometer a dozen degrees below zero; now it is milder,

but cold, bleak, snowy. Yesterday we were fishing for pickerel

through the ice at Hayes's Pond--in a wilderness where fox

abound--and where bear and deer make rare appearances--all within a

few miles of Lenox and Stockbridge. The farmer's family is at one

end of the long farm-house--I am at the other. It is a great place

to read--one reads here with a sort of lonely passion. You know the

landscape--it is in _Eleanor_. Last night (or this morning) I wanted

to talk with you about your book--or telegraph--but here I am calmly

trying to thank you both for sending us the copy--and, too, for

writing it.

Of the "deeper things" I can really say nothing--except that I feel

their truth, and am grateful for them. But may I not applaud (even

the Pope is "applauded," you know) such a perfect touch as--for

instance--in Chapter XVI--"the final softening of that sweet

austerity which hid Lucy's heart of gold"; and again "Italy without

the _forestieri_" "like surprising a bird on its nest"; and the

scene beheld of Eleanor--Lucy pressing the terra-cotta to her

lips;--and Italy "having not enough faith to make a heresy"--(true,

too, of France, is it not?) and Chapter XXIII--"a base and

plundering happiness"; and the scene of the confessional; and that

sudden phrase of Eleanor's in her talk with Manisty that makes the

whole world--and the whole book--right, "_She loves you!"_ That is

art.... But, above all, my dear lady, acknowledgments and praise for

the hand that created "Lucy"--that recreated, rather--my dear

countrywoman! Truly, that is an accomplishment and one that will

endear its author to the whole new world.

And again one asks whether the readers that now are write such generous,

such encouraging things to the makers of tales, as the readers of twenty

years ago! If not, I cannot but think it is a loss. For praise is a

great tonic, and helps most people to do their best.

* * * * *

It was during our stay on the Alban hills that I first became conscious

in myself, after a good many springs spent in Italy, of a deep and

passionate sympathy for the modern Italian State and people; a sympathy

widely different from that common temper in the European traveler which

regards Italy as the European playground, picture-gallery, and

curiosity-shop, and grudges the smallest encroachment by the needs of

the new nation on the picturesque ruin of the past. Italy in 1899 was

passing through a period of humiliation and unrest. The defeats of the

luckless Erythrean expedition were still hot in Italian memory. The

extreme Catholic party at home, the sentimental Catholic tourist from

abroad, were equally contemptuous and critical; and I was often

indignantly aware of a tone which seemed to me ungenerous and unjust

toward the struggling Italian State, on the part of those who had really

most cause to be grateful for all that the youngest--and oldest--of

European Powers had done in the forty years since 1860 to furnish itself

with the necessary equipment, moral, legal, and material, of a modern

democracy.

This vein of feeling finds expression in _Eleanor_. Manisty represents

the scornful dilettante, the impatient accuser of an Italy he does not

attempt to understand; while the American Lucy, on the other side draws

from her New England tradition a glowing sympathy for the Risorgimento

and its fruits, for the efforts and sacrifices from which modern Italy

arose, that refuses to be chilled by the passing corruptions and

scandals of the new _régime_. Her influence prevails and Manisty

recants. He spends six solitary weeks wandering through middle Italy, in

search of the fugitives--Eleanor and Lucy--who have escaped him--and at

the end of it he sees the old, old country and her people with new

eyes--which are Lucy's eyes.

"What rivers--what fertility--what a climate! And the industry of

the people! Catch a few English farmers and set them to do what the

Italian peasant does, year in and year out, without a murmur! Look

at all the coast south of Naples. There is not a yard of it,

scarcely, that hasn't been made by human hands. Look at the hill

towns; and think of the human toil that has gone to the making and

maintaining of them since the world began.... _Ecco!_--there they

are"--and he pointed down the river to the three or four distant

towns, each on its mountain spur, that held the valley between them

and Orvieto, pale jewels on the purple robe of rock and wood--"So

Virgil saw them. So the latest sons of time shall see them--the

homes of a race that we chatter about without understanding--the

most laborious race in the wide world.... Anyway, as I have been

going up and down their country, ... prating about their poverty,

and their taxes, their corruption, the incompetence of their

leaders, the mischief of their quarrel with the Church; I have been

finding myself caught in the grip of things older and

deeper--incredibly, primevally old!--that still dominate everything,

shape everything here. There are forces in Italy, forces of land and

soil and race--only now fully let loose--that will remake Church no

less than State, as the generations go by. Sometimes I have felt as

though this country were the youngest in Europe; with a future as

fresh and teeming as the future of America. And yet one thinks of it

at other times as one vast graveyard; so thick it is with the ashes

and the bones of men! The Pope--and Crispi!--waves, both of them, on

a sea of life that gave them birth 'with equal mind'; and that 'with

equal mind' will sweep them both to its own goal--not theirs! ...

