PROF. VAN BUREN DENSLOW'S "MODERN THINKERS."

IF others who read this book get as much information as I did from the

advance sheets, they will feel repaid a hundred times. It is perfectly

delightful to take advantage of the conscientious labors of those who go

through and through volume after volume, divide with infinite patience

the gold from the dross, and present us with the pure and shining coin.

Such men may be likened to bees who save us numberless journeys by

giving us the fruit of their own.

While this book will greatly add to the information of all who read it,

it may not increase the happiness of some to find that Swedenborg was

really insane. But when they remember that he was raised by a bishop,

and disappointed in love, they will cease to wonder at his mental

condition. Certainly an admixture of theology and "dis-prized love"

is often sufficient to compel reason to abdicate the throne of the

mightiest soul.

The trouble with Swedenborg was that he changed realities into dreams,

and then out of the dreams made facts upon which he built, and with

which he constructed his system.

He regarded all realities as shadows cast by ideas. To him the material

was the unreal, and things were definitions of the ideas of God. He

seemed to think that he had made a discovery when he found that ideas

were back of words, and that language had a subjective as well as an

objective origin; that is that the interior meaning had been clothed

upon. Of course, a man capable of drawing the conclusion that natural

reason cannot harmonize with spiritual truth because in a dream, he had

seen a beetle that could not use its feet, is capable of any absurdity

of which the imagination can conceive. The fact is, that Swedenborg

believed the Bible. That was his misfortune. His mind had been

overpowered by the bishop, but the woman had not utterly destroyed his

heart. He was shocked by the liberal interpretation of the Scriptures,

and sought to avoid the difficulty by giving new meanings consistent

with the decency and goodness of God. He pointed out a way to preserve

the old Bible with a new interpretation. In this way Infidelity could

be avoided; and, in his day, that was almost a necessity. Had Swedenborg

taken the ground that the Bible was not inspired, the ears of the

world would have been stopped. His readers believed in the dogma of

inspiration, and asked, not how to destroy the Scriptures, but for some

way in which they might be preserved. He and his followers unconsciously

rendered immense service to the cause of intellectual enfranchisement

by their efforts to show the necessity of giving new meanings to the

barbarous laws, and cruel orders of Jehovah. For this purpose they

attacked with great fury the literal text, taking the ground that if the

old interpretation was right, the Bible was the work of savage men. They

heightened in every way the absurdities, cruelties and contradictions of

the Scriptures for the purpose of showing that a new interpretation must

be found, and that the way pointed out by Swedenborg was the only one by

which the Bible could be saved.

Great men are, after all the instrumentalities of their time. The heart

of the civilized world was beginning to revolt at the cruelties ascribed

to God, and was seeking for some interpretation of the Bible that kind

and loving people could accept. The method of interpretation found by

Swedenborg was suitable for all. Each was permitted to construct his own

"science of correspondence" and gather such fruits as he might prefer.

In this way the ravings of revenge can instantly be changed to mercy's

melting tones, and murder's dagger to a smile of love. In this way and

in no other, can we explain the numberless mistakes and crimes ascribed

to God. Thousands of most excellent people, afraid to throw away the

idea of inspiration, hailed with joy a discovery that allowed them to

write a Bible for themselves.

But, whether Swedenborg was right or not, every man who reads a book,

necessarily gets from that book all that he is capable of receiving.

Every man who walks in the forest, or gathers a flower, or looks at a

picture, or stands by the sea, gets all the intellectual wealth he is

capable of receiving. What the forest, the flower, the picture or the

sea is to him, depends upon his mind, and upon the stage of development

he has reached. So that after all, the Bible must be a different book to

each person who reads it, as the revelations of nature depend upon the

individual to whom they are revealed, or by whom they are discovered.

And the extent of the revelation or discovery depends absolutely upon

the intellectual and moral development of the person to whom, or by

whom, the revelation or discovery is made. So that the Bible cannot be

the same to any two people, but each one must necessarily interpret it

for himself. Now, the moment the doctrine is established that we can

give to this book such meanings as are consistent with our highest

ideals; that we can treat the old words as purses or old stockings

in which to put our gold, then, each one will, in effect, make a new

inspired Bible for himself, and throw the old away. If his mind is

narrow, if he has been raised by ignorance and nursed by fear, he

will believe in the literal truth of what he reads. If he has a little

courage he will doubt, and the doubt will with new interpretations

modify the literal text; but if his soul is free he will with scorn

reject it all.

