CHAPTER VI.

TEZCUCO.

Across the lake of Tezcuco is Tezcuco itself, a great city and the

capital of a kingdom at the time of the Conquest, and famous for its

palaces and its learned men. Now it is an insignificant Spanish town,

built, indeed, to a great extent, of the stones of the old buildings.

Mr. Bowring, who has evaporating-works at the edge of the lake, and

lives in the “Casa Grande”—the Great House, just outside Tezcuco, has

invited us to pay him a visit; so we get up early one April morning,

and drive down to the street of the Solitude of Holy Cross (Calle de la

Soledad de Santa Cruz). There we find Mr. Millard, a Frenchman, who is

an _employé_ of Mr. Bowling’s, and is going back to Tezcuco with us;

and we walk down to the canal with him, half a dozen Indian porters

with baskets following us, and trotting along in the queer shuffling

way that is habitual to them. At the landing-place we find a number of

canoes, and a crowd of Indians, men and women, in scanty cotton

garments which show the dirt in an unpleasant manner. A canoe is going

to Tezcuco, a sort of regular packet-boat, in fact; and of this canoe

Mr. Millard has retained for us three the stern half, over which is

stretched an awning of aloe-fibre cloth. The canoe itself is merely a

large shallow box, made of rough planks, with sloping prow and stern,

more like a bread-tray in shape than anything else I can think of.

There is no attempt at making the bows taper, and indeed the Indians

stoutly resist this or any other innovation. In the fore part of the

canoe there is already a heap of other passengers, lying like bait in a

box, and when we arrive the voyage begins.

The crew are ten in number; the captain, eight men, and an old woman in

charge of the tortillas and the pulque-jar. All these are brown people;

in fact, the navigation of the lakes is entirely in the hands of the

Indians, and “reasonable people” have nothing to do with it. Reasonable

people—“gente de razón”—being, as I have said before, those who have

any white blood in them; and republican institutions have not in the

least effaced the distinction.

So it comes to pass that the canoe-traffic is carried on in much the

same way as it was in Montezuma’s time. There is one curious

difference, however. These canoes are all poled about the lakes and

canals; and I do not think we saw an Indian oar or paddle in the whole

valley of Mexico. In the ancient picture-writings, however, the Indians

are paddling their canoes with a kind of oar, shaped at the end like

one of our fire-shovels. But, as we have seen, the distribution of land

and water has altered since those days; and the lakes, far greater in

extent, were of course several feet deeper all over the present beds;

and even at a short distance from the city poling would have been

impossible. I suspect that the Aztecs originally used both poles and

paddles, and that the latter went out of use when the water became

shallow enough for the pole to serve all purposes. Otherwise, we must

suppose that the Mexicans, since the Spanish Conquest, introduced a new

invention; which is not easy to believe.

We had first to get out of the canal, and fairly out into the lake.

This was the more desirable, as the canal is one of the drains of the

city, an office that it fills badly enough, seeing that there is

scarcely any fall of water from the lower quarters of the city to the

lake. I never saw water-snakes in numbers to compare with those in the

canal, and by the side of it. They were swimming in the water,

wriggling in and out; and on the banks they were writhing in heaps,

like our passengers forward. Two of our crew tow us along, and we are

soon clear of the canal, and of the salt-swamp that extends on both

sides of it, where the bottom of the lake was in old times. Once fairly

out, we look round us. We see Mexico from a new point of view, and

begin to understand why the Spaniards called it the Venice of the New

World. Even now, though the lake is so much smaller than it was then,

the city, with its domes and battlemented roofs, seems to rise from the

water itself, for the intervening flat is soon foreshortened into

nothing. At the present moment it is evident that the level of the lake

is much higher than usual. A little way off, on our right, is the Peñón

de los Baños—“the rock of baths”—a porphyritic hill forced up by

volcanic agency, where there are hot springs. It is generally possible

to reach this hill by land, but the water is now so high that the rock

has become an island as it used to be.

When the first two brigantines were launched on the Lake of Tezcuco by

the Spaniards, Cortes took Montezuma with him to sail upon the lake,

soon leaving the Aztec canoes far behind. They went to a Peñón or rocky

hill where Montezuma preserved game for his own hunting, and not even

the highest nobility were allowed to hunt there on pain of death. The

Spaniards had a regular battue there; killing deer, hares, and rabbits

till they were tired. This Peñón may have been the Peñón de los Baños

which we are just passing, but was more probably a similar hill a

little further off, of larger extent, now fortified and known as El

Peñón, the Hill. Both were in those days complete islands at some

distance from the shore.

Now that we are out of the canal, our Indians begin to pole us along,

thrusting their long poles to the bottom of the shallow lake, and

walking on two narrow planks which extend along the sides of the canoe

from the prow to the middle point. Four walk on each plank, each man

throwing up his pole as he gets to the end, and running back up the

middle to begin again at the prow. The dexterity with which they swing

the poles about, and keep them out of each other’s way, is wonderful;

and, as seen from our end of the canoe, looks like a kind of

exaggerated quarter-staff playing, only nobody is ever hit.

The great peculiarity of the lake of Tezcuco is that it is a salt lake,

containing much salt and carbonate of soda. The water is quite brackish

and undrinkable. How it has come to be so is plain enough. The streams

from the surrounding mountains bring down salt and soda in solution,

derived from the decomposed porphyry; and as the water of the lake is

not drained off into the sea, but evaporates, the solid constituents

are left to accumulate in the lake.

In England, I think, we have no example of this; but the Dead Sea, the

Caspian, the Great Salt Lake of Utah, and even the Mediterranean, have

various salts accumulated in solution in the same way. It seems to me,

that, by taking into account the proportion of soluble material

contained in the water that flows down from the mountains, the probable

quantity of water that flows down in the year, and the proportion of

salt in the lake itself, some vague guess might be made as to the time

this state of things has been lasting. I have no data, unfortunately,

even for such a rough calculation as this, or I should like to try it.