No--there are plenty of dangers ahead.... Socialism is serious;

Sicily is serious; the economic difficulties are serious; the House

of Savoy will have a rough task, perhaps, to ride the seas that may

come.--But _Italy_ is safe. You can no more undo what has been done

than you can replace the child in the womb. The birth is over. The

organism is still weak, but it lives. And the forces behind it are,

indefinitely, mysteriously stronger than its adversaries think."

In this mood it was that, when the book came out in the autumn of 1900,

I prefixed to it the dedication--"To Italy, the beloved and beautiful,

Instructress of our past, Delight of our present, Comrade of our future,

the heart of an Englishwoman offers this book."

"_Comrade of our future_." As one looks out to-day upon the Italian

fighting-line, where English troops are interwoven with those of Italy

and France for the defense of the Lombard and Venetian plain against the

attack of Italy's old and bitter enemy, an attack in which are concerned

not only the fortunes of Italy, but those also of the British Empire, I

wonder what touch of prophecy, what whisper from a far-off day,

suggested these words written eighteen years ago?

EPILOGUE

And here, for a time at least, I bring these _Recollections_ to an

end with the century in which I was born, and my own fiftieth year.

Since _Eleanor_ appeared, and my father died, eighteen years have

gone--years for me of constant work, literary and other. On the one

hand, increasing interest in and preoccupation with politics, owing to

personal links and friendships, and a life spent, as to half the year,

in London, have been reflected in my books; and on the other, the

English rural scene, with its country houses and villages, its religion,

and its elements of change and revolution, has been always at my home

gates, as a perpetually interesting subject. Old historic situations,

also, have come to life for me again in new surroundings, as in _Lady

Rose's Daughter_, _The Marriage of William Ashe_, and _Fenwick's

Career;_ in _Richard Meynell_ I attempted the vision of a Church

of England recreated from within, with a rebel, and not--as in

_Robert Elsmere_--an exile, for a hero; _Lady Connie_ is a picture

of Oxford as I saw her in my youth, as faithful as I can now

make it; _Eltham House_ is a return to the method of _William

Ashe_, and both _Lady Connie_ and _Missing_ have been written

since the war. _Missing_ takes for its subject a fragment

from the edge of that vast upheaval which no novel of real life

in future will be able to leave out of its ken. In the first two years

of the war, the cry both of writers and public--so far as the literature

of imagination was concerned--tended to be--"anything but the war"!

There was an eager wish in both, for a time, in the first onrush of the

great catastrophe, to escape from it and the newspapers, into the world

behind it. That world looks to us now as the Elysian fields looked to

Aeneas as he approached them from the heights--full not only of souls in

a blessed calm, but of those also who had yet to make their way into

existence as it terribly _is_, had still to taste reality and pain.

We were thankful, for a time, to go back to that kind, unconscious,

unforeseeing world. But it is no longer possible. The war has become our

life, and will be so for years after the signing of peace.

As to the three main interests, outside my home life, which, as I look

back upon half a century, seem to have held sway over my

thoughts--contemporary literature, religious development, and social

experiment--one is tempted to say a few last summarizing things, though,

amid the noise of war, it is hard to say them with any real detachment

of mind.

When we came up to London in 1881, George Eliot was just dead (December,

1880); Browning and Carlyle passed away in the course of the 'eighties;

Tennyson in 1892. I saw the Tennyson funeral in the Abbey, and remember

it vividly. The burying of Mr. Gladstone was more stately; this of

Tennyson, as befitted a poet, had a more intimate beauty. A great

multitude filled the Abbey, and the rendering, in Sir Frederick Bridge's

setting, of "Crossing the Bar" by the Abbey Choir sent the "wild echoes"

of the dead man's verse flying up and on through the great arches

overhead with a dramatic effect not to be forgotten. Yet the fame of the

poet was waning when he died, and has been hotly disputed since; though,

as it seems to me, these later years have seen the partial return of an

ebbing tide. What was merely didactic in Tennyson is dead years ago; the

difficulties of faith and philosophy, with which his own mind had

wrestled, were, long before his death, swallowed up in others far more

vital, to which his various optimisms, for all the grace in which he

clothed them, had no key, or suggestion of a key, to offer. The

"Idylls," so popular in their day, and almost all, indeed, of the

narrative and dramatic work, no longer answer to the needs of a

generation that has learned from younger singers and thinkers a more

restless method, a more poignant and discontented thought. A literary

world fed on Meredith and Henry James, on Ibsen or Bernard Shaw or

Anatole France, or Synge or Yeats, rebels against the versified

argument, however musical or skilful, built up in "In Memoriam," and

makes mock of what it conceives to be the false history and weak

sentiment of the "Idylls." All this, of course, is true, and has been

said a thousand times, but--and here again the broad verdict is

emerging--it does not touch the lyrical fame of a supreme lyrical poet.