Swedenborg did one thing for which I feel almost grateful. He gave an

account of having met John Calvin in hell. Nothing connected with the

supernatural could be more perfectly natural than this. The only thing

detracting from the value of this report is, that if there is a hell, we

know without visiting the place that John Calvin must be there.

All honest founders of religions have been the dreamers of dreams, the

sport of insanity, the prey of visions, the deceivers of others and of

themselves. All will admit that Swedenborg was a man of great intellect,

of vast acquirements and of honest intentions; and I think it equally

clear that upon one subject, at least, his mind was touched, shattered

and shaken.

Misled by analogies, imposed upon by the bishop, deceived by the woman,

borne to other worlds upon the wings of dreams, living in the twilight

of reason and the dawn of insanity, he regarded every fact as a patched

and ragged garment with a lining of the costliest silk, and insisted

that the wrong side, even of the silk, was far more beautiful than the

right.

Herbert Spencer is almost the opposite of Swedenborg. He relies upon

evidence, upon demonstration, upon experience, and occupies himself with

one world at a time. He perceives that there is a mental horizon that

we cannot pierce, and that beyond that is the unknown--possibly the

unknowable. He endeavors to examine only that which is capable of being

examined, and considers the theological method as not only useless,

but hurtful. After all, God is but a guess, throned and established by

arrogance and assertion. Turning his attention to those things that

have in some way affected the condition of mankind, Spencer leaves the

unknowable to priests and to the believers in the "moral government" of

the world. He sees only natural causes and natural results, and seeks to

induce man to give up gazing into void and empty space, that he may give

his entire attention to the world in which he lives. He sees that right

and wrong do not depend upon the arbitrary will of even an infinite

being, but upon the nature of things; that they are relations, not

entities, and that they cannot exist, so far as we know, apart from

human experience.

It may be that men will finally see that selfishness and self-sacrifice

are both mistakes; that the first devours itself; that the second is

not demanded by the good, and that the bad are unworthy of it. It may be

that our race has never been, and never will be, deserving of a martyr.

Sometime we may see that justice is the highest possible form of mercy

and love, and that all should not only be allowed, but compelled to reap

exactly what they sow; that industry should not support idleness, and

that they who waste the spring and summer and autumn of their lives

should bear the winter when it comes. The fortunate should assist

the victims of accident; the strong should defend the weak, and the

intellectual should lead, with loving hands, the mental poor; but

Justice should remove the bandage from her eyes long enough to

distinguish between the vicious and the unfortunate.

Mr. Spencer is wise enough to declare that "acts are called good or bad

according as they are well or ill adjusted to ends;" and he might have

added, that ends are good or bad according as they affect the happiness

of mankind.

It would be hard to over-estimate the influence of this great man. From

an immense intellectual elevation he has surveyed the world of thought.

He has rendered absurd the idea of special providence, born of the

egotism of savagery. He has shown that the "will of God" is not a rule

for human conduct; that morality is not a cold and heartless tyrant;

that by the destruction of the individual will, a higher life cannot

be reached, and that after all, an intelligent love of self extends the

hand of help and kindness to all the human race.

But had it not been for such men as Thomas Paine, Herbert Spencer could

not have existed for a century to come. Some one had to lead the way,

to raise the standard of revolt, and draw the sword of war. Thomas Paine

was a natural revolutionist. He was opposed to every government existing

in his day. Next to establishing a wise and just republic based upon

the equal rights of man, the best thing that can be done is to destroy a

monarchy.

Paine had a sense of justice, and had imagination enough to put himself

in the place of the oppressed. He had, also, what in these pages is so

felicitously expressed, "a haughty intellectual pride, and a willingness

to pit his individual thought against the clamor of a world."

I cannot believe that he wrote the letters of "Junius," although the two

critiques combined in this volume, entitled "Paine" and "Junius," make

by far the best argument upon that subject I have ever read. First,

Paine could have had no personal hatred against the men so bitterly

assailed by Junius. Second, He knew, at that time, but little of English

politicians, and certainly had never associated with men occupying the

highest positions, and could not have been personally acquainted with

the leading statesmen of England. Third., He was not an unjust man. He

was neither a coward, a calumniator, nor a sneak. All these delightful

qualities must have lovingly united in the character of Junius. Fourth,

Paine could have had no reason for keeping the secret after coming to

America.

