[92] Altered from:--‘twoo.’
[93] These last six words are altered from:--‘a Bolster the best.’
[94] Altered from:--‘two.’
[95] Altered from:--‘ij^o.’
[96] Altered from:--‘One Dozen.’
[97] Altered from:--‘A.’
[98] Altered from:--‘iij.’
[99] Altered from:--‘vj of.’
[100] These last two words are altered from:--‘and.’
[101] Altered from:--‘xxiiij^{ti}.’
[102] Crossed out:--‘It_e_m I gyue and bequethe to my Doughter Anne one
hundreth Mark_es_ of lawfull money of Englond when she shall cu_m_ to
her lawfull age or happen to be maryed And xl^{li} toward_es_ her
Fynding vntill the tyme that she shalbe of lawfull age or be maryed.
Which xl^{li} I will shalbe Delyuered to my Frend John Croke on of the
Six clerk_es_ of the king his Ch_a_uncerie to thintent he may order the
same and cause the same to be imployed in the best wise he can deuyse
about the vertewous educacyon and bringing vp of my saide Doughter till
she shall cu_m_ to her lawfull age or maryage. And if it happen my saide
Doughter to Dye before she cu_m_ to her saide lawfull age or be maryed
Then I will that the said c Mark_es_ and so moche of the said xl^{li} as
then shalbe vnspent and vnimployed at the Day of the deth of my said
Doughter Anne, I will it shall remayne to Gregory my Soon if he then be
on lyue, And if he be Dede the same c Mark_es_ and also so moche of the
saide xl^{li} as then shalbe vnspent to be departed amongst my Sustres
children in man_er_ and fourme forsaid And if it happen my saide Sustres
children then to be all Dede, Then I will the saide c Mark_es_ and so
moche of the saide xl^{li} as then shalbe vnspent shalbe deuyded amongst
my kynsfolk_es_ such as then shalbe on lyue.’
[103] Altered from:--‘xx^{li} I Saye Twentye pound_es_ st_er_ling’: and
this is altered from:--‘xxx^{li} which she oweth me.’
[104] Crossed out:--‘and.’
[105] Crossed out:--‘s_er_u_au_nt w_i_t_h_ my lorde Marques Dorssett.’
[106] Altered from:--‘xl^{li}.’
[107] Altered from:--‘Fourth.’
[108] Altered from:--‘xx^{li}.’
[109] Altered from:--‘x^{li}.’
[110] Altered from:--‘shall remayne to Anne and Grace my doughters.’
[111] Altered from:--‘xl^{li}’: and this is altered from:--‘xx^{li}.’
[112] Altered from:--‘vj^{li} xiij^s iiij^d.’
[113] Altered from:--‘iij^{li} vj^s viij^d.’
[114] Altered from:--‘Cosyn.’
[115] Altered from:--‘c.’
[116] Altered from:--‘Best.’
[117] Altered from:--‘x^{li}.’
[118] Crossed out:--‘It_e_m I gyue and bequethe to Elizabeth Gregory
sumtyme my Seru_au_nt xx^{li} vj payre of Shet_es_ A Fetherbed A payre
of blankett_es_ A Couerlet ij^o table clothes, One Dozen Naptkynnes ij^o
brasse pott_es_, ij^o pannes, ij^o Spytt_es_.’
[119] Crossed out:--‘It_e_m I gyue _and_ bequethe to John Croke one of
the vj clerk_es_ of the Ch_a_uncerye x^{li} my Second gowne Doblet and
Jaquet. It_e_m I gyue and bequethe to Roger More Seruaunt of the king
his bakehouse vj^{li} xiij^s iiij^d iij yard_es_ Saten and to Maudelyn
his wyf iij^{li} vj^s viij^d.’