It may be that one small volume will ultimately contain all that is

really immortal in Tennyson's work. But that volume, it seems to me,

will be safe among the golden books of our literature, cherished alike

by young lovers and the "drooping old."

I only remember seeing Tennyson twice--once in a crowded drawing-room,

and once on the slopes of Blackdown, in his big cloak. The strong set

face under the wide-awake, the energy of undefeated age that breathed

from the figure, remains with me, stamped on my memory, like the gentle

face of Mrs. Wordsworth, or a passing glimpse--a gesture--of George

Meredith as we met on the threshold of Mr. Cotter Morison's house at

Hampstead, one day perhaps in 1886 or 1887, and he turned his handsome

curly head with a smile and a word when Mr. Morison introduced us. He

was then not yet sixty, already a little lame, but the radiant physical

presence scarcely marred. We had some passing talk that day, but--to my

infinite regret--that was the only time I ever saw him. Of his work and

his genius I began to be aware when "Beauchamp's Career"--a much

truncated version--was coming out in the _Fortnightly_ in 1874. I

had heard him and his work discussed in the Lincoln circle, where both

the Pattisons were quite alive to Meredith's quality; but I was at the

time and for long afterward under the spell of the French limpidity and

clarity, and the Meredithian manner repelled me. About the same time,

when I was no more than three or four and twenty, I remember a visit to

Cambridge, when we spent a week-end at the Bull Inn, and were the guests

by day of Frederic Myers, and some of his Trinity and King's friends.

Those two days of endless talk in beautiful College rooms with men like

Frederic Myers, Edmund Gurney, Mr. Gerald Balfour, Mr. George Prothero,

and others, left a deep mark on me. Cambridge seemed to me then a hearth

whereon the flame of thought burnt with far greater daring and freedom

than at Oxford. Men were not so afraid of one another; the sharp

religious divisions of Oxford were absent; ideas were thrown up like

balls in air, sure that some light hand would catch and pass them on.

And among the subjects which rose and fell in that warm electric

atmosphere, was the emergence of a new and commanding genius in George

Meredith. The place in literature that some of these brilliant men were

already giving to _Richard Feverel_, which had been published some

fifteen years earlier, struck me greatly; but if I was honest with

myself, my enthusiasm was much more qualified than theirs. It was not

till _Diana of the Crossways_ came out, after we had moved to

London, that the Meredithian power began to grip me; and to this day the

saturation with French books and French ideals that I owed to my uncle's

influence during our years at Oxford, stands somewhat between me and a

great master. And yet, in this case, as in that of Mr. James, there is

no doubt that difficulty--even obscurity!--are part of the spell. The

man behind is _great enough_, and rewards the reader's effort to

understand him with a sense of heightened power, just as a muscle is

strengthened by exercise. In other words, the effort is worth while; we

are admitted by it to a world of beauty or romance or humor that without

it we should not know; and with the thing gained goes, as in

Alpine-climbing, the pleasure of the effort itself.

Especially is this the case in poetry, where the artist's thought

fashions for itself a manner more intimate and personal than in prose.

George Meredith's poetry is still only the possession of a minority,

even among those who form the poetic audience of a generation. There are

many of us who have wanted much help, in regard to it, from others--the

young and ardent--who are the natural initiates, the "Mystae" of the

poetic world. But once let the strange and poignant magic of it, its

music in discord, its sharp sweetness, touch the inward

ear--thenceforward we shall follow its piping.

Let me record another regret for another lost opportunity. In spite of

common friends, and worlds that might have met, I never saw Robert Louis

Stevenson--the writer who more, perhaps, than any other of his

generation touched the feeling and won the affection of his time. And

that by a double spell--of the life lived and the books written.