I have always believed that Junius, after having written his letters,

accepted office from the very men he had maligned, and at last became

a pensioner of the victims of his slander. "Had he as many mouths as

Hydra, such a course must have closed them all." Certainly the author

must have kept the secret to prevent the loss of his reputation.

It cannot be denied that the style of Junius is much like that of Paine.

Should it be established that Paine wrote the letters of Junius, it

would not, in my judgment, add to his reputation as a writer. Regarded

as literary efforts they cannot be compared with "Common Sense," "The

Crisis," or "The Rights of Man."

The claim that Paine was the real author of the Declaration of

Independence is much better founded. I am inclined to think that he

actually wrote it; but whether this is true or not, every idea contained

in it had been written by him long before. It is now claimed that the

original document is in Paine's handwriting. It certainly is not in

Jefferson's. Certain it is, that Jefferson could not have written

anything so manly, so striking, so comprehensive, so clear, so

convincing, and so faultless in rhetoric and rhythm as the Declaration

of Independence.

Paine was the first man to write these words, "The United States of

America." He was the first great champion of absolute separation

from England. He was the first to urge the adoption of a Federal

Constitution; and, more clearly than any other man of his time, he

perceived the future greatness of this country.

He has been blamed for his attack on Washington. The truth is, he was

in prison in France. He had committed the crime of voting, against the

execution of the king It was the grandest act of his life, but at that

time to be merciful was criminal. Paine; being an American citizen,

asked Washington, then President, to say a word to Robespierre in

his behalf. Washington remained silent. In the calmness of power, the

serenity, of fortune, Washington the President, read the request of

Paine, the prisoner, and with the complacency of assured fame, consigned

to the wastebasket of forgetfulness the patriot's cry for help.

"Time hath, my lord, a wallet at his back,

Wherein he puts alms for oblivion,

A great-sized monster of ingratitudes.

Those scraps are good deeds past, which are devour'd

As fast as they are made, forgot as soon

As done."

In this controversy, my sympathies are with the prisoner.

Paine did more to free the mind, to destroy the power of ministers and

priests in the New World, than any other man. In order to answer his

arguments, the churches found it necessary to attack his character.

There was a general resort to falsehood. In trying to destroy the

reputation of Paine, the churches have demoralized themselves. Nearly

every minister has been a willing witness against the truth. Upon the

grave of Thomas Paine, the churches of America have sacrificed their

honor. The influence of the Hero author increases every day, and there

are more copies of the "Age of Reason" sold in the United States, than

of any work written in defence of the Christian religion. Hypocrisy,

with its forked tongue, its envious and malignant heart, lies coiled

upon the memory of Paine, ready to fasten its poisonous fangs in the

reputation of any man who dares defend the great and generous dead.

Leaving the dust and glory of revolutions, let us spend a moment of

quiet with Adam Smith. I was glad to find that a man's ideas upon the

subject of protection and free trade depend almost entirely upon the

country in which he lives, or the business in which he happens to

be engaged, and that, after all, each man regards the universe as a

circumference of which he is the center. It gratified me to learn that

even Adam Smith was no exception to this rule, and that he regarded

all "protection as a hurtful and ignorant interference," except when

exercised for the good of Great Britain. Owing to the fact that his

nationality quarreled with his philosophy, he succeeded in writing

a book that is quoted with equal satisfaction by both parties. The

protectionists rely upon the exceptions he made for England, and the

free traders upon the doctrines laid down for other countries.

He seems to have reasoned upon the question of money precisely as we

have, of late years, in the United States; and he has argued both sides

equally well. Poverty asks for inflation. Wealth is conservative, and

always says there is money enough.

Upon the question of money, this volume contains the best thing I have

ever read: "The only mode of procuring the service of others, on any

large scale, in the absence of money, is by force, which is slavery.

Money, by constituting a medium in which the smallest services can be

paid for, substitutes wages for the lash, and renders the liberty of

the individual consistent with the maintenance and support of society."