In spite of the splendid climate, a great portion of the Valley of

Mexico is anything but fertile; for the soil is impregnated with salt

and soda, which in many places are so abundant as to form, when the

water evaporates, a white efflorescence on the ground, which is called

_tequesquite_, and regularly collected by the Indians. Some of it is

stopped on its way down from the higher ground, by the evaporation of

the water that was carrying it; and some is left by the lake itself, in

its frequent floodings of the ground in its neighbourhood. So small is

the difference of level between the lake and the plain that surrounds

it, that the slightest rise in the height of the water makes an immense

difference in the size of the lake; and even a strong wind will drive

the water over great tracts of ground, from which it retires when the

gale ceases. It must have been this, or something similar, that set

Cortes upon writing home to Spain that the lakes were like inland seas,

and even had tides like the ocean. Of course, this impregnation with

salts is ruinous to the soil, which will produce nothing in such places

but tufts of coarse grass; and the shores of the lake are the most

dismal districts one can imagine. All the lakes, however, are not so

salt as Tezcuco; Chalco, for instance, is a fresh-water lake, and there

the fertility of the shores is very great, as I have already had

occasion to notice.

As soon as the novelty of this kind of travelling had worn off, we

began to find it dull, and retired under our awning to breakfast and

bitter beer; which latter luxury, thanks to a suitable climate and an

English brewer, is very well understood in Mexico, and is even accepted

as a great institution by the Mexicans themselves.

We were just getting into a drowsy state, when an unusual bustle among

the crew brought us out of our den, and we found that three hours of

assiduous poling had taken us half-way across the lake, just six

miles—a good test of the value of the Aztec system of navigation. Here

was a wooden cross set up in the water; and here, from time out of

mind, the boatmen have been used to sing a little hymn to the Madonna,

by whose favour we had got so far, and hoped to get safe to the end of

our voyage. Very well they sang it too, and the scene was as striking

as it was unexpected to us. It seemed to us, however, to be making a

great matter of crossing a piece of water only a few feet deep; but Mr.

Millard assured us, that when a sudden gale came on, it was a

particularly unpleasant place to be afloat in a Mexican canoe, which,

being flat-bottomed, has no hold at all on the water, and from its

shape is quite unmanageable in a wind. He himself was once caught in

this way, and kept out all night, with a “heavy sea” on the lake, the

boat drifting helplessly, and threatening to overturn every moment, and

that in places where the water was quite deep enough to drown them all.

The Indians lost their heads entirely, and throwing down their poles

fell on their knees, and joined in the chorus with the women and

children and the rest of the helpless brown people, beating their

breasts, and presenting medals and prints of our Lady of Guadalupe to

each wave as it dashed into them. The wind dropped, however, and Mr.

Millard got safe to Tezcuco next morning; but, instead of receiving

sympathy for his misfortunes when he got there, found that the idea of

a tempest on the lake was reckoned a mere joke, and that the

drawing-room of the Casa Grande had been decorated with a fancy

portrait of himself, hanging to the half-way cross, with his legs in

the water, and underneath, a poetical description of his sufferings to

the tune of “_Malbrouke s’en va-t-en guerre, ne sais quand reviendra_.”

More poling across the lake, and then another little canal, also

constructed since the diminishing of the water of the lake (which once

came close to the city), and along which our Indians towed us. Then

came a short ride, which brought us to the Casa Grande, where Mrs.

Bowring received us with overflowing hospitality. We went off presently

into the town, to see the glassworks. In a country where all things

imported have to be carried in rough waggons, or on mules’ backs, and

over bad roads, it would be hard if it did not pay to make glass; and,

accordingly, we found the works in full operation. The soda is produced

at Mr. Bowling’s works close by, the fuel is charcoal from the

mountains, and for sand they have a substitute, which I never heard of

or saw anywhere else. It seems that a short distance from Tezcuco there

is a deposit of hydrated silica, which is brought down in great blocks

by the Indians; and this, when calcined, answers the purpose perfectly,

as there is scarcely any iron in it. In its natural state it resembles

beeswax in colour.

It is worth while to describe the Casa Grande, which is strikingly

different from our European notions of the “great house” of the

village. As we enter by the gate, we find ourselves in a patio—an open

quadrangle surrounded by a covered walk—a cloister in fact, into which

open the rooms inhabited by the family. The second quadrangle, which

opens into the first, is devoted to stables, kitchen, &c. The outer

wall which surrounds the whole is very thick, and the entire building

is built of mud bricks baked in the sun, and has no upper storey at

all. It is a Pompeian house on a large scale, and suits the climate

perfectly. The Aztec palaces we read so much of were built in just the

same way. The roofs slope inwards from the sides of the quadrangle, and

drain into the open space in the middle. One afternoon, a tremendous

tropical rain-storm showed us how necessary it was to have the covered

walk round the quadrangle raised considerably above this open square in

the middle, which a few minutes of such rain converted into a pond.

As for ourselves, we spent many very pleasant days at the Casa Grande,

and thoroughly approved of the arrangement of the house, except that

the four corners of the patio were provokingly alike, and the doors of

the rooms also, so that we were as much bothered as the captain of the

forty thieves to find our own doors, or any door except Mr. Millard’s,

whose name was indicated—with more regard to pronunciation than

spelling—with a 1 and nine 0’s chalked on it.

In spite of a late evening spent in very pleasant society, we were up

early next morning, ready for an excursion to the Pyramids of

Teotihuacán, some sixteen miles off, or so, under the guidance of one

of Mr. Bowring’s men. The road lies through the plain, between great

plantations of magueys, for this is the most renowned district in the

Republic for the size of its aloes, and the quality of the pulque that

is made from them. We stopped sometimes to examine a particularly large

specimen, which might measure 30 feet round, and to see the juice,

which had collected in the night, drawn out of the great hollow that

had been cut to receive it, in the heart of the plant. The Indians have

a great fancy for making crosses, and the aloe lends itself

particularly to this kind of decoration. They have only to cut off six

or eight inches of one leaf, and impale the piece on the sharp point of

another, and the cross is made. Every good-sized aloe has two or three

of these primitive religious emblems upon it.

Several little torrent-beds crossed the road, and over them were thrown

old-fashioned Spanish stone bridges, as steep as the Rialto, or the

bridge on the willow-patterned plates.

