THE SUPERSTITIONS OF PUBLIC MEN,

MR. CHIEF RULER-AND GENTLEMEN: I suppose that the superstition most

prevalent with public men, is the idea that they are of great importance

to the public. As a matter of fact, public men,--that is to say, men in

office,--reflect the average intelligence of the people, and no more.

A public man, to be successful, must not assert anything unless it is

exceedingly popular. And he need not deny anything unless everybody is

against it. Usually he has to be like the center of the earth,--draw all

things his way, without weighing anything himself.

One of the difficulties, or rather, one of the objections, to a

government republican in form, is this: Everybody imagines that he is

everybody's: master. And the result has been to make most of our public

men exceedingly conservative in the expression of their real opinions.

A man, wishing to be elected to an office, generally agrees with 'most

everybody he meets. If he meets a Prohibitionist, he says: "Of course I

am a temperance man. I am opposed to all excesses; my dear friend,

and no one knows better than myself the evils that have been caused by

intemperance." The next man happens to keep a saloon, and happens to

be quite influential in that part of the district, and the candidate

immediately says to him:--"The idea that these Prohibitionists can take

away the personal liberty of the citizen is simply monstrous!" In a

moment after, he is greeted by a Methodist, and he hastens to say, that

while he does not belong to that church himself, his wife does; that he

would gladly be a member, but does not feel that he is good enough. He

tells a Presbyterian that his grandfather was of that faith, and that he

was a most excellent man, and laments from the bottom of his heart that

he himself is not within that fold. A few moments after, on meeting a

skeptic, he declares, with the greatest fervor, that reason is the only

guide, and that he looks forward to the time when superstition will be

dethroned. In other words, the greatest superstition now entertained by

public men is, that hypocrisy is the royal road to success.

Of course, there are many other superstitions, and one is, that the

Democratic party has not outlived its usefulness. Another is, that the

Republican party should have power for what it has done, instead of what

it proposes to do.

In my judgment, these statesmen are mistaken. The people of the United

States, after all, admire intellectual honesty and have respect for

moral courage. The time has come for the old ideas and superstitions in

politics to be thrown away--not in phrase, not in pretence, but in fact;

and the time has come when a man can safely rely on the intelligence and

courage of the American people.

The most significant fact in this world to-day, is, that in nearly every

village under the American flag the school-house is larger than the

church. People are beginning to have a little confidence in intelligence

and in facts. Every public man and every private man, who is actuated

in his life by a belief in something that no one can prove,--that no one

can demonstrate,--is, to that extent, a superstitious man.

It may be that I go further than most of you, because if I have any

superstition, it is a superstition against superstition. It seems to

me that the first things for every man, whether in or out of office, to

believe in,--the first things to rely on, are demonstrated facts.

These are the corner stones,--these are the columns that nothing can

move,--these are the stars that no darkness can hide,--these are the

true and only foundations of belief.

Beyond the truths that have been demonstrated is the horizon of the

Probable, and in the world of the Probable every man has the right to

guess for himself. Beyond the region of the Probable is the Possible,

and beyond the Possible is the Impossible, and beyond the Impossible are

the religions of this world. My idea is this: Any man who acts in

view of the Improbable or of the Impossible--that is to say of the

Supernatural--is a superstitious man. Any man who believes that he can

add to the happiness of the Infinite, by depriving himself of innocent

pleasure, is superstitious. Any man who imagines that he can make some

God happy, by making himself miserable, is superstitious. Any one who

thinks he can gain happiness in another world, by raising hell with his

fellow-men in this, is simply superstitious. Any man who believes in a

Being of infinite wisdom and goodness, and yet belives that that

Being has peopled a world with failures, is superstitious. Any man who

believes that an infinitely wise and good God would take pains to make

a man, intending at the time that the man should be eternally damned, is

absurdly superstitious. In other words, he who believes that there is,

or that there can be, any other religious duty than to increase the

happiness of mankind, in this world, now and here, is superstitious.

I have known a great many private men who were not men of genius. I

have known some men of genius about whom it was kept private, and I have

known many public men, and my wonder increased the better I knew them,

that they occupied positions of trust and honor.

But, after all, it is the people's fault. They who demand hypocrisy

must be satisfied with mediocrity... Our public men will be better and

greater, and less superstitious, when the people become greater and

better and less superstitious. There is an old story, that we have all

heard, about Senator Nesmith. He was elected a Senator from Oregon. When

he had been in Washington a little while, one of the other Senators said

to him: "How did you feel when you found yourself sitting here in the

United States Senate?" He replied: "For the first two months, I just

sat and wondered how a damned fool like me ever, broke into the Senate.

Since that, I have done nothing but wonder how the other fools got

here."

To-day the need of our civilization is public men who have the courage

to speak as they think. We need a man for President who will not

publicly thank God for earthquakes. We need somebody with the courage to

say that all that happens in nature happens without design, and without

reference to man; somebody who will say that the men and women killed

are not murdered by supernatural beings, and that everything that

happens in nature, happens without malice and without mercy. We want

somebody who will have courage enough not to charge, an infinitely good

and wise Being with all the cruelties and agonies and sufferings of this

world. We want such men in public places,--men who will appeal to the

reason of their fellows, to the highest intelligence of the people; men

who will have courage enough, in this the nineteenth century, to agree

with the conclusions of science. We want some man who will not

pretend to believe, and who does not in fact believe, the stories that

Superstition has told to Credulity.

The most important thing in this world is the destruction of

superstition. Superstition interferes with the happiness of mankind.

Superstition is a terrible serpent, reaching in frightful coils from

heaven to earth and thrusting its poisoned fangs into the hearts of men.

While I live, I am going to do what little I can for the destruction of

this monster. Whatever may happen in another world--and I will take my

chances there,--I am opposed to superstition in this. And if, when I

reach that other world, it needs reforming, I shall do what little I can

there for the destruction of the false.

Let me tell you one thing more, and I am done. The only way to have

brave, honest, intelligent, conscientious public men, men without

superstition, is to do what we can to make the average citizen brave,

conscientious and intelligent. If you wish to see courage in the

presidential chair, conscience upon the bench, intelligence of the

highest order in Congress; if you expect public men to be great enough

to reflect honor upon the Republic, private citizens must have the

courage and the intelligence to elect, and to sustain, such men. I have

said, and I say it again, that never while I live will I vote for any

man to be President of the United States, no matter if he does belong

to my party, who has not won his spurs on some field of intellectual

conflict. We have had enough mediocrity, enough policy, enough

superstition, enough prejudice, enough provincialism, and the time has

come for the American citizen to say: "Hereafter I will be represented

by men who are worthy, not only of the great Republic, but of the

Nineteenth Century."

The Works of Robert G. Ingersoll, Vol. 12 (of 12) Dresden Edition—Miscellany · 第 27 / 98 题