There is more philosophy in that one paragraph than Adam Smith expresses

in his whole work. It may truthfully be said, that without money,

liberty is impossible. No one, whatever his views may be, can read the

article on Adam Smith without profit and delight.

The discussion of the money question is in every respect admirable, and

is as candid as able. The world will sooner or later learn that there is

nothing miraculous in finance; that money is a real and tangible thing,

a product of labor, serving not merely as a medium of exchange but as

a basis of credit as well; that it cannot be created by an act of the

Legislature; that dreams cannot be coined, and that only labor, in some

form, can put, upon the hand of want, Alladin's magic ring.

Adam Smith wrote upon the wealth of nations, while Charles Fourier

labored for the happiness of mankind. In this country, few seem

to understand communism. While here, it may be regarded as vicious

idleness, armed with the assassin's knife and the incendiary's torch, in

Europe, it is a different thing. There, it is a reaction from Feudalism.

Nobility is communism in its worst possible form. Nothing can be worse

than for idleness to eat the bread of industry. Communism in Europe

is not the "stand and deliver" of the robber, but the protest of the

robbed. Centuries ago, kings and priests, that is to say, thieves and

hypocrites, divided Europe among themselves. Under this arrangement, the

few were masters and the many slaves. Nearly every government in the

Old World rests upon simple brute force. It is hard for the many to

understand why the few should own the soil. Neither can they clearly

see why they should give their brain and blood to those who steal their

birthright and their bread. It has occurred to them that they who do the

most should not receive the least, and that, after all, an industrious

peasant is of far more value to the world than a vain and idle king.

The Communists of France, blinded as they were, made the Republic

possible. Had they joined with their countrymen, the invaders would have

been repelled, and some Napoleon would still have occupied the throne.

Socialism perceives that Germany has been enslaved by victory, while

France found liberty in defeat. In Russia the Nihilists prefer chaos to

the government of the bayonet, Siberia and the knout, and these intrepid

men have kept upon the coast of despotism one beacon fire of hope.

As a matter of fact, every society is a species of communism--a kind

of co-operation in which selfishness, in spite of itself, benefits the

community. Every industrious man adds to the wealth, not only of his

nation, but to that of the world. Every inventor increases human power,

and every sculptor, painter and poet adds to the value of human life.

Fourier, touched by the sufferings of the poor as well as by the barren

joys of hoarded wealth, and discovering the vast advantages of combined

effort, and the immense economy of co-operation, sought to find some way

for men to help themselves by helping each other. He endeavored to do

away with monopoly and competition, and to ascertain some method by

which the sensuous, the moral, and the intellectual passions of man

could be gratified.

For my part I can place no confidence in any system that does away, or

tends to do away, with the institution of marriage. I can conceive of no

civilization of which the family must not be the unit.

Societies cannot be made; they must grow. Philosophers may predict, but

they cannot create. They may point out as many ways as they please; but

after all, humanity will travel in paths of its own.

Fourier sustained about the same relation to this world that Swedenborg

did to the other. There must be something wrong about the brain of one

who solemnly asserts that, "the elephant, the ox and the diamond, were

created by the sun; the horse, the lily and the ruby, by Saturn; the

cow, the jonquil and the topaz by Jupiter; and the dog, the violet and

the opal stones by the earth itself."

And yet, forgetting these aberrations of the mind, this lunacy of a

great and loving soul, for one, I hold in tender-est regard the memory

of Charles Fourier, one of the best and noblest of our race.

While Fourier was in his cradle, Jeremy Bentham, who read history when

three years old, played on the violin at five, "and at fifteen detected

the fallacies of Blackstone," was demonstrating that the good was the

useful; that a thing was right because it paid in the highest and best

sense; that utility was the basis of morals; that without allowing

interest to be paid upon money commerce could not exist; and that

the object of all human governments should be to secure the greatest

happiness of the greatest number. He read Hume and Helvetius, threw away

the Thirty-nine Articles, and endeavored to impress upon the English

Law the fact that its ancestor was a feudal savage. He held the past in

contempt, hated Westminster and despised Oxford. He combated the

idea that governments were originally founded on contract. Locke and

Blackstone talked as though men originally lived apart, and formed

societies by agreement. These writers probably imagined that at one time

the trees were separated like telegraph poles, and finally came together

and made groves by agreement. I believe that it was Pufendorf who said

that slavery was originally founded on contract. To which Voltaire

replied:--"If my lord Pufendorf will produce the original contract

_signed by the party who was to be the slave_, I will admit the truth of

his statement."