Before going to see the pyramids, we visited the caves in the hill-side

not far from them, whence the stone was brought to build them. It is

_tetzontli_, the porous amygdaloid which abounds among the porphyritic

hills, a beautiful building-stone, easily worked, and durable. There

was a large space that seemed to have been quarried out bodily, and

into this opened numerous caves. We left our horses at the entrance,

and spent an hour or two in hunting the place over. The ground was

covered with pieces of obsidian knives and arrow-heads, and fragments

of what seemed to have been larger tools or weapons; and we found

numbers of hammer-heads, large and small, mostly made of greenstone,

some whole, but most broken.

We find two sorts of stone hammers in Europe. Solid hammers belong to

the earliest period. They are made of longish rolled pebbles; some are

shaped a little artificially, and are grooved round to hold the handle,

which was a flexible twig bent double and with the two ends tied

together, so as to keep the stone head in its place. The hammers of a

later period of the “stone age” are shaped more like the iron ones our

smiths use at the present day, and they have a hole bored in the middle

for the handle. In Brittany, where Celtic remains are found in such

abundance, it is not uncommon to see stone hammers of the latter kind

hanging up in the cottages of the peasants, who use them to drive in

nails with. They have an odd way of providing them with handles, by

sticking them tight upon branches of young trees, and when the branch

has grown larger, and has thus rivetted itself tightly on both sides of

the stone head, they cut it off, and carry home the hammer ready for

use.

Though the Mexicans carried the arts of knife and arrow-making and

sculpturing hard stone to such perfection, I do not think they ever

discovered the art of making a hole in a stone hammer. The handles of

the axes shown in the picture-writings are clumsy sticks swelling into

a large knob at one end, and the axe-blade is fixed into a hole in this

knob. Some of the Mexican hammers seem to have had their handles fixed

in this way; while others were made with a groove, in the same manner

as the earlier kind of European stone hammers just described.

When we consider the beauty of the Mexican stonecutter’s work, it seems

wonderful that they should have been able to do it without iron tools.

It is quite clear that, at the time of the Spanish Conquest, they used

bronze hatchets, containing that very small proportion of tin which

gives the alloy nearly the hardness of steel. We saw many of these

hatchets in museums, and Mr. Christy bought some good specimens in a

collection of antiquities which had belonged to an old Mexican, who got

them principally from the suburb of Tlatelolco, in the neighbourhood of

the ancient market-place of the city. Such axes were certainly common

among the ancient Mexicans. One of the items of the hieroglyphic

tribute-roll in the Mendoza Codex is eighty bronze hatchets.

A story told by Bernal Diaz is to the point. He says that he and his

companions, noticing that the Indians of the coast generally carried

bright metal axes, the material of which looked like gold of a low

quality, got as many as six hundred such axes from them in the course

of three days’ bartering, giving them coloured glass-beads in exchange.

Both sides were highly satisfied with their bargain; but it all came to

nothing, as the chronicler relates with considerable disgust, for the

gold turned out to be copper, and the beads were found to be trash when

the Indians began to understand them better. Such hard copper axes as

these have been found at Mitla, in the State of Oajaca, where the

ruined temples seem to form a connecting link between the monuments of

Teotihuacán and Xochicalco and the ruined cities of Yucatan and

Chiapas.

We want one more link in the chain to show the use of the same kind of

tools from Mexico down to Yucatan, and this link we can supply. In Lord

Kingsborough’s great work on Mexican Antiquities there is one

picture-writing, the Dresden Codex, which is not of Aztec origin at

all. Its hieroglyphics are those of Palenque and Uxmal; and in this

manuscript we have drawings of hatchets like those of Mexico, and fixed

in the same kind of handles, but of much neater workmanship.

But here we come upon a difficulty. It is supposed that the pyramids of

Teotihuacán, as well as most of the great architectural works of the

country, were the work of the Toltec race, who quitted this part of the

country several centuries before the Spanish Conquest. It seems

incredible that bronze should have been in use in the country for so

long a time, and not have superseded so bad a material as stone for

knives and weapons. We have good evidence to show that in Europe the

introduction of bronze was almost simultaneous with the complete disuse

of stone for such purposes. It is true that Herodotus describes the

embalmers, in his time, as cutting open the bodies with “an Ethiopic

stone” though they were familiar with the use of metal. Indeed the

flint knives which he probably meant may be seen in museums. But this

peculiar usage was most likely kept up for some mystical reason, and

does not affect the general question. Almost as soon as the Spaniards

brought iron to Mexico, it superseded the old material. The “bronze

age” ceased within a year or two, and that of iron began.

The Mexicans called copper or bronze “tepuztli,” a word of rather

uncertain etymology. Judging from the analogous words in languages

allied to the Aztec, it seems not unlikely that it meant originally

_hatchet_ or _breaker_, just as “itztli,” or obsidian, appears to have

meant originally _knife_.[13]

[13] There is an Aztec word “puztequi” (_to break sticks, &c_.) which

may belong to the same root as “tepuztli.” The first syllable “te” may

be “te-tl” (_stone_).

When the Mexicans saw iron in the hands of the Spaniards, they called

it also “tepuztli,” which thus became a general word for metal; and

then they had to distinguish iron from copper, as they do at the

present day, by calling them “_tliltic_ tepuztli,” and “_chichiltic_

tepuztli;” that is, “black metal,” and “red metal.”

When the subject of the use of bronze in stone-cutting is discussed, as

it so often is with special reference to Egypt, one may doubt whether

people have not underrated its capabilities, when the proportion of tin

is accurately adjusted to give the maximum hardness; and especially

when a minute portion of iron enters into its composition. Sir Gardner

Wilkinson relates that he tried the edge of one of the Egyptian mason’s

chisels upon the very stone it had evidently been once used to cut, and

found that its edge was turned directly; and therefore he wonders that

such a tool could have been used for the purpose, of course supposing

that the tool as he found it was just as the mason left it. This,

however, is not quite certain. If we bury a brass tool in a damp place

for a few weeks, it will be found to have undergone a curious molecular

change, and to have become quite soft and weak, or, as the workmen call

it, dead. We ought to be quite sure whether lying for centimes under

ground may not have made some similar change in bronze.