Stevenson's hold both upon his contemporaries, and those who since his

death have had only the printed word of his letters and tales whereby to

approach him, has not been without some points of likeness--amid great

difference--to the hold of the Brontës on their day and ours. The sense

of an unsurpassable courage--against great odds--has been the same in

both cases; and a great tenderness in the public mind for work so

gallant, so defiant of ill fortune, so loyal to its own aims. In

Stevenson's case, quite apart from the claims of his work as literature,

there was also an added element which, with all their genius, the

Brontës did not possess--the element of charm, the _petit

carillon,_ to which Renan attributed his own success in literature:

undefinable, always, this last!--but supreme.[1] There is scarcely a

letter of Stevenson's that is without it, it plays about the slender

volumes of essays or of travel that we know so well; but it is present

not only in the lighter books and tales, not only in the enchanting

fairy-tale, "Prince Otto," but in his most tragic, or his most

intellectual work--in the fragment "Weir of Hermiston," or in that fine

piece of penetrating psychology and admirable narrative, _The Master

of Ballantrae_. It may, I think, be argued whether in the far future

Stevenson will be more widely and actively remembered--whether he will

enter into the daily pleasure of those who love literature--more as a

letter-writer, or more as a writer of fiction. Whether, in other words,

his own character and personality will not prove the enduring thing,

rather than the characters he created. The volumes of letters, with

their wonderful range and variety, their humor, their bravery, their

_vision_--whether of persons or scenes--already mean to some of us

more than his stories, dear to us as these are.

He died in his forty-fifth year, at the height of his power. If he had

lived ten--twenty--years longer, he might well have done work that would

have set him with Scott in the history of letters. As it is, he remains

the most graceful and appealing, the most animated and delightful,

figure in the literary history of the late nineteenth century. He is

sure of his place. "Myriad-footed Time will discover many other

inventions; but mine are mine!" And to that final award his poems no

less than his letters will richly contribute--the haunting beauty of the

"Requiem," the noble lines "To my Father," the lovely verses "In memory

of F.A.S."--surely immortal, so long as mother-hearts endure.

[Footnote 1: Greek: Ti gar chariton agapaton Anthropois apaneuthen;]

Another great name was steadily finding its place during our first

London years. Thomas Hardy had already published some of his best novels

in the 'seventies, and was in full production all through the 'eighties

and 'nineties. The first of the Hardy novels that strongly affected me

was the _Return of the Native_, and I did not read it till some

time after its publication. Although there had been a devoted and

constantly growing audience for Mr. Hardy's books for twenty years

before the publication of _Tess of the Durbervilles,_ my own

recollection is that Tess marked the conversion of the larger public,

who then began to read all the earlier books, in that curiously changed

mood which sets in when a writer is no longer on trial, but has, so to

speak, "made good."

And since that date how intimately have the scenes and characters of Mr.

Hardy's books entered into the mind and memory of his country,

compelling many persons, slowly and by degrees--I count myself among

this tardy company--to realize their truth, sincerity, and humanity, in

spite of the pessimism with which so many of them are tinged; their

beauty also, notwithstanding the clashing discords that a poet, who is

also a realist, cannot fail to strike; their permanence in English

literature; and the greatness of Mr. Hardy's genius! Personally, I would

make only one exception. I wish Mr. Hardy had not written _Jude the

Obscure!_ On the other hand, in the three volumes of _The

Dynasts_ he has given us one of the noblest, and possibly one of the

most fruitful, experiments in recent English letters.

Far more rapid was the success of Mr. Kipling, which came a decade later

than Mr. Hardy's earlier novels. It thrills one's literary pulse now to

look back to those early paper-covered treasures, written by a youth, a

boy of genius; which for the first time made India interesting to

hundreds of thousands in the Western world; which were the heralds also

of a life's work of thirty years, unfailingly rich, and still unspent!

The debt that two generations owe to Mr. Kipling is, I think, past

calculating. There is a poem of his specially dear to me--"To the True

Romance." It contains, to my thinking, the very essence and spirit of

his work. Through all realism, through all technical accomplishment,

through all the marvelous and detailed knowledge he has accumulated on

this wonderful earth, there rings the lovely Linos-song of the higher

imagination, which is the enduring salt of art. Whether it is Mowgli, or

Kim, or the Brushwood Boy, or McAndrew, or the Centurion of the Roman

Wall, or the trawlers and submarines and patrol-boats to which he lends

actual life and speech, he carries through all the great company the

flag of his lady--the flag of the "True Romance." It was Meredith's

flag, and Stevenson's and Scott's--it comes handed down in an endless

chain from the story-tellers of old Greece. For a man to have taken

undisputed place in that succession is, I think, the best and most that

literary man can do. And that it has fallen to our generation to watch

and rejoice in Rudyard Kipling's work may be counted among those gifts

of the gods which bring no Nemesis with them.