[120] Crossed out:--‘It_e_m I gyue and bequethe to my litill Doughter
Grace c Mark_es_ of lawfull ynglissh money when she shall cu_m_ to her
lawfull age or maryage and also xl^{li} toward_es_ her exhibucyon and
Fynding vntill suche tyme ‹as› she shalbe of lawfull age or be maryed
Which xl^{li} I will shalbe delyuered to my brother in law John
Willyamson to thintent he may order and cause the same to be imployed in
and about_es_ the vertewous educacyon and brynging vp of my saide
Doughter till she shall cu_m_ to her lawfull age or Maryage. And if it
happen my saide Doughter to Dye before she cum to her lawfull age or
maryage then I will that the saide c m_ar_k_es_ and so moche of the
saide xl^{li} as then shalbe vnspent and vnimployed about_es_ the
fynding of my saide Doughter at the Day of the Deth of my saide Doughter
shall remayne and be Delyuered to Gregory my Soon if he then shall
happen to be on lyue. And if he be Dede then the saide c Mark_es_ and
the saide residue of the saide xl^{li} to be euenlye Departed amongst my
poure kynnesfolk_es_, that is to say my Susters children forsaide.’
[121] The last seventeen words are altered from:--‘Sutton at Hone and
Temple Dartford in the Countie of Kent And shall take the p_ro_ffyte of
my Ferme of the p_ar_sonage of Sutton.’
[122] Crossed out:--‘cu_m_myng.’
[123] Crossed out:--‘in Dead_es_ of charytee ou_er_ and aboue the
charges and reparac_i_ons gyue and Distrybute for my Soule quarterly
xl^s amongst poure people vntill my Soon Gregorye shall cu_m_ to the age
of xxv yeres if he so long do Lyue And then my saide Soon to haue my
said Fermes During the yeres conteyned w_ith_in my leases.’
[124] Altered from:--‘xxv.’
[125] Crossed out:--‘and.’
[126] Crossed out:--‘my saide executours shall sell my said Fermes to
the most proffyte and adu_au_ntage And the money thereof growing to
bestowe in Dead_es_ of charytee vppon my poure kynnesfolk_es_ and other
charytable Dead_es_ to pray.’
[127] Altered from:--‘iij.’
[128] The last eighteen words are altered from:--‘iij yeres xx^{li}.’
[129] Added and crossed out:--‘by the discression of myn executors.’
[130] Altered from:--‘xiij^s iiij^d.’
[131] Altered from:--‘xx^{li}.’
[132] Altered from:--‘vj^s viij^d.’
[133] Altered from:--‘x^{li}.’
[134] Altered from:--‘v^{li}.’
[135] Crossed out:--‘It_e_m I gyue and bequethe to my p_ar_oche churche
for my tithes forgotten xx^s.’
[136] The last eleven bequests are added in Cromwell’s hand.
[137] Altered from:--‘John Croke one of the vj clerk_es_ of the king his
Ch_a_uncerye.’
[138] The last four words are altered from:--‘my S_er_u_au_nt Iohn Smyth
and John.’
[139] Crossed out:--‘and to my litill Doughters Anne and Grace.’
[140] Added and crossed out:--‘ou_er_ and aboue thayr legacyes
beforsayd.’
[141] Every page, except the last two, is also signed by Cromwell.
[142] Cal. iv. 6017.
[143] Cavendish, pp. 160-166.
[144] Cal. iv. 6036.
[145] Cal. iv. 6110.
[146] Cavendish, pp. 175 ff.; Shakespeare, Henry VIII., iii. 2; Froude,
vol. ii. pp. 112 ff.
[147] Cavendish, pp. 169, 170.
[148] Cavendish, p. 179.
[149] Parliamentary Papers, vol. lxii. pt. i. p. 370.
[150] Cal. iv. App. 238.
[151] Cavendish, pp. 179 ff.
[152] Cal. iv. 6098, 6203, 6249. Cf. also Dixon, vol. i. pp. 48-49 _n._
Stubbs’ Lectures, p. 315, and the Life of Cromwell in the Dictionary of
National Biography, vol. xiii. p. 197.
