REPUBLIC OF SALVADOR.
1839-1865.
MALESPIN'S ACTS—LINDO'S COUP D'ETAT AND DEPOSAL—JEFE
GUZMAN—REVOLT AT SANTA ANA—PRESIDENT AGUILAR—THE
BISHOP EXPELLED—VITERI'S ALLIANCE WITH MALESPIN AND
HONDURAN OLIGARCHS—PRESIDENT VASCONCELOS—BRITISH
HOSTILITIES—SALVADOR'S RELATIONS WITH FOREIGN POWERS—SAN
MARTIN'S ADMINISTRATION—DESTRUCTION OF SAN SALVADOR—PRESIDENT
CAMPO—CAMPAIGN AGAINST WALKER IN NICARAGUA—ESTABLISHMENT
OF THE REPUBLIC—SANTIN'S OVERTHROW—PRESIDENCY OF GERARDO
BARRIOS—WAR OF SALVADOR AND HONDURAS AGAINST GUATEMALA AND
NICARAGUA—THE LATTER VICTORIOUS—BARRIOS' FLIGHT—RESTORATION
OF PEACE—DUEÑAS AS PRESIDENT—BARRIOS' SUBSEQUENT RETURN—HIS
CAPTURE AND SURRENDER BY NICARAGUA—HIS EXECUTION IN SAN
SALVADOR.
The constituent assembly of Salvador, installed at Zacatecoluca on
the 1st of August, 1839, after a recess reopened its session on the 2d
of January, 1841, and on the 4th there was laid before it an address,
signed by Colonel Francisco Malespin, as comandante general, and his
officers who took part in the revolt of September 20th, spoken of
elsewhere. In the document they disclaimed hostility to Jefe Cañas or
his minister, or any intent to override the laws, asserting that they
were, on the contrary, actuated by a strong desire to give security to
the state, and save themselves from impending destruction.[XIV-1] This
address was regarded by the liberals as a threat, inasmuch as Malespin
with the garrison had wrongfully assumed a right to deliberate upon
public affairs.
Norberto Ramirez, now jefe of Salvador by the grace of Malespin, could
no longer brook that officer's interference, and resigned,[XIV-2] Juan
Lindo being called to succeed him on the 7th of January. The assembly
and chief magistrate of the state were both now under the sword of
Malespin, which in its turn was controlled by Carrera of Guatemala.
That body, on the 30th of January, 1841, passed an act to call the
state in future República del Salvador.[XIV-3] The second constitution
of Salvador was adopted on the 18th of February.[XIV-4] Under it the
legislature had two chambers. Lindo, the jefe, had a most unpleasant
position, believing himself surrounded by conspirators. Counting on
Malespin's support, on the 6th of November, 1841, with a coup d'etat
he dissolved the chambers, because among its members were some friends
of Morazan.[XIV-5] His act caused much indignation in several towns,
and on the 13th of January, 1842, three senators, namely, J. V. Nuila,
Lupario Vides, and Antonio José Cañas, at San Vicente, resolved to
restore constitutional order. The legislative body in consequence
assembled there, and made a stirring address to the people, embodying
the policy they intended to pursue.[XIV-6] Lindo tried to justify his
act of November 6th, but failed, and Senator Escolástico Marin was
called to temporarily occupy the executive chair,[XIV-7] with authority
to establish the state capital where most expedient.[XIV-8] The
government continued for the time being in San Vicente, and the people
were called upon to choose a president of the state.
[Sidenote: ARCE, MARIN, GUZMAN.]
Marin held the executive authority a few days only. He had been
preceded by Pedro Arce, and was succeeded by Juan José Guzman. The
difficulties of the state had not come to an end. Guzman favored the
conservative element, as shown in his decree of June 3, 1842, issued
after hearing that Morazan was in Costa Rica, to cut off all relations
with that state.[XIV-9] He left the executive office in July, and
resumed its duties again in September, declaring in a proclamation that
he would deal mercilessly with disturbers of the public peace.