Another star--was it the one that danced when Beatrice was born?--was

rising about the same time as Rudyard Kipling's. _The Window in

Thrums_ appeared in 1889--a masterpiece to set beside the French

masterpiece, drawn likewise from peasant life, of almost the same date,

_Pêcheur d'Islande._ Barrie's gift, also, has been a gift making

for the joy of his generation; he too has carried the flag of the True

Romance--slight, twinkling, fantastic thing, compared to that of

Kipling, but consecrate to the same great service.

And then beside this group of men, who, dealing as they constantly are

with the most prosaic and intractable material, are yet poets at heart,

there appears that other group who, headed perhaps by Mr. Shaw, and

kindred in method with Thomas Hardy, are the chief gods of a younger

race, as hostile to "sentimentalism" as George Meredith, but without

either the power--or the wish--to replace it by the forces of the

poetic imagination. Mr. Shaw, whose dramatic work has been the goad, the

gadfly of a whole generation, stirring it into thought by the help of a

fascinating art, will not, I think, elect to stand upon his novels;

though his whole work has deeply affected English novel-writing. But Mr.

Wells and Mr. Arnold Bennett have been during the last ten or fifteen

years--vitally different as they are--the leaders of the New Novel--of

that fiction which at any given moment is chiefly attracting and

stimulating the men and women under forty. There is always a New Novel,

and a New Poetry, as there was once, and many times, a New Learning. The

New Novel may be Romantic, or Realist, or Argumentative. In our day it

appears to be a compound of the last two--at any rate, in the novels of

Mr. Wells.

Mr. Wells seems to me a journalist of very great powers, of unequal

education, and much crudity of mind, who has inadvertently strayed into

the literature of imagination. The earlier books were excellent

story-telling, though without any Stevensonian distinction; _Kipps_

was almost a masterpiece; _Tono-Bungay_ a piece of admirable

fooling, enriched with some real character-creation, a thing extremely

rare in Mr. Wells's books; while _Mr. Britling Sees It Through_ is

perhaps more likely to live than any other of his novels, because the

subject with which it deals comes home so closely to so vast an

audience. Mr. Britling, considered as a character, has neither life nor

joints. He, like the many other heroes from other Wells novels, whose

names one can never recollect, is Mr. Wells himself, talking this time

on a supremely interesting topic, and often talking extraordinarily

well. There are no more brilliant pages, of their kind, in modern

literature than the pages describing Mr. Britling's motor-drive on the

night of the declaration of war. They compare with the description of

the Thames in _Tono-Bungay_. These, and a few others like them,

will no doubt appear among the _morceaux choisis_ of a coming day.

But who, after a few years more, will ever want to turn the restless,

ill-written, undigested pages of _The New Machiavelli_ again--or

of half a dozen other volumes, marked often by a curious monotony both

of plot and character, and a fatal fluency of clever talk? The only

thing which can keep journalism alive--journalism, which is born of the

moment, serves the moment, and, as a rule, dies with the

moment--is--again the Stevensonian secret!--_charm_. Diderot, the

prince of journalists, is the great instance of it in literature; the

phrase "_sous le charme_" is of his own invention. But Mr. Wells

has not a particle of charm, and the reason of the difference is not far

to seek. Diderot wrote for a world of friends--"_C'est pour moi et

pour mes amis que je lis, que je réfléchis, que j'écris_"--Mr. Wells

for a world of enemies or fools, whom he wishes to instruct or show up.

_Le Neveu de Rameau_ is a masterpiece of satire; yet there is no

ill-nature in it. But the snarl is never very long absent from Mr.

Wells's work; the background of it is disagreeable. Hence its complete

lack of magic, of charm. And without some touch of these qualities, the

_à peu près_ of journalism, of that necessarily hurried and

improvised work which is the spendthrift of talent, can never become

literature, as it once did--under the golden pen of Denis Diderot.

Sainte Beuve said of Stendhal that he was an _excitateur d'idées_.

Mr. Wells no doubt deserves the phrase. As an able journalist, a

preacher of method, of foresight, and of science, he has much to say

that his own time will do well to heed. But the writer among us who has

most general affinity with Stendhal, and seems to me more likely to live

than Mr. Wells, is Mr. Arnold Bennett. Mr. Bennett's achievement in his

three principal books, the _Old Wives' Tale_, _Clayhanger_,

and _Hilda Lessways_, has the solidity and relief--the ugliness

also!--of Balzac, or of Stendhal; a detachment, moreover, and a

coolness, which Mr. Wells lacks. These qualities may well preserve them,

if "those to come" find their subject-matter sufficiently interesting.