A contract back of society is a myth manufactured by those in power to

serve as a title to place, and to impress the multitude with the

idea that they are, in some mysterious way, bound, fettered, and even

benefited by its terms.

The glory of Bentham is, that he gave the true basis of morals, and

furnished statesmen with the star and compass of this sentence:--"The

greatest happiness of the greatest number."

Most scientists have deferred to the theologians. They have admitted

that some questions could not, at present, be solved. These admissions

have been thankfully received by the clergy, who have always begged for

some curtain to be left, behind which their God could still exist. Men

calling themselves "scientific" have tried to harmonize the "apparent"

discrepancies between the Bible and the _other_ works of Jehovah. In

this way they have made reputations. They were at once quoted by

the ministers as wonderful examples of piety and learning. These men

discounted the future that they might enjoy the ignorant praise of the

present. Agassiz preferred the applause of Boston, while he lived, to

the reverence of a world after he was dead. Small men appear great only

when they agree with the multitude.

The last Scientific Congress in America was opened with prayer. Think

of a science that depends upon the efficacy of words addressed to the

Unknown and Unknowable!

In our country, most of the so-called scientists are professors in

sectarian colleges, in which Moses is considered a geologist, and

Joshua an astronomer. For the most part their salaries depend upon

the ingenuity with which they can explain away facts and dodge

demonstration.

The situation is about the same in England. When Mr. Huxley saw fit to

attack the Mosaic account of the creation, he did not deem it advisable

to say plainly what he meant. He attacked the account of creation as

given by Milton, although he knew that the Mosaic and Miltonic were

substantially the same. Science has acted like a guest without a wedding

garment, and has continually apologized for existing. In the presence

of arrogant absurdity, overawed by the patronizing airs of a successful

charlatan, it has played the role of a "poor relation," and accepted,

while sitting below the salt, insults as honors.

There can be no more pitiable sight than a scientist in the employ of

superstition dishonoring himself without assisting his master. But there

are a multitude of brave and tender men who give their honest thoughts,

who are true to nature, who give the facts and let consequences shirk

for themselves, who know the value and meaning of a truth, and who have

bravely tried the creeds by scientific tests.

Among the bravest, side by side with the greatest of the world, in

Germany, the land of science, stands Ernst Haeckel, who may be said

to have not only demonstrated the theories of Darwin, but the Monistic

conception of the world. Rejecting all the puerile ideas of a personal

Creator, he has had the courage to adopt the noble words of Bruno:--"A

spirit exists in all things, and no body is so small but it contains a

part of the divine substance within itself, by which it is animated." He

has endeavored--and I think with complete success--to show that there is

not, and never was, and never can be the _Creator_ of anything. There

is no more a personal Creator than there is a personal destroyer. Matter

and force must have existed from eternity, all generation must have been

spontaneous, and the simplest organisms must have been the ancestors of

the most perfect and complex.

Haeckel is one of the bitterest enemies of the church, and is,

therefore, one of the bravest friends of man.

Catholicism was, at one time, the friend of education--of an education

sufficient to make a Catholic out of a barbarian. Protestantism was also

in favor of education--of an education sufficient to make a Protestant

out of a Catholic. But now, it having been demonstrated that real

education will make Freethinkers, Catholics and Protestants both are the

enemies of true learning.

In all countries where human beings are held in bondage, it is a crime

to teach a slave to read and write. Masters know that education is an

abolitionist, and theologians know that science is the deadly foe of

every creed in Christendom.

In the age of Faith, a personal god stood at the head of every

department of ignorance, and was supposed to be the King of kings, the

rewarder and punisher of individuals, and the governor of nations.

The worshipers of this god have always regarded the men in love with

simple facts, as Atheists in disguise. And it must be admitted that

nothing is more Atheistic than a fact. Pure science is necessarily

godless, It is incapable of worship. It investigates, and cannot afford

to shut its eyes even long enough to pray. There was a time when those

who disputed the divine right of kings were denounced as blasphemous;

but the time came when liberty demanded that a personal god should be

retired from politics. In our country this was substantially done in

1776, when our fathers declared that all power to govern came from

the consent of the governed. The cloud-theory was abandoned, and one

government has been established for the benefit of mankind. Our fathers

did not keep God out of the Constitution from principle, but from

jealousy. Each church, in colonial times, preferred to live in single

blessedness rather than see some rival wedded to the state. Mutual

hatred planted our tree of religious liberty. A constitution without a

god has at last given us a nation without a slave.