The two legislative chambers were installed at San Vicente on the 17th
of September, and on the 20th counted the votes for president of the
state. No candidate having the requisite majority, Guzman was asked
to continue provisionally in charge of the government. His inaugural
address was a repetition of his manifesto of the 7th, greatly pleasing
the conservatives.[XIV-10] But harmony was not long to prevail between
Salvador and Guatemala. The trouble arose from the independent action
of Salvador in granting an asylum to the remnants of Morazan's forces
against the protests of Guatemala and Honduras, even though the final
decree of admission contained some very severe clauses.[XIV-11] Another
cause of dissatisfaction against Salvador was that Guzman would not
muzzle the press. The independence of Guzman, and the disposition
shown by Malespin not to be at all times a facile instrument of the
aristocrats, prompted the latter to promote an insurrection of the
volcaneños of Santa Ana for their overthrow.[XIV-12] Salvador, though
under the pressure of aristocratic control, still had a leaven of
progression that made itself felt. The publication of _El Amigo del
Pueblo_ was an evidence of this fact. The Aycinenas, Pavon, Luis
Batres, and Chatfield, unable to compete with it in the field of
discussion, demanded its suppression.[XIV-13]
Guzman in his correspondence with Pavon upheld that journal, and
Malespin would read it with satisfaction.[XIV-14] Guatemala resolved at
least to use coercion. Carrera established his headquarters at Jutiapa
to favor the volcaneños in their rebellion.[XIV-15]
[Sidenote: REVOLUTION.]
The cordial reception given in October to Colonel M. Quijans,
commissioner accredited by Nicaragua to Salvador to negotiate a treaty
of friendship and alliance, was displeasing to Bishop Viteri, who took
advantage of Guzman's absence at San Vicente, in the latter part of
that month, to bring about a quarrel between him and Malespin. The
latter at this time was said to be in poor health, and the bishop often
visited him, and in other ways manifested interest for him. Viteri
had directed his clergy to abstain from interference in political
affairs, and yet he preached against Morazan and those who had
banished Archbishop Casans. The Dominican Vazquez[XIV-16] was virulent,
declaring that the ecclesiastical authority would never be under the
civil, and threatening the people that the priests would abandon them
to suffer from plagues, epidemics, war, and famine, if they continued
their iniquitous hostility to the church.[XIV-17]
The revolution was now a fact. Viteri and Malespin supported Fray
Vazquez, or Fray Veneno, as he was nicknamed. Once Vazquez fulminated
from the pulpit a number of diatribes against President Guzman, at
the same time bestowing much praise on Carrera. The result was an
order from Guzman, then at San Miguel, to bring the friar there as
a prisoner. The bishop remonstrated to Malespin against the order,
demanding an escort, as he wished to end the insults to the church by
himself leaving the state. Malespin tried to dissuade him from his
purpose, and he grew more energetic.[XIV-18] A great tumult ensued
one night in the city, when Viteri, Malespin, and Vazquez received an
ovation from the rabble of La Vega and San Jacinto, amid repeated cries
of "Mueran los judios! mueran los herejes! mueran los impíos!"