I have seen many prickly pears in different places, but never such

specimens as those that were growing among the stones in this old

quarry. They had gnarled and knotted trunks of hard wood, and were as

big as pollard-oaks; their age must have been immense; but,

unfortunately, one could not measure it, or it would have been a good

criterion of the age of the quarry, which had not only been excavated

but abandoned before their time. In one of the caves was a human

skeleton, blanched white and clean, and near it some one has stuck a

cross, made of two bits of stick, in the crevices of a heap of stones.

Returning to the entrance of the quarry, well loaded with stone hammers

and knives, we sat down to breakfast, in a cave, where our man had

established himself with the horses. An attempt on my part to cut

German sausage with an obsidian knife proved a decided failure.

We had already been struck by the appearance of the two pyramids of

Teotihuacán, when we passed by Otumba on our way to Mexico. The hills

which skirt the plain are so near them as to diminish their apparent

size; but even at a distance they are conspicuous objects. Now, when we

came close to them, and began by climbing to their summits, and walking

round their terraces, to measure ourselves against them, we began

gradually to realize their vast bulk; and this feeling continually grew

upon us. Modern architecture strives to unite the greatest possible

effect with the least cost; and the modern churches of southern Europe

and Spanish America, with their fine tall facades fronting the street,

and insignificant little buildings behind, show this idea in its

fullest development. Pyramids are built with no such object, and make

but little show in proportion to their vast mass of material; but then

one gets from them a sense of solid magnitude that no other building

gives, however vast its proportions may be. Neither of us had ever seen

the Egyptian pyramids. Even in Mexico these of Teotihuacán are not the

largest; for, though the pyramid of Cholula is no higher, it covers far

more ground. Were these monuments in Egypt, they would only rank, from

their size, in the second class.

As has often been remarked, such buildings as these can only be raised

under peculiar social conditions. The ruler must be a despotic

sovereign, and the mass of the people slaves, whose subsistence and

whose lives are sacrificed without scruple to execute the fancies of

the monarch, who is not so much the governor as the unrestricted owner

of the country and the people. The population must be very dense, or it

would not bear the loss of so large a proportion of the working class;

and vegetable food must be exceedingly abundant in the country, to feed

them while engaged in this unprofitable labour.

We know how great was the influence of the priestly classes in Egypt,

though the pyramids there, being rather tombs than temples, do not

prove it. In Mexico, however, the pyramids themselves were the temples,

serving only incidentally as tombs; and their size proves that—as

respects priestly influence—the resemblance between the two people is

fully carried out.

Like the Egyptian pyramids, these fronted the four cardinal points.

Their shape was not accurately pyramidal, for the line from base to

summit was broken by three terraces, or perhaps four, running

completely round them; and at the top was a flat square space, where

stood the idols and the sacrificial altars. This construction closely

resembled that of some of the smaller Egyptian pyramids. Flights of

stone steps led straight up from terrace to terrace, and the procession

of priests and victims made the circuit of each before they ascended to

the one above.

The larger of the two teocallis is dedicated to the Sun, has a base of

about 640 feet, and is about 170 feet high. The other, dedicated to the

Moon, is rather smaller.

These monuments were called _teocallis_, not because they were

pyramids, but because they were temples; “Teocalli” means “god’s

house”—(_teotl_, god, _calli_, house), a name which the traveller hears

explained for the first time with some wonder; and Humboldt cannot help

adverting to its curious correspondence with θεου καλια, _dei cella_.

Another odd coincidence is found in the Aztec name for their priests,

_papahua_, the root of which _papa_, (the _hua_, is merely a

termination). In the Old World the word _Papa_, Pope, or Priest, was

connected with the idea of father or grandfather, but the Aztec word

has no such origin.

When the Aztecs abandoned their temples, and began to build Christian

churches, they called them also “teocallis,” and perhaps do so to this

day.

The heavy tropical rains have to a great extent broken the sharpness of

the outline of these structures, and brought them more nearly to the

shape of real pyramids than they were originally; but, as we climbed up

their sides, we could trace the terraces without any difficulty, and

even flights of steps.

The pyramids consist of an outer casing of hewn stone, faced and

covered with smooth stucco, which has resisted the effects of time and

bad usage in a wonderful manner. Inside this casing were adobes,

stones, clay, and mortar, as one may see in places where the exterior

has been damaged, and by creeping into the small passage which leads

into the Temple of the Moon. Both pyramids are nearly covered with a

coating of debris, full of bits of obsidian arrows and knives, and

broken pottery. On the teocalli of the moon we found a number of recent

sea-shells, which mystified us extremely; and the only explanation we

could give of their presence there was that they might have been

brought up as offerings. A passage in Humboldt, which I met with long

after, seems to clear up the mystery. Speaking of the great teocalli of

the city of Mexico, he says, quoting an old description, that the Moon

had a little temple in the great courtyard, which was built of shells.

Those that we found may be the remains of a similar structure on the

top of the pyramid.

Prickly pears, aloes, and mesquite bushes have overgrown the pyramids

in all directions, as though they had been mere natural hills. In

Sicily one may see the lava fields of Etna planted with prickly pears:

in the ordinary course of things, it requires several centuries before

even the surface of this hard lava will disintegrate into soil; but the

roots of the cactus soon crack it, and a few years suffice to break it

up to a sufficient depth to allow of vineyards being planted upon it.

Here the same plant has in the same way affected the porous amygdaloid

with which the pyramids are faced, and has cut up the surface sadly;

but the vegetation which covers them will at any rate defend them from

the rains, and now centuries will make but little change in the

appearance of these remarkable buildings.

Near Nice there is a hill which gives a wonderfully correct idea of the

appearance of the terraced teocallis of Mexico, as they must have

looked before time effaced the sharpness of their lines. Where the

valley of the Paglione and that of St. Andre meet, the hill between

them terminates in a half pyramid, the angle of which lies toward the

south; and the inhabitants—as their custom is in southern Europe, have

turned the two slopes to account, by building them up into terraces, to

prevent the soil they have laboriously carried up from being swept down

by the first heavy rain. Seen from the proper point of view the

resemblance is complete.