But the _Comédie Humaine_ has a breadth and magnificence of general

conception which govern all its details, and Stendhal's work is linked

to one of the most significant periods of European history, and reflects

its teeming ideas. Mr. Bennett's work seems to many readers to be choked

by detail. But a writer of a certain quality may give us as much detail

as he pleases--witness the great Russians. Whenever Mr. Bennett

succeeds in offering us detail at once so true and so exquisite as the

detail which paints the household of Lissy-Gory in _War and Peace_,

or the visit of Dolly to Anna and Wronsky in _Anna Karénin_, or the

nursing of the dying Nicolas by Kitty and Levin, he will have justified

his method--with all its _longueurs_. Has he justified it yet?

One great writer, however, we possess who can give us any detail he

likes without tedium, because of the quality of the intelligence which

presents it. Mr. Conrad is not an Englishman by race, and he is the

master, moreover, of a vast exotic experience of strange lands and

foreign seas, where very few of his readers can follow him with any

personal knowledge. And yet we instinctively feel that in all his best

work he is none the less richly representative of what goes to make the

English mind, as compared with the French, or the German, or the Italian

mind--a mind, that is, shaped by sea-power and far-flung

responsibilities, by all the customs and traditions, written and

unwritten, which are the fruit of our special history, and our

long-descended life. It is this which gives value often to Mr. Conrad's

slightest tales, or intense significance to detail, which, without this

background, would be lifeless or dull. In it, of course, he is at one

with Mr. Kipling. Only the tone and accent are wholly different. Mr.

Conrad's extraordinary intelligence seems to stand outside his subject,

describing what he sees, as though he were crystal-gazing at figures and

scenes, at gestures and movements, magically clear and sharp. Mr.

Kipling, on the other hand, is part of--intimately one with--what he

tells us; never for a moment really outside it; though he has at command

every detail and every accessory that he needs.

Mr. Galsworthy, I hope, when this war is over, on which he has written

such vivid, such moving pages (I know! for in some of its scenes--on the

Somme battle-fields, for instance--I have stood where he has stood), has

still the harvest of his literary life before him. Since _The Country

House_ it does not seem to me that he has ever found a subject that

really suits him--and "subject is everything." But he has passion and

style, and varied equipment, whether of training or observation; above

all, an individuality it is abundantly worth while to know.

On the religious development of the last thirty years I can find but

little that is gladdening, to myself, at any rate, to say. There are

ferments going on in the Church of England which have shown themselves

in a series of books produced by Oxford and Cambridge men, each of them

representing some greater concession to modern critical and historical

knowledge than the one before it. The war, no doubt, has gripped the

hearts and stirred the minds of men, in relation to the fundamental

problems of life and destiny, as nothing else in living experience has

ever done. The religious minds among the men who are perpetually

fronting death in the battle-line seem to develop, on the one hand, a

new and individual faith of their own, and, on the other, an instinctive

criticism of the faiths hitherto offered them, which in time may lead us

far. The complaints, meanwhile, of "empty churches" and the failing hold

of the Church of England, are perhaps more persistent and more

melancholy than of old; and there is a general anxiety as to how the

loosening and vivifying action of the war will express itself

religiously when normal life begins again. The "Life and Liberty"

movement in the Anglican Church, which has sprung up since the war, is

endeavoring to rouse a new Christian enthusiasm, especially among the

young; and with the young lies the future. But the war itself has

brought us no commanding message, though all the time it may be silently

providing the "pile of gray heather" from which, when the moment comes,

the beacon-light may spring.

The greatest figure in the twenty years before the war seems to me to

have been George Tyrrell. The two volumes of his biography, with all

their absorbing interest, have not, I think, added much to the effect of

his books. _A Much-abused Letter, Lex Orandi, Scylla and

Charybdis_, and _Christianity at the Cross-Roads_ have settled

nothing. What book of real influence does? They present many

contradictions; but are thereby, perhaps, only the more living. For one

leading school of thought they go not nearly far enough; for another a

good deal too far. But they contain passages drawn straight from a

burning spiritual experience, passages also of a compelling beauty,

which can hardly fall to the ground unfruitful. Whether as Father

Tyrrell's own, or as assimilated by other minds, they belong, at least,

to the free movement of experimental and inductive thought, which, in

religion as in science, is ever the victorious movement, however

fragmentary and inconclusive it may seem at any given moment to be.