Malespin went off to San Miguel, and had some violent correspondence
with the president; the latter threatened to expose his intrigues if
he did not forthwith depart from San Miguel, and then retired to his
hacienda, leaving the state in the hands of Malespin.[XIV-19] Guzman's
downfall was hailed with joy in Guatemala and Honduras. In Comayagua
it was celebrated with salvos of artillery. After Malespin's return
to San Salvador, to please the bishop several persons were banished,
and the _Amigo del Pueblo_ was suppressed. The executive office, by
Guzman's abandonment of it, went into the hands of Pedro Arce, the
vice-president. The two chambers of the assembly opened their session
on the 30th of January, 1844. No presidential candidate having a
constitutional majority, the assembly chose Malespin president, and he
assumed his new duties on the 5th of February, after reading before
the two bodies in assembly convened a discourse on his great love
for law, justice, and peace. It would have sounded well from the lips
of a liberal, and it is barely possible that Malespin expressed his
sentiments at that moment. But his education, his habits, and the fatal
influence of the men that swayed him, constantly took him out of the
right path. As he was under the control of Bishop Viteri, the country
must go back to the days of obscurantism. The effects of it were soon
made patent.[XIV-20]
The bishop succeeded in driving out of the state the opponents of his
theocratic ideas, and in bringing about a change in the government;
in fact, everything had been conceded him, and his influence was
paramount. And yet he was not satisfied. He would have the Salvadorans
believe him a deity, but they arrived at the conclusion that by a
great fatality their first bishop had turned out to be a pernicious
revolutionist.
In connection with the general history of Central America, I have
given the principal events of Salvador down to 1845, when, under the
treaty of Sensenti, after a long and exhaustive war with Honduras,
the state was rid of the ominous rule of the brutal Malespin. With
the discontinuance of the war there was no need of raising further
loans; the military establishment was reduced to a minimum, and the
authorities and people hastened to restore the constitutional régime;
to which end elections of senators and deputies were at once had, in
order that the assembly should meet on the 15th of January, 1846, for
the term of Vice-president Joaquin Eustacio Guzman, who had charge of
the executive authority, would expire on the 1st of February.[XIV-21]
On this date he surrendered the office to Senator Fermin Palacios. The
assembly did not meet till four days after. The presidential election
did not yield a sufficient majority in favor of any one, and the
assembly then appointed Eugenio Aguilar.[XIV-22] The president was a
good Christian, and attended with regularity to his religious duties
as a catholic; and yet Viteri called him a heretic; the reason of it
being that Aguilar was a stickler for a constitutional government of
the people, and the bishop was an oligarch. The latter now invented
the fiction that the president had the intention of exiling him; he
had the people in the wards of Candelaria, San Estévan, and Calvario
told that their bishop was to be sent out of the country in the night
of the 11th of July. He was believed by the simple-minded people when
he assured them that Aguilar and others[XIV-23] were at the bottom of
it. His report made a commotion though not quite so great a one as he
had expected. Nevertheless, he made the most of it, writing to the
president, on the 11th of July, that he knew of the plot to repeat
with him what had been done with Archbishop Casans, in 1829.[XIV-24]
Aguilar was greatly surprised, and believing that with a few words
he could convince the bishop of his error, that same afternoon paid
the prelate a visit. He found a large concourse of people, before
whom the charge was reiterated, and no assurance to the contrary was
accepted. A tumult following, the president had the chief guard-house
reënforced. Fortunately, a heavy rain scattered to their homes the
crowds in the streets; but a considerable number of men ran into
the episcopal residence. That night, several persons representing
Viteri went to the barracks and demanded Aguilar's resignation. The
president meekly assured them of his willingness to retire to private
life rather than be the author of any disturbance. Viteri now thought
Aguilar was vanquished, but he had not counted on the determination
of other Salvadorans to uphold the laws and the government. Quiet
was restored for the time, and Aguilar went to his home at midnight
unmolested. The next day there was much rioting, and an attempt failed
to release the prisoners in the jail.[XIV-25] The rioters were finally
defeated, and the bishop had nothing to show for his conduct but the
blood shed at his instigation.[XIV-26] Aguilar again, after the people
had upheld his authority, showed the weakness of his character in
placing the executive office in the hands of Senator Palacios; which
emboldened Viteri to continue his intrigues and cause further trouble.