From the south side of the Temple of the Moon runs an avenue of

burial-mounds, the Micaotli, “the path of the dead.” On these mounds,

and round the foot of the pyramids themselves, the whole population of

the once great city of Teotihuacán and its neighbourhood used to

congregate, to see the priests and the victims march round the terraces

and up the stairs in full view of them all. Standing here, one could

imagine the scene that Cortes and his men saw from their camp, outside

Mexico, on that dreadful day when the Mexicans had cut off their

retreat along the causeways, and taken more than sixty Spanish

prisoners. Bernal Diaz was there, and tells the tale how they heard

from the city the great drum of Huitzilopochtli sending forth a strange

and awful sound, that could be heard for miles, and with it many horns

and trumpets; and how, when they had looked towards the great teocalli,

they saw the Mexicans dragging up the prisoners, pushing and beating

them as they went, till they had got them up to the open space at the

top, “where the cursed idols stood.” Then they put plumes of feathers

on their heads, and fans in their hands, and made them dance before the

idol; and when they had danced, they threw them on their backs on the

sacrificial stone that stood there, and, sawing open their breasts with

knives of stone, they tore out their hearts, and offered them up in

sacrifice; and the bodies they flung down the stairs to the bottom.

More than this the Spaniards cannot have seen, though Diaz describes

the rest of the proceedings as though they had been done in his sight;

but it was not the first time they had witnessed such things, and they

knew well enough what was happening down below,—how the butchers were

waiting to cut up the carcases as they came down, that they might be

cooked with chile, and eaten in the solemn banquet of the evening.

The day was closing in by this time; and our man was waiting with the

horses at the foot of the great pyramid; and with him an Indian, whom

we had caught half an hour before, and sent off with a real to buy

pulque, and to collect such obsidian arrows and clay heads as were to

be found at the ranchos in the neighbourhood.

Near the place we started from, two or three Indians were diligently at

work at their stone-quarry, that is to say, they were laboriously

bringing out great hewn stones from the side of the pyramid, to build

their walls with; and indeed we could see in every house for miles

round stones that had come from the same source, as was proved by the

stucco still remaining upon them, smoothed like polished marble, and

painted dull red with cinnabar.

As I write this, it brings to my recollection an old Roman trophy in

North Italy, built—like these pyramids—of a shell of hewn stone, filled

with rough stones and cement, now as hard as the rock itself. There I

saw the inhabitants of the town which stands at its foot, carrying off

the great limestone blocks, but first cutting them up into pieces of a

size that they could move about, and build into their houses. Here and

there, in this little Italian town, there were to be seen in the walls

letters of the old inscription which were once upon the trophy; and the

age of the houses shewed that the monument had served as a quarry for

centuries.

As we rode home, we noticed by the sides of the road, and where ditches

had been cut, numbers of old Mexican stone-floors covered with stucco.

The earth has accumulated above them to the depth of two or three feet,

so that their position is like that of the Roman pavements so often

found in Europe; and we may guess, from what we saw exposed, how great

must be the number of such remains still hidden, and how vast a

population must once have inhabited this plain, now almost deserted.

Two days afterwards we came back. In the ploughed fields in the

neighbourhood we made repeated trials whether it was possible to stand

still in any spot where there was no relic of old Mexico within our

reach; but this we could not do. Everywhere the ground was full of

unglazed pottery and obsidian; and we even found arrows and clay

figures that were good enough for a museum. When we left England, we

both doubted the accounts of the historians of the Conquest, believing

that they had exaggerated the numbers of the population, and the size

of the cities, from a natural desire to make the most of their

victories, and to write as wonderful a history as they could, as

historians are prone to do. But our examination of Mexican remains soon

induced us to withdraw this accusation, and even made us inclined to

blame the chroniclers for having had no eyes for the wonderful things

that surrounded them.

I do not mean by this that we felt inclined to swallow the monstrous

exaggerations of Solis and Gomara and other Spanish chroniclers, who

seemed to think that it was as easy to say a thousand as a hundred, and

that it sounded much better. But when this class of writers are set

aside, and the more valuable authorities severely criticised, it does

not seem to us that the history thus extracted from these sources is

much less reliable than European history of the same period. There is,

perhaps, no better way of expressing this opinion than to say that what

we saw of Mexico tended generally to confirm Prescott’s History of the

Conquest, and but seldom to make his statements appear to us

improbable.

There are other mounds near the pyramids, besides the Micaotli. Two

sides of the Pyramid of the Sun are surrounded by them; and there are

two squares of mounds at equal distances, north and south of it,

besides innumerable scattered hillocks. There are some sculptured

blocks of stone lying near the pyramids, and inside the smaller one is

buried what appears to be a female bust of colossal size, with the

mouth like an oval ring, so common in Mexican sculptures.

The same abundance of ancient remains that we found here characterizes

the neighbourhood of all the Mexican monuments in the country, with one

curious exception. Burkart declares that in the vicinity of the

extensive remains of temples known as _Los Edificios_, near Zacatecas,

no traces of pottery or of obsidian were to be found.

Before going away, we held a solemn market of antiquities. We sat

cross-legged on the ground, and the Indian women and children brought

us many curious articles in clay and obsidian, which we bought and

deposited in two great bags of aloe-fibre which our man carried at his

saddle-bow. Among the articles we bought were various pipes or whistles

of pottery, _pitos_, as they are called in Spanish, and just as we were

mounting our horses to ride off, a lad ran to the top of one of the

mounds, and blew on one of these pipes a long dismal note that could be

heard a mile off. Our friends had filled our heads so full of robbers

and ambushes, that we made sure it was a signal for some one who was

waiting for us, and the more so as the boy ran off as soon as he had

blown his blast; and when we looked round for the people whose

antiquities we had been buying, they had all disappeared. But nothing

came of it, and we got safely back to Tezcuco. As usual, we spent a

capital evening, and separated late. The owner of the glass-works, who

had been spending the evening with us, had an adventure on his road

home. He was peaceably riding along, when two men rushed out from

behind the corner of the street, and shouted “_alto ahí_!” (halte-là).