A personal god sustains the same relation to religion as to politics.

The Deity is a master, and man a serf; and this relation is inconsistent

with true progress. The Universe ought to be a pure democracy--an

infinite republic without a tyrant and without a chain.

Auguste Comte endeavored to put humanity in the place of Jehovah, and no

conceivable change can be more desirable than this. This great man did

not, like some of his followers, put a mysterious something called law

in the place of God, which is simply giving the old master a new name.

Law is this side of phenomena, not the other. It is not the cause,

neither is it the result of phenomena. The fact of succession and

resemblance, that is to say, the same thing happening under the same

conditions, is all we mean by law. No one can conceive of a law

existing apart from matter, or controlling matter, any more than he can

understand the eternal procession of the Holy Ghost, or motion apart

from substance. We are beginning to see that law does not, and cannot

exist as an entity, but that it is only a conception of the mind to

express the fact that the same entities, under the same conditions,

produce the same results. Law does not produce the entities, the

conditions, or the results, or even the sameness of the results.

Neither does it affect the relations of entities, nor the result of such

relations, but it stands simply for the fact that the same causes, under

the same conditions, eternally have produced and eternally will produce

the same results.

The metaphysicians are always giving us explanations of phenomena which

are as difficult to understand as the phenomena they seek to explain;

and the believers in God establish their dogmas by miracles, and then

substantiate the miracles by assertion.

The Designer of the teleologist, the First Cause of the religious

philosopher, the Vital Force of the biologist, and the law of the

half-orthodox scientist, are all the shadowy children of ignorance and

fear.

The Universe is all there is. It is both subject and object;

contemplator and contemplated; creator and created; destroyer and

destroyed; preserver and preserved; and within itself are all causes,

modes, motions and effects.

Unable in some things to rise above the superstitions of his day,

Comte adopted not only the machinery, but some of the prejudices, of

Catholicism. He made the mistake of Luther. He tried to reform the

Church of Rome. Destruction is the only reformation of which that church

is capable. Every religion is based upon a misconception, not only of

the cause of phenomena, but of the real object of life; that is to say,

upon falsehood; and the moment the truth is known and understood, these

religions must fall. In the field of thought, they are briers, thorns,

and noxious weeds; on the shores of intellectual discovery, they are

sirens, and in the forests that the brave thinkers are now penetrating,

they are the wild beasts, fanged and monstrous.

You cannot reform these weeds. Sirens cannot be changed into good

citizens; and such wild beasts, even when tamed, are of no possible use.

Destruction is the only remedy. Reformation is a hospital where the new

philosophy exhausts its strength nursing the old religion.

There was, in the brain of the great Frenchman, the dawn of that happy

day in which humanity will be the only religion, good the only god,

happiness the only object, restitution the only atonement, mistake the

only sin, and affection, guided by intelligence, the only savior of

mankind. This dawn enriched his poverty, illuminated the darkness of

his life, peopled his loneliness with the happy millions yet to be, and

filled his eyes with proud and tender tears.

A few years ago I asked the superintendent of Pere La Chaise if he knew

where I could find the tomb of Auguste Comte. He had never heard even

the name of the author of the "Positive Philosophy." I asked him if

he had ever heard of Napoleon Bonaparte. In a half-insulted tone,

he replied, "Of course I have, why do you ask me such a question?"

"Simply," was my answer, "that I might have the opportunity of saying,

that when everything connected with Napoleon, except his crimes, shall

have been forgotten, Auguste Comte will be lovingly remembered as a

benefactor of the human race."

The Jewish God must be dethroned! A personal Deity must go back to

the darkness of barbarism from whence he came. The theologians must

abdicate, and popes, priests, and clergymen, labeled as "extinct

species," must occupy the mental museums of the future.

In my judgment, this book, filled with original thought, will hasten the

coming of that blessed time.

Washington, D. C., Nov. 29,1879.

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