He issued a pastoral on the 16th of July, printed in his own house,
which reiterated the accusation against the president, and other
matters; that pastoral[XIV-27] was fatal to his views, for the people
of Salvador made Aguilar resume the presidency. The president, in a
long manifesto, explained his conduct, and issued a decree to enforce
the articles of the penal code against ecclesiastics who made use of
their ministerial office to promote political disturbances.[XIV-28]
The bishop, condemned by public opinion, fled to Guatemala, and the
president then on the 29th revoked a decree of Palacios of July 12th,
and ordered Viteri not to return to Salvadoran territory.
[Sidenote: A WEAK EXECUTIVE.]
Peace and order prevailed after Viteri's departure, and the people
again devoted themselves to their usual vocations. But the bishop
managed with Malespin and the Honduran oligarchs, notwithstanding the
treaty of Sensenti, to bring about a revolution in Salvador.[XIV-29]
Malespin attacked Chalatenango, in Salvador, whereupon orders
were given to send troops after him.[XIV-30] Viteri who had once
excommunicated Malespin, and aided in his overthrow, now said that he
was destined by divine providence to defend the religion and rights of
the people of Salvador, which had been infamously abused and usurped
by their government. Malespin preached religion, and acted like the
famous king of the Huns. But his prestige was gone, and at Dulce Nombre
de la Palma he met with his first reverse, when he retreated to Dulce
Nombre de María, a town twelve miles from the Honduran frontier, and
invited Viteri to join him; but that worthy sent him his blessing,
and would not expose his person to the hazards of war. Malespin was
defeated again by eight hundred men under General Nicolás Angulo, and
fled into Honduras, leaving arms and ammunition. Efforts were made
to induce the people of Santa Ana to join Ignacio Malespin; but the
bishop's letters to rouse them availed but little. He found no favor
among the volcaneños, and on his way along the coast to reach Santiago
Nonualco was captured, prosecuted, and executed, with some of his
accomplices.[XIV-31] Francisco Malespin was killed at San Fernando,
near Honduras, the inhabitants cutting off his head, and carrying it as
a trophy to San Salvador.[XIV-32] Bishop Viteri in 1847 went to reside
in Nicaragua, becoming a citizen of the state, to which diocese he was
subsequently translated by the pope. Nothing worthy of mention occurred
within the state in 1847. The Salvador government now represented
the liberal party in Central America, and devoted its attention to
education, arts, and industries.
[Sidenote: PRESIDENT VASCONCELOS.]
The presidential term under the constitution being only of two years,
elections were orderly effected, and the assembly opened its session on
the 25th of January, 1848. Doroteo Vasconcelos was the popular choice
for the presidential term of 1848, and entered upon his duties on the
7th of February, 1848.[XIV-33] In a conciliatory address he eschewed
all spirit of partisanship, tendering to all his fellow-citizens peace,
justice, and union.[XIV-34] For all that, the oligarchs abhorred him.
Indeed, his government and Carrera's could not exist so near each
other. The aristocrats well knew he was not to be won over to their
side, as well as the difficulties they must work against to undermine
his popularity. But they looked for early success from internal
dissension and other sources.[XIV-35] Aguilar's administration had
refused to recognize the republic of Guatemala, and Vasconcelos' could
do no less.[XIV-36]
The territory was twice invaded by troops of Guatemala in pursuit of
insurgents, against which Vasconcelos remonstrated, and satisfaction
was given and accepted with good grace. He was observing a policy of
expectancy, albeit on his guard. Guatemala was then in the throes
of revolution from which he expected to see the Central American
nation spring into a second life; but he was mistaken in the means
he employed. A few proclamations, written in Guatemala by well-known
persons, and appearing in the name of Francisco Carrillo, spoke of
the independence of Los Altos as the aim of a revolution such as
Vasconcelos wanted.[XIV-37] Not that he expected to see an absolute
equality of the state, but that there should not be such differences as
existed under the constitution of 1824. He believed himself supported,
and steadily marched on upon a path that led to his ruin, carrying down
with him the whole liberal party of Central America.