Other men--Doctor Figgis, for instance--build up shapely and plausible

systems, on given material, which, just because they are plausible and

shapely, can have very little to do with truth. It is the seekers, the

men of difficult, half-inspired speech, like T. H. Green and George

Tyrrell, through whose work there flashes at intervals the "gleam" that

lights human thought a little farther on its way.

Meanwhile, it must often seem to any one who ponders these past years,

as if what is above all wanting to our religious moment is courage and

imagination. If only Bishop Henson had stood his trial for

heresy!--there would have been a seed of new life in this lifeless day.

If only, instead of deserting the churches, the Modernists of to-day

would have the courage _to claim them!_--there again would be a

stirring of the waters. Is it not possible that Christianity, which we

have thought of as an old faith, is only now, with the falling away of

its original sheath-buds, at the beginning of its true and mightier

development? A religion of love, rooted in and verified by the simplest

experiences of each common day, possessing in the Life of Christ a

symbol and rallying cry of inexhaustible power, and drawing from its own

corporate life of service and aspiration, developed through millions of

separate lives, the only reasonable hope of immortality, and the only

convincing witness to a Divine and Righteous Will at work in the

universe;--it is under some such form that one tries to dream the

future. The chaos into which religious observance has fallen at the

present day is, surely, a real disaster. Religious services in which men

and women cannot take part, either honestly or with any spiritual gain,

are better let alone. Yet the ideal of a common worship is an infinitely

noble one. Year after year the simplest and most crying reforms in the

liturgy of the Church of England are postponed, because nobody can agree

upon them. And all the time the starving of "the hungry sheep" goes on.

But if religious ideals have not greatly profited by the war, it is

plain that in the field of social change we are on the eve of

transformations--throughout Europe--which may well rank in history with

the establishment of the Pax Romana, or the incursion of the northern

races upon the Empire; with the Renaissance, or the French Revolution.

In our case, the vast struggle, in the course of which millions of

British men and women have been forcibly shaken out of all their former

ways of life and submitted to a sterner discipline than anything they

have ever known, while, at the same time, they have been roused by mere

change of circumstance and scene to a strange new consciousness both of

themselves and the world, cannot pass away without permanently affecting

the life of the State and the relation of all its citizens to each

other. In the country districts, especially, no one of my years can

watch what is going on without a thrilling sense, as though, for us who

are nearing the last stage of life, the closed door of the future had

fallen mysteriously ajar and one caught a glimpse through it of a coming

world which no one could have dreamt of before 1914. Here, for instance,

is a clumsy, speechless laborer of thirty-five, called up under the

Derby scheme two years ago. He was first in France and is now in

Mesopotamia. On his first leave he reappears in his native village. His

family and friends scarcely know him. Always a good fellow, he has risen

immeasurably in mental and spiritual stature. For him, as for Cortez, on

the "peak in Darien," the veil has been drawn aside from wonders and

secrets of the world that, but for the war, he would have died without

even guessing at. He stands erect; his eyes are brighter and larger; his

speech is different. Here is another--a boy--a careless and troublesome

boy he used to be--who has been wounded, and has had a company officer

of whom he speaks, quietly indeed, but as he could never have spoken of

any one in the old days. He has learned to love a man of another social

world, with whom he has gone, unflinching, into a hell of fire and

torment. He has seen that other dare and die, leading his men, and has

learned that a "swell" can reckon _his_ life--his humble,

insignificant life as it used to be--as worth more than his own.

And there are thousands on whom the mere excitement of the new scenes,

the new countries, cities, and men, has acted like flame on invisible

ink, bringing out a hundred unexpected aptitudes, developing a mental

energy that surprises themselves. "On my farm," says a farmer I know, "I

have both men that have been at the front, and are allowed to come back

for agricultural purposes, and others that have never left me. They were

all much the same kind of men before the war; but now the men who have

been to the front are worth twice the others. I don't think they

_know_ that they are doing more work, and doing it better than they

used to do. It is unconscious. Simply, they are twice the men they

were."

And in the towns, in London, where, through the Play Centers, I know

something of the London boy, how the discipline, the food, the open air,

the straining and stimulating of every power and sense that the war has

brought about, seems to be transforming and hardening the race! In the

noble and Pauline sense, I mean. These lanky, restless lads have indeed

"endured hardness."

Ah, let us take what comfort we can from these facts, for they are

facts--in face of these crowded graveyards in the battle zone, and all

the hideous wastage of war. They mean, surely, that a new heat of

intelligence, a new passion of sympathy and justice, has been roused in

our midst by this vast and terrible effort, which, when the war is over,

will burn out of itself the rotten things in our social structure, and

make reforms easy which, but for the war, might have rent us in sunder.