He thought they were robbers, and started at a gallop. His hat flew

off, and the men sent two bullets singing past his head, which sent him

on quicker than ever, till he reached his house. There he got his

pistols, and came back armed to the teeth to fetch the hat, which lay

where it had fallen. The supposed robbers turned out, on enquiry next

day, to have been national guards, patrolling the street; but certainly

their proceedings were rather questionable.

We had an unpleasant visit the same night. The custom of the Casa

Grande was that after dark a watchman patrolled all night, giving a

long blast every quarter of an hour on one of these same doleful

Mexican whistles, to show that he was not sleeping on his rounds. This

was for the outside. Inside the house, _pour surcroît de précaution_, a

servant came round to see that every one was in his room; and having

satisfied himself of this, let loose in the courtyard two enormous

bulldogs, which were the terror of the household and of the whole

neighbourhood. On this particular night, a noise at our own door woke

me from a sound sleep; and I had the pleasure of seeing a creature walk

deliberately in, looking huge and terrific in the moonlight. The beast

had been into the stable two nights before, and had pinned a cow which

was there, keeping his hold upon her till next morning, when he was got

off by the keeper. With this specimen of the bulldog’s abilities fresh

in my recollection, I preferred not making any attempt to resent his

impertinent intrusion, but lay still, till he had satisfied himself

with walking about the room and sniffing at our beds, when he lay down

on my carpet; I soon fell asleep again, and next morning he was gone.

The foreigners in Mexico seem to delight in fierce bull-dogs. The Casa

Grande at Tezcuco is not by any means the only place where they form

part of the garrison. One English acquaintance of ours in the Capital

kept two of these beasts up in his rooms, and not even the servants

dared go up, unless the master was there.

Every one who has read Prescott’s ‘Mexico’ will recollect

Nezahualcoyotl, the king of Tezcuco; and the palaces he built there for

his wives, and his poets, and the rest of his great court. These

palaces were built chiefly of mud bricks; and time and the Spaniards

have dealt so hardly with them, that even their outlines can no longer

be traced. Traces of two large teocallis are just visible, and Mr.

Bowring has some burial mounds in his grounds which will be examined

some day. There is a Mexican calendar built into the wall of one of the

churches; and, as we walked about the streets of the present town, we

noticed stones that must have been sculptured before the Spaniards

brought in their broken-down classic style, and so stopped the

development of native art. As for the rest of old Tezcuco, it has

“become heaps.” Wherever they dig ditches or lay the foundations of

houses, you may see the ground full of its remains.

As I said before, when speaking of the stuccoed floors near

Teotihuacán, the accumulation of alluvial soil goes on very rapidly and

very regularly all over the plains of Mexico and Puebla, where

everything favours its deposit; and the human remains preserved in it

are so numerous that its age may readily be seen. We noticed this in

many places, but in no instance so well as between Tezcuco and the

hacienda of Miraflores. There a long ditch, some five feet deep, had

just been cut in anticipation of the rainy season. As yet it was dry,

and, as we walked along it, we found three periods of Mexican history

distinctly traceable from one end to the other. First came mere

alluvium, without human remains. Then, just above, came fragments of

obsidian knives and bits of unglazed pottery. Above this again, a third

layer, in which the obsidian ceased, and much of the pottery was still

unglazed; but many fragments were glazed, and bore the unmistakable

Spanish patterns in black and yellow.

It is a pity that these alluvial deposits, which give such good

evidence as to the order in which different peoples or different states

of society succeeded one another on the earth, should be so valueless

as a means of calculating the time of their duration; but one can

easily see that they must always be so, by considering how the

thickness of the deposits is altered by such accidents as the formation

of a mud-bank, or the opening of a new channel,—things that must be

continually occurring in districts where this very accumulation is

going on. The only place where any calculation can be based upon its

thickness is on the banks of the Nile, where its accumulations round

the ancient monuments may perhaps give a criterion as to the time which

has elapsed since man ceased to clear away the deposits of the

river.[14]

[14] The researches instituted by Mr. I. Horner in the alluvium near

Heliopolis and Memphis _(Philos. Transact._, 1855 & 1856), although

very elaborate, still leave much to be desired before we can arrive at

definite conclusions.

As an instance of the tendency of alluvial deposits to entomb such

monuments of former ages, I must mention the temple of Segeste, which

stands on a gentle slope among the hills of northern Sicily. I had

heard talk of the graceful proportions of this Doric temple, built by

the Greek colonists; and great was my surprise, on first coming in

sight of it, to see a pediment supported by two rows of short squat

columns, without bases, and rising directly from the ground. A nearer

inspection showed the cause of this extraordinary distortion. The whole

slope had risen full six feet during the 2500 years, or so, that have

elapsed since its desertion; and the temple now stands in a large

oblong pit, which has lately been excavated. As we left the spot, and

turned to see it again a few yards off, the beautiful symmetry of the

whole had disappeared again.

To return to Tezcuco. Some three or four miles from the town stands the

hill of Tezcotzinco, where Nezahualcoyotl had his pleasure-gardens; and

to this hill we made an excursion early one morning, with Mr. Bowring

for our guide. We did not go first to Tezcotzinco itself, but to

another hill which is connected with it by an aqueduct of immense size,

along which we walked. The mountains in this part are of porphyry, and

the channel of the aqueduct was made principally of blocks of the same

material, on which the smooth stucco that had once covered the whole,

inside and out, still remained very perfect. The channel was carried,

not on arches, but on a solid embankment, a hundred and fifty or two

hundred feet high, and wide enough for a carriage-road.

The hill itself was overgrown with brushwood, aloes, and prickly pears,

but numerous roads and flights of steps cut in the rock were

distinguishable. Not far below the top of the hill, a terrace runs

completely round it, whence the monarch could survey a great part of

his little kingdom. On the summit itself I saw sculptured blocks of

stone; and on the side of the hill are two little circular baths, cut

in the solid rock. The lower of the two has a flight of steps down to

it; the seat for the bather, and the stone pipe which brought the

water, are still quite perfect.