Vasconcelos labored for a federation of three states—Guatemala,
Salvador, and Los Altos—which once consolidated, Nicaragua and Honduras
would doubtlessly join, and later on attract Costa Rica to do the same.
This idea had no opposition before the revolution of August 1848, in
Guatemala. Vasconcelos received many offers of support to prosecute
his plan. He accordingly instructed Dueñas and General Angulo to enter
into arrangements with General Nufio of Chiquimula, and made every
possible effort to force Carrera's resignation on the 15th of August,
1848; but some of the liberals of Guatemala, after ridding themselves
of Carrera, neglected Vasconcelos. Dueñas was sent there with ample
powers for the organization of a republic of Central America, but he
was slighted, and accomplished nothing. During his stay in Guatemala,
a decree was enacted on the 14th of September, 1848, according to
which that state was declared a sovereign nation and independent
republic.[XIV-38] Vasconcelos, with all his liberalism, and placed as
he was at the head of a liberty-loving democratic people, was still
under the influence of the old colonial traditions. He as well as his
people looked with admiration at the greatness of the United States of
America, but lacked the courage to emulate their example. The United
States had no official church, but Salvador recognized one. Licenciado
Ignacio Gomez was despatched to Rome to negotiate the recall of Bishop
Viteri, the appointment of another prelate, and the conclusion of a
concordat.[XIV-39] His mission was so far successful that on the 3d of
July, 1848, Tomás Miguel Pineda y Zaldaña was preconizated as bishop
of Antigona in partibus infidelium, and given the administration of
the diocese of Salvador, with the right of succession. The news of
this appointment was received with joy, and Vasconcelos erroneously
expected to have a support in the new prelate,[XIV-40] when there was
more likelihood of his coinciding with Pavon and his confrères. Indeed,
Zaldaña, from his greater wariness, was a more dangerous man than
Viteri.
The legislative chambers met on the 5th of February, 1849. The
president's term would end with the beginning of 1850, and there could
be no reëlection under the constitution.[XIV-41] But Vasconcelos'
friends insisted on his being reëlected, necessitating an amendment of
the fundamental law, and in spite of opposition obtained an act of the
assembly permitting the reëlection.[XIV-42] This was an unfortunate
move, as it divided the liberal party, and encouraged Dueñas, who
wanted the presidency, and was not scrupulous as to the means of
attaining it, to redouble his manœuvres, even though he must call to
his aid Carrera and Luis Batres.
* * * * *
[Sidenote: BRITISH INTERMEDDLING.]
In 1849, Salvador became involved in a quarrel with the British chargé
d'affaires, Chatfield, resulting from alleged claims preferred by
him with his usual haughtiness, on behalf of fellow-subjects of his.
Vasconcelos' government looked on these claims as unjust, and refused
them recognition. Chatfield then caused the blockading by a naval force
of La Union, the port from which Salvador derived the greater portion
of her revenue.[XIV-43] Unable to resist, her government agreed on
the 12th of November, 1849, to acknowledge the indebtedness, and make
provision for its payment. The blockade was then raised.[XIV-44] But
this did not end the disagreements between Chatfield and the Salvador
government. On the 6th of August he made peremptory demands,[XIV-45]
coupled with a menace that if not complied with at once the coasts
of the state would be blockaded by British war ships then coming to
act under his instructions. The government of Salvador did not comply
with the demands,[XIV-46] and on the 16th of October port La Union was
blockaded by the British ship _Champion_, whose commander notified the
authorities that if within ten days full satisfaction were not given
for the insults to the British flag, the blockade would be extended
to the whole coast, another vessel being despatched to Acajutla to
enforce it. No satisfaction having been given as demanded, that menace
was carried out. The difficulties remained unsettled in the latter part
of February 1851, though the British war vessels had retired.[XIV-47]
But they were subsequently arranged in an amicable manner. With the
exception of these troubles, and the repeated differences with the
other states of Central America, Salvador has maintained friendly
relations with foreign powers, most of which have treaties with her on
terms satisfactory to all concerned.[XIV-48]
* * * * *
[Sidenote: MULTIPLIED HOSTILITIES.]