[153] Cal. iv. 6017.
[154] Busch, pp. 288, 289.
[155] Cal. iii. 3694, and iv. 6216, 6792.
[156] Cf. Introduction to vol. iv of the Calendar, pp. 549, 550.
[157] State Papers, vol. i. p. 351.
[158] Cal. iv. 6115.
[159] Cal. iv. 6181.
[160] Cal. iv. 6098, 6181, 6204, 6249.
[161] Letters, 13.
[162] Cal. iv. 6203.
[163] Cal. iv. 6196.
[164] Introduction to vol. iv of the Calendar, pp. 584, 585.
[165] Cavendish, p. 198.
[166] Letters, 18.
[167] Letters, 9-20.
[168] Foxe, vol. ii. pp. 419 ff.
[169] See Appendix I at the end of chapter i, p. 17.
[170] Cf. Ashley, Economic History, vol. ii. pp. 259-304.
[171] On this and the succeeding pages, cf. Creighton’s Papacy, vol. vi.
pp. 296-362, and Mignet, vol. ii. pp. 340-358.
[172] Cal. iv. 6521, 6691.
[173] For the date of the birth of Anne Boleyn see Friedmann, chap. i,
and Note A in the Appendix; Round, The Early Life of Anne Boleyn; and
Gairdner in the English Historical Review, vol. viii. p. 58, and vol. x.
p. 104.
[174] Cal. iv. 1431 (8), 6083, 6163.
[175] Cal. iv. 4477, 4383, 4410, 3325, 3326, 3218-3221.
[176] Cf. the Life of Norfolk in the Dictionary of National Biography,
vol. xxviii. p. 65.
[177] Cal. iv. 5422.
[178] Cf. the Life of Gardiner in the Dictionary of National Biography,
vol. xx. p. 419.
[179] Cf. Pauli, Thomas Cromwell, p. 301.
[180] Cal. iv. 4613, 4884, 5034, 6429, 6744.
[181] Il Principe, chap. xviii, p. 304.
[182] Ibid., chap. xvii, p. 291.
[183] Cal. iv. 6346.
[184] Letters, 1.
[185] Pole, Apologia ad Carolum Quintum, chap. xxix.
[186] This account was drawn up by Pole in 1538. Canon Dixon (History of
the Church of England, vol. i. p. 41) questions the truth of the story
on the ground that The Prince was not published until 1532, several
years after the reported conversation took place. The book, however, was
written in 1513, as Canon Dixon admits, and there is every probability,
especially in view of his early experiences in Italy, that Cromwell
possessed a manuscript copy. Pole, moreover, expressly states that
Cromwell offered to lend him the work, provided he would promise to read
it.
[187] Cal. xiv. (ii) 399.
[188] The chronicler, John Stow, in his Survey of London, p. 180, gives
the following anecdote, which proves that Cromwell was no less arbitrary
as a man than as a minister:--
‘On the south side and at the west end of this church (the Austin
Friars) many fayre houses are builded, namely in Throgmorton streete,
one very large and spacious, builded in the place of olde and small
Tenementes by Thomas Cromwell.... This house being finished, and hauing
some reasonable plot of ground left for a Garden, he caused the pales of
the Gardens adioyning to the north parte thereof on a sodaine to be
taken downe, 22 foot to bee measured forth right into the north of euery
man’s ground, a line there to bee drawen, a trench to bee cast, a
foundation laid, and a highe bricke wall to bee builded. My father had a
Garden there, and an house standing close to his south pale, this house
they lowsed from the ground & bare vpon Rowlers into my Father’s Garden
22 foot, ere my Father heard thereof: no warning was given him, nor any
other answere when hee spake to the surueyers of that worke but that
their Mayster Sir Thomas commaunded them so to doe, no man durst go to
argue the matter, but each man lost his land, and my Father payde his
whole rent, which was vi^{s}. viii^{d}. the yeare, for that halfe which
was left. Thus much of mine owne knowledge haue I thought good to note,
that the suddaine rising of some men, causeth them to forget
themselves.’