Employers and employed, townsman and peasant, rich and poor--in the ears

of all, the same still small voice, in the lulls of the war tempest,

seems to have been urging the same message. More life--more

opportunity--more leisure--more joy--more beauty!--for the masses of

plain men and women, who have gone so bare in the past and are now

putting forth their just and ardent claim on the future.

Let me recall a few more personal landmarks in the eighteen years that

have passed since _Eleanor_ appeared, before I close.

Midway in the course of them, 1908 was marked out for me, for whom a

yearly visit to Italy or France, and occasionally to Germany, made the

limits of possible travel, by the great event of a spring spent in the

United States and Canada. We saw nothing more in the States than every

tourist sees--New York, Boston, Philadelphia, Washington, and a few

other towns; but the interest of every hour seemed to renew in me a

nervous energy and a capacity for enjoyment that had been flagging

before. Our week at Washington at the British Embassy with Mr. and Mrs.

Bryce, as they then were, our first acquaintance with Mr. Roosevelt,

then at the White House, and with American men of politics and affairs,

like Mr. Root, Mr. Garfield, and Mr. Bacon--set all of it in spring

sunshine, amid a sheen of white magnolias and May leaf--will always stay

with me as a time of pleasure, unmixed and unspoiled, such as one's

fairy godmother seldom provides without some medicinal drawback! And to

find the Jusserands there so entirely in their right place--he so

unchanged from the old British Museum days when we knew him first--was

one of the chief items in the delightful whole. So, too, was the

discussion of the President, first with one Ambassador and then with

another. For who could help discussing him! And what true and admiring

friends he had in both these able men who knew him through and through,

and were daily in contact with him, both as diplomats and in social

life.

Then Philadelphia, where I lectured on behalf of the London Play

Centers; Boston, with Mrs. Fields and Sarah Orne Jewett--a pair of

friends, gentle, eager, distinguished, whom none who loved them will

forget; Cambridge, and our last sight of Charles Eliot Norton, standing

to bid us farewell on the steps of Shady Hill; Hawthorne's house at

Concord; and the lovely shore of Newport. The wonderful new scenes

unrolled themselves day by day; kind faces and welcoming voices were

always round us, and it was indeed hard to tear ourselves away.

But at the end of April we went north to Canada for yet another chapter

of quickened life. A week at Montreal, first with Sir William van Horne,

then Ottawa, and a week with Lord and Lady Grey; and finally the

never-to-be-forgotten experience of three weeks in the "Saskatchewan,"

Sir William's car on the Canadian Pacific Railway, which took us first

from Toronto to Vancouver, and then from Vancouver to Quebec. So in a

swallow's flight from sea to sea I saw the marvelous land wherein,

perhaps, in a far hidden future, lies the destiny of our race.

Of all this--of the historic figures of Sir William van Home, of beloved

Lord Grey, of Sir Wilfrid Laurier, and Sir Robert Borden, as they were

ten years ago, there would be much to say. But my present task is done.

Nor is there any room here for those experiences of the war, and of the

actual fighting front, to which I have already given utterance in

_England's Effort_ and _Towards the Goal._ Some day, perhaps,

if these _Recollections_ find an audience, and when peace has

loosened our tongues and abolished that very necessary person, the

Censor, there will be something more to be written. But now, at any

rate, I lay down my pen. For a while these _Recollections_, during

the hours I have been at work on them, have swept me out of the shadow

of the vast and tragic struggle in which we live, into days long past on

which there is still sunlight--though it be a ghostly sunlight; and

above them the sky of normal life. But the dream and the illusion are

done. The shadow descends again, and the evening paper comes in,

bringing yet another mad speech of a guilty Emperor to desecrate yet

another Christmas Eve.

The heart of the world is set on peace. But for us, the Allies, in whose

hands lies the infant hope of the future, it must be a peace worthy of

our dead and of their sacrifice. "Let us gird up the loins of our minds.

In due time we shall reap, if we faint not."

And meanwhile across the western ocean America, through these winter

days, sends incessantly the long procession of her men and ships to the

help of the Old World and an undying cause. Silently they come, for

there are powers of evil lying in wait for them. But "still they come."

The air thickens, as it were with the sense of an ever-gathering host.

On this side, and on that, it is the Army of Freedom, and of Judgment.

_Christmas Eve, 1917._

THE END OF VOLUME II

A Writer's Recollections — Volume 2 · 第 8 / 8 章