Vasconcelos was not more successful in preserving peace within the
state than in forcing Guatemala to abandon the policy she had adopted
of maintaining an absolute autonomy. In his invasion of that neighbor's
territory early in 1851, as we have seen in the previous chapter, he
was worsted, which roused popular indignation against him, followed by
a revolt, and his deposal by congress.[XIV-49] On the 1st of March, the
substitute, J. F. Quiroz, was called to occupy the executive chair, and
did so.[XIV-50] The president for the constitutional term 1852-3 was
Francisco Dueñas, who succeeded in settling the differences existing
between Salvador and Guatemala.
A serious disagreement having occurred between Salvador and Honduras,
leading to hostilities, the government of Guatemala, then at war
with Honduras, despatched a force to Ahuachapan in aid of Dueñas,
who apprehended an invasion.[XIV-51] Toward the end of this term José
María de San Martin was chosen for the next. The state now returned in
peace to its interior affairs, adopting important improvements.[XIV-52]
There were not wanting, however, some attempts to disturb the public
peace, which were fortunately defeated. But the country became at
that time the victim of other calamities, such as cholera, scarcity
of food resulting from a visitation of locusts, and an earthquake
which destroyed San Salvador on the 16th of April, 1854,[XIV-53] in
consequence of which the capital was removed to Cojutepeque, where it
remained for some time.
Rafael Campo and Francisco Dueñas were elected president and
vice-president, respectively, for the ensuing term of 1856-7; and the
latter being in charge of the executive office in January 1856, in
Campo's absence, fitted out a contingent of troops to aid Nicaragua in
her struggle with Walker's filibusters. Campo despatched reënforcements
in 1857, the Salvador forces being under command of General Gerardo
Barrios, who, according to Perez, never went beyond Leon,[XIV-54] but
undertook to arrange the internal affairs of Nicaragua, convoking a
junta de notables, which proclaimed Juan Sacasa president. This had no
effect, however.
The state had, in 1856, constituted itself as a free and independent
nation, under the name of República del Salvador.[XIV-55] This act was
confirmed March 19, 1864, by the national constituent congress.
[Sidenote: CAMPO AND BARRIOS.]
General Belloso, Colonel Choto, and other officers of the expedition
deserted in June from Leon. Barrios sent troops after them, and they
were arrested in Salvador and taken as prisoners to Cojutepeque, where
they told President Campo that Barrios had invited them to make a
revolution against his government. They were set at liberty on the 8th.
Barrios landed at La Libertad with his forces on the 6th, and marched
to San Salvador, whence he wrote Campo he had occupied that place to
defeat the revolutionary schemes of Belloso and Choto. Orders were sent
him to dissolve the forces and go to Cojutepeque with 200 men. On the
11th Barrios, together with his officers, made a pronunciamiento to
depose Campo and call Dueñas to the presidency.[XIV-56] The president
on the 12th called troops to the support of his government, placed
San Salvador and Cojutepeque under martial law, and declared all
acts emanating from the vice-president void. But it seems that the
latter refused to lend himself to Barrios' plan, but on the contrary,
supported Campo.[XIV-57] Barrios himself submitted.[XIV-58]
Campo's successor was Miguel Santin del Castillo. This president's
tenure of office was of short duration. In 1858 a coup d'etat of
Barrios, then a senator, in which he was aided by the vice-president
Guzman, his father-in-law, forced Santin to resign. Barrios
subsequently obtained from the legislative assembly, sitting from
January 17 to February 12, 1859, the sanction of his coup d'etat,
as well as the constitutional amendments that he had not been able
to carry through legally during Santin's rule, namely, to extend the
presidential term from two to six years, and that of the deputies from
two to four years.[XIV-59] The year 1859 was one of restlessness,
engendered partly by the ungrounded fear of invasion by Santin's
friends, who had taken refuge in neighboring states, and partly by
Barrios' efforts to secure his own election to the presidency, in
which he was successful. In August 1859 the existing disagreements
between Salvador and Honduras, resulting from intrigues of refugees
from the former, were brought to an end through the mediation of
Guatemala.[XIV-60]
[Sidenote: INVASION OF SANTA ANA.]