[189] Pole, Apologia ad Carolum Quintum, chap. xxix, and Lingard, vol.
vi. p. 233. There is every reason to believe in the veracity of this
report. Pole was in London at the time, and knew Cromwell intimately. He
reiterates the truth of his tale in the following words:--‘Hoc possum
affirmare nihil in illa oratione positum alicujus momenti quod non vel
ab eodem nuncio (Cromwell himself) eo narrante intellexi, vel ab illis
qui ejus consilii fuerunt participes.’ This interview was doubtless the
one which Chapuys describes as due to the quarrel with Sir John Wallop.
According to both accounts it ended by Cromwell’s becoming a Privy
Councillor.
[190] As Cal. iv. 6183.
[191] Cal. iv. 6111, 6154-6155.
[192] Holinshed’s Chronicle, p. 766.
[193] There were to be in all five concessions, the first of which was
the really important and crucial one--‘Ecclesiae et cleri Anglicani,
cujus protector et supremum caput is solus est.’ Wilkins, vol. iii. p.
725.
[194] Cal. v. 62, 70.
[195] Cal. v. 105.
[196] Cal. v. 7, 9; vi. 416.
[197] Wilkins, vol. iii. p. 725.
[198] Friedmann, vol. i. p. 142.
[199] Cal. v. 105.
[200] Cal. v. 171.
[201] Hall, p. 784.
[202] See Appendix at the end of this chapter, p. 104.
[203] Wilkins, vol. iii. pp. 748, 750.
[204] Hall, p. 788; Cal. v. 989.
[205] Cal. v. 1018.
[206] Cf. Dixon, vol. i. pp. 74-111.
[207] Cal. v. 1023.
[208] Cal. v. 1202.
[209] Cal. v. 941.
[210] Demaus, p. 257.
[211] Demaus, p. 274.
[212] Cal. v. 65. Doubtless Vaughan referred to the steps taken by
Bishop Stokesley and others to punish those who favoured the new
religion. It was at this time that Tyndale’s brother John had been
arrested in London for selling New Testaments received from abroad.
[213] Cal. v. 153.
[214] Cal. v. 201.
[215] British Museum, Titus B. vol. i. p. 67.
[216] Letters, 21.
[217] Cal. v. 246, 303.
[218] Cal. v. 533, 574, 618.
[219] Demaus, p. 307.
[220] Cal. v. 701, 1548, 1600, 1728; Letters, 36, 39.
[221] British Museum, Titus B. vol. i. p. 422.
[222] Cal. vi. 180, 461.
[223] Cal. vi. 461, 469, 496, 525, 526, 527.
[224] 24 Hen. VIII., c. 12.
[225] 25 Hen. VIII., c. 19.
[226] 25 Hen. VIII., c. 22. Mendez Silva, pp. 14 and 15, asserts that
Cromwell was responsible for the passage of this statute. The King’s
minister appeared in Convocation and Parliament, and made a speech in
which he said that his master desired that Mary be excluded from the
succession and Elizabeth received in her place, and that he was sure
that they all loved His Majesty so much that they would not refuse to do
his will. Clergy, Lords, and Commons, ‘al peligro de la conciencia ...
se reduxeron facilmente.’
[227] 26 Hen. VIII., c. 1.
[228] 25 Hen. VIII., c. 20.
[229] Cal. viii. 121.
[230] Cal. ix. 517.
[231] British Museum, Cleop. E. vi 254; and Strype, Ecclesiastical
Memorials, vol. i. pt. ii. p. 216.
[232] Cal. viii. 565, 895.
[233] Cal. viii. 609, 661.
[234] Cal. ix. 74.
[235] Cal. xi. 300 (2).
[236] Cal. viii. 196.
[237] Letters, 107.
[238] Cal. vi. 835.
[239] Letters, 52; Cal. vi. 967, 1445.