His majesty used to spend his afternoons here on the shady side of the

hill, apparently sitting up to his middle in water, like a frog, if one

may judge by the height of the little seat in the bath. If, as some

writers say, these were only tanks with streams of running water, and

not baths at all, why the steps cut in their sides, which are just

large enough and high enough for a man to sit in? No water has come

there for centuries now; and the morning-sun nearly broiled us, till we

got into a sort of cave, excavated in the hill, it is said, with an

idea of finding treasure. It seems there was once a Mexican calendar

cut in the rock at this spot; and some white people who were interested

in such matters, used to come to see it, and poke curiously about in

search of other antiquities. Naturally enough, the Indians thought that

they expected to find treasure; and with a view of getting the first

chance themselves, they cut down the calendar, and made this large

excavation behind it.

Here we sat in the shade, breakfasting, and hearing Mr. Bowring’s

stories of the art of medicine as practised in the northern states of

Mexico, where decoction of shirt is considered an invaluable specific

when administered internally; and the recognised remedy for lumbago is

to rub the patient with the drawers of a man named John. No doubt the

latter treatment answers very well!

[Illustration: OLD MEXICAN BRIDGE NEAR TEZCUCO.]

There is an old Mexican bridge near Tezcuco which seems to be the

original _Puente de las Bergantinas_, the bridge where Cortes had the

brigantines launched on the lake of Tezcuco. This bridge has a span of

about twenty feet, and is curious as showing how nearly the Mexicans

had arrived at the idea of the arch. It is made in the form of a roof

resting on two buttresses, and composed of slabs of stone with the

edges upwards, with mortar in the interstices; the slabs being

sufficiently irregular in shape to admit of their holding together,

like the stones of a real arch. One may now and then see in Europe the

roofs of small stone hovels made in the same way; but twenty feet is an

immense span for such a construction. I have seen such buildings in

North Italy, in places where the limestone is so stratified as to

furnish rough slabs, three or four inches thick, with very little

labour in quarrying them out. In Kerry there are ancient houses and

churches roofed in the same way. What makes the Tezcuco bridge more

curious is that it is set askew, which must have made its construction

more difficult.

The brigantines which the Spaniards made, and transported over the

mountains in such a wonderful manner, fully answered their purpose, for

without them Mexico could hardly have been taken. After the Conquest

they were kept for years, for the good service they had done; but

vessels of such size do not seem to have been used upon the lake since

then; and I believe the only sailing craft at present is Mr. Bowring’s

boat, which the Indians look at askance, and decidedly decline to

imitate. It is true that, somewhere near the city, there is moored a

little steamer, looking quite civilized at a distance. It never goes

anywhere, however; and I have a sort of impression of having heard that

when it was first made they got up the steam once, but the conduct of

the machinery under these circumstances was so extraordinary and

frantic that no one has ventured to repeat the experiment.

Before we left Tezcuco, we went in a boat to explore Mr. Bowring’s

salt-works, which are rather like the salines of the South of France.

Patches of the lake are walled off, and the water allowed to evaporate,

which it does very rapidly under a hot sun, and with only three-fourths

of the pressure of air upon it that we have at the sea-level. The

lake-water thus concentrated is run into smaller tanks. It contains

carbonate and sesquicarbonate of soda, and common salt. The addition of

lime converts the sesquicarbonate of soda into simple carbonate, and

this is separated from the salt by taking advantage of their different

points of crystallization. The salt is partly consumed, and partly used

in the extraction of silver from the ore, and the soda is bought by the

soap-makers.

Humboldt’s remarks on the small consumption of salt in Mexico are

curious. The average amount used with food is only a small fraction of

the European average. While the Tlascalans were at war with the Aztecs,

they had to do without salt for many years, as it was not produced in

their district. Humboldt thinks that the chile which the Indians

consume in such quantities acts as a substitute. It is to be remembered

that the soil is impregnated with both salt and natron in many of these

upland districts, and the inhabitants may have eaten earth containing

these ingredients, as they do for the same purpose in several places in

the Old World.

We disembarked after sailing to the end of these great evaporating

pans, and found horses waiting to take us to the Bosque del Contador.

This is a grand square, looking towards the cardinal points, and

composed of ahuehuetes, grand old deciduous cypresses, many of them

forty feet round, and older than the discovery of America. My

companion, not content with buying collections at secondhand, wished to

have some excavations made on his own account, and very judiciously

fixed on this spot, where, though there were no buildings standing, the

appearance of the ground and the mounds in the neighbourhood, together

with the historical notoriety of the place, made it probable that

something would be found to repay a diligent search. This expectation

was fully realized, and some fine idols of hard stone were found, with

an infinitude of pottery and small objects.

When I look through my notes about Tezcuco, I do not find much more to

mention, except that a favourite dish here consists of flies’ eggs

fried. These eggs are deposited at the edge of the lake, and the

Indians fish them out and sell them in the market-place. So large is

the quantity of these eggs, that at a spot where a little stream

deposits carbonate of lime, a peculiar kind of travertine is forming

which consists of masses of them imbedded in tho calcareous deposit.

The flies[15] which produce these eggs are called by the Mexicans

“_axayacatl_” or “water-face.” There was a celebrated Aztec king who

was called Axayacatl; and his name is indicated in the picture-writings

by a drawing of a man’s face covered with water. The eggs themselves

are sold in cakes in the market, pounded and cooked, and also in lumps

_au naturel_, forming a substance like the roe of a fish. This is known

by the characteristic name of “_ahuauhtli_”, that is “water-wheat.”[16]

[15] _Corixa femorala_, and _Notonecta uniforciata_, according to MM.

Meneville and Virlet d’Aoust, in a Paper on the subject of the

granular or oolitic travertine of Tezcuco in the Bulletin (1859) of

the Geological Society of France.

[16] Huauhtli is an indigenous grain abounding in Michoacán, for which

“wheat” is the best equivalent I can give. European wheat was, of

course, unknown in the country until after the Conquest.