The republic seemed to have attained a comparatively stable condition
at the incoming of 1860. Barrios had been elected president, and
recognized as such by the assembly.[XIV-61] He concluded in 1862
to hold diplomatic relations with the vice-president, who under the
constitution of Honduras was entitled to occupy the executive chair
of that state at the death of President Guardiola, and was favored
by public opinion, although Carrera of Guatemala was upholding
Medina, a usurper of the presidency. A treaty of alliance, both
defensive and offensive, was entered into between Salvador and
this vice-president,[XIV-62] which displeased Carrera; he demanded
explanations, and they were given him.[XIV-63] The latter found
an excuse to pick a quarrel with Barrios in the question with the
Salvador clergy, who had been required to take an oath of allegiance
to the government,[XIV-64] which they refused to do, Bishop Pineda y
Zaldaña and a number of his subordinates repairing to Guatemala, where
they were honorably received. Barrios was accused in the official
journal of setting aside the conservative policy promised at his
inauguration.[XIV-65] An expedition, under Colonel Saenz, believed to
have been aided by Carrera, invaded Santa Ana at the cry of Viva la
religion! Viva el obispo! and took the city, but were soon driven away
by the citizens. Carrera disclaimed any connection with this affair.
Some time after came Máximo Jerez, as minister of Nicaragua, proposing
a plan of national union for Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua, with
the intention of inviting Guatemala and Costa Rica to join them; but
the project failed because of the refusal of Honduras to enter into
the arrangement. Carrera had meantime dissuaded President Martinez of
Nicaragua from the scheme.
The Guatemalan government was preparing for war against Salvador, and
succeeded in winning the coöperation of Martinez.[XIV-66] Honduras,
being an ally of Salvador, Florencio Xatruch was assisted by Carrera
to make a revolt in several departments against the government of
Honduras. Salvador tried to avert hostilities. Friends of peace, among
them the American and British representatives, mediated, but all was of
no avail.[XIV-67]
[Sidenote: OFFICE-SEEKERS WAR.]
The war contemplated by Carrera was unpopular in Guatemala, where
the people of late years had been enjoying peace and prosperity,
and feared a recurrence of the former desolations. But their ruler
was prompted by a deadly animosity to Barrios, and by the fear that
the alliance of the latter with Jerez would endanger conservatism,
and consequently his own power. Whereupon he resolved to crush at
one blow the disturber of the public peace, as Barrios was called
by the oligarchs.[XIV-68] He invaded Salvador with a large force, a
proclamation preceding him to inform the people that the war would
be against Barrios and not themselves. He felt certain of a speedy
victory, and blindly assailed Coatepeque, where Barrios was entrenched.