The last thing we did at Tezcuco, was to witness the laying down of a

new line of water-pipes for the saltworks. This I mention because of

the pipes, which were exactly those introduced into Spain by the Moors

and brought here by the Spaniards. These pipes are of glazed

earthenware, taper at one end, and each fitting into the large end of

the next. The cement is a mixture of lime, fat, and hair, which gets

hard and firm when cold, but can be loosened by a very slight

application of heat. A thousand years has made no alteration in the way

of making these pipes. Here, however, the ground is so level that one

great characteristic of Moorish waterworks is not to be seen. I mean

the water-columns which are such a feature in the country round

Palermo, and in other places where the system of irrigation introduced

by the Moorish invaders is still kept up. These are square pillars

twenty or thirty feet high, with a cistern at the top of each, into

which the water from the higher level flowed, and from which other

pipes carried it on; the sole object of the whole apparatus being to

break the column of water, and reduce the pressure to the thirty or

forty feet which the pipes of earthenware would bear.

This subject of irrigation is very interesting with reference to the

future of Mexico. We visited two or three country-houses in the

plateaux, where the gardens are regularly watered by artificial

channels, and the result is a vegetation of wonderful exuberance and

beauty, converting these spots into oases in the desert. On the lower

levels of the tierra templada where the sugar-cane is cultivated, a

costly system of water-supply has been established in the haciendas

with the best results. Even in the plains of Mexico and Puebla, the

grain-fields are irrigated to some small degree. But notwithstanding

this progress in the right direction, the face of the country shows the

most miserable waste of one of the chief elements of the wealth and

prosperity of the country, the water.

In this respect, Spain and the high lands of Mexico may be compared

together. There is no scarcity of rain in either country, and yet both

are dry and parched, while the number and size of their torrent-beds

show with what violence the mountain-streams descend into lakes or

rivers, rather agents of destruction than of benefit to the land.

Strangely enough, both countries have been in possession of races who

understood that water was the very life-blood of the land, and worked

hard to build systems of arteries to distribute it over the surface. In

both countries, the warlike Spaniards overcame these races, and

irrigating works already constructed were allowed to fall to ruin.

When the Moriscos were expelled from their native provinces of

Andalusia and Granada, their places were but slowly filled up with

other settlers, so that a great part of their aqueducts and

watercourses fell into decay within a few years. These new colonists,

moreover, came from the Northern provinces, where the Moorish system of

culture was little understood; and, incredible as it may seem, though

they must have had ocular evidence of the advantages of artificial

irrigation, they even neglected to keep in repair the water-channels on

their own ground. Now the traveller, riding through Southern Spain, may

see in desolate barren valleys remains of the Moorish works which

centuries ago brought fertility to grain-fields and orchards, and made

the country the garden of Europe.

There was another nation who seem to have far surpassed both Moors and

Aztecs in the magnitude of their engineering-works for this purpose.

The Peruvians cut through mountains, filled up valleys, and carried

whole rivers away in artificial channels to irrigate their thirsty

soil. The historians’ accounts of these water-works as they were, and

even travellers’ descriptions of the ruins that still remain, fill us

with astonishment. It seems almost like some strange fatality that this

nation too should have been conquered by the same race, the ruin of its

great national works following immediately upon the Conquest.

Spain is rising again after long centuries of degradation, and is

developing energies and resources which seem likely to raise it high

among European nations, and the Spaniards are beginning to hold their

own again among the peoples of Europe. But they have had to pay dearly

for the errors of their ancestors in the great days of Charles the

Fifth.

The ancient Mexicans were not, it is true, to be compared with the

Spanish Arabs or the Peruvians in their knowledge of agriculture and

the art of irrigation; but both history and the remains still to be

found in the country prove that in the more densely populated parts of

the plains they had made considerable progress. The ruined aqueduct of

Tetzcotzinco which I have just mentioned was a grand work, serving to

supply the great gardens of Nezahualcoyotl, which covered a large space

of ground and excited the admiration of the Conquerors, who soon

destroyed them, it is said, in order that they might not remain to

remind the conquered inhabitants of their days of heathendom.

Such works as these seem, however, not to have extended over whole

provinces as they did in Spain. In the thinly peopled

mountain-districts, the Indians broke up their little patches of ground

with a hoe, and watered them from earthen jars, as indeed they do to

this day.

The Spaniards improved the agriculture of the country by introducing

European grain, and fruit-trees, and by bringing the old Roman plough,

which is used to this day in Mexico as in Spain, where two thousand

years have not superseded its use or even altered it. Against these

improvements we must set a heavy account of injury done to the country

as regards its cultivation. The Conquest cost the lives of several

hundred thousand of the labouring class; and numbers more were taken

away from the cultivation of the land to work as slaves for the

conquerors in building houses and churches, and in the silver-mines.

When the inhabitants were taken away, the ground went out of

cultivation, and much of it has relapsed into desert. Even before the

Conquest, Mexico had been suffering for many years from incessant wars,

in which not only thousands perished on the field of battle, but the

prisoners sacrificed annually were to be counted by thousands more,

while famine carried off the women and children whose husbands and

fathers had perished. But the slaughter and famine of the first years

of the Spanish Conquest far exceeded anything that the country had

suffered before.

At the time of the Conquest of Mexico the Spaniards let the native

irrigating-works fall into decay; and they took still more active

measures to deprive the land of its necessary water, by their

indiscriminate destruction of the forests on the hills that surround

the plains. When the trees were cut down, the undergrowth soon

perished, and the soil which had served to check the descending waters

in their course was soon swept away. During the four rainy months, each

heavy shower sends down a flood along the torrent-bed which flows into

a river, and so into the ocean, or, as in the Mexican valley, into a

salt lake, where it only serves to injure the surrounding land. In both

cases it runs away in utter waste.

In later years the Spanish owners of the soil had the necessity of the

system impressed upon them by force of circumstances; and large sums

were spent upon the construction of irrigating channels, even in the

outlying states of the North.

In the American territory recently acquired from Mexico history has

repeated itself in a most curious way. We learn from Froebel, the

German traveller, that the new American settlers did not take kindly to

the system of irrigation which they found at work in the country. They

were not used to it, and it interfered with their ideas of liberty by

placing restrictions upon their doing what they pleased on their own

land. So they actually allowed many of the water-canals to fall into

ruins. Of course they soon began to find out their mistake, and are

probably investing heavily in water-supply by this time. We ought not

to be too severe upon the Spaniards of the sixteenth century for an

economical mistake which we find the Americans falling into under

similar circumstances in the nineteenth.

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