He was repulsed with such heavy losses[XIV-69] that he had to retreat
to his own capital, which he entered March 6th at the head of only
3,000 men. But this reverse did not discourage him. He fitted out
another army, and started upon a second campaign that should be
decisive[XIV-70] against Salvador and Honduras, the latter having
espoused Barrios' cause. Meantime Martinez of Nicaragua had gained a
battle at the town of San Felipe on the 29th of April, against a united
force of Jerez' partisans and Salvadorans.[XIV-71] Moreover, Honduras
was invaded by 800 Guatemalans under General Cerna. The Salvadoran and
Honduran troops were defeated[XIV-72] by the allied Guatemalans and
Nicaraguans, on the plains of Santa Rosa, which prompted revolts in
the greater part of the departments of Salvador, proclaiming Dueñas
provisional president, who organized a government at Sonsonate.[XIV-73]
Intrigues were successfully brought into play upon several Salvadoran
commanders to induce them to revolt against Barrios, and to aid his
enemies.[XIV-74] One of those officers was General Santiago Gonzalez,
commanding the troops at Santa Ana during Barrios' temporary absence at
San Salvador. He made a pronunciamiento on the 30th of June, telling
the soldiers that a similar movement had taken place the previous
day at the capital, and Barrios was a prisoner, and his government
dissolved. On discovering the deception some battalions escaped and
joined the president at San Salvador, Gonzalez being left with a
small number of troops. Carrera was now near Santa Ana, and demanded
Gonzalez' surrender and recognition of Dueñas as provisional president,
which, being declined, Carrera attacked and easily defeated him on
the 3d of July,[XIV-75] the Salvadoran artillery and a large quantity
of ammunition falling into the victor's hands. Carrera was now master
of the situation,[XIV-76] and his opponent virtually without means of
defence, superadded to which the influence of the clergy had turned
the Indians to Carrera's side. Barrios continued his efforts, however,
and held out four months at San Salvador, though closely besieged and
suffering from want of food and ammunition.[XIV-77] He had refused to
listen to proposals offering him the honors of war, believing that once
in Carrera's hands his fate would be sealed.[XIV-78] At last further
defence was impossible, and Barrios escaped out of the city early on
the 26th of October, and subsequently out of the country.[XIV-79] The
surrender of the city took place the same day, and on the 30th Dueñas,
now placed at the head of affairs, decreed thanks and honors to Carrera
and Martinez, and their respective armies.[XIV-80]
[Sidenote: DEATH OF BARRIOS.]
Barrios, having with him arms and ammunition, embarked at Panamá in
1865, on the schooner _Manuela Planas_ for La Union, to place himself
at the head of a movement initiated by Cabañas in that port and San
Miguel in his favor. It was only on arrival that he heard of the
failure of that movement,[XIV-81] and on his return the schooner was
struck by lightning in waters off Nicaragua at the Aserradores. He
sent to Corinto for water and provisions, and the consequence was that
a Nicaraguan force came on board and captured him. He was taken to
Leon on the 30th of June.[XIV-82] The government of Salvador demanded
his extradition that he might be tried, the national congress having
impeached him. The result of this was a convention entered into at
Leon July 14, 1865, between Gregorio Arbizú, minister of Salvador,
and Pedro Zeledon, plenipotentiary for Nicaragua, by which the latter
government assented to the surrender of Barrios, under the express
stipulation that his life should be spared whatever might be the result
of his trial.[XIV-83] But the government of Salvador, in disregard of
this obligation, had Barrios sentenced to death by a court-martial,
and he was executed at 4:30 in the morning of August 29th, against the
remonstrances of the representative of Nicaragua. The latter could do
nothing but protest, and throw the infamy of the deed upon Dueñas and
his administration.
* * * * *
Bishop Zaldaña returned to his diocese at the termination of the war
in the latter part of 1863, and issued a pastoral letter recommending
concord and union among his flock. The provisional government called
on the people to choose a constituent assembly to reorganize the
government and frame a new constitution. This assembly met on the
18th of February, 1864, and on the same date sanctioned the last
revolutionary movement, which deposed Barrios from the presidency,
and called Dueñas to fill it. His acts to that date were approved,
and he was recognized as provisional executive till a constitutional
one should be elected. That body at a later date promulgated a new
constitution in 104 articles, which like the fundamental charters
of the other Central American states at that time was exceedingly
conservative. The only religion recognized was the Roman catholic.
At the elections which took place ten months after the promulgation
of the new charter, Dueñas was apparently elected president for the
first constitutional term, and the constitutional congress recognized
him as such. He took formal possession of the office February 1, 1865.
Congress closed its session on the 21st of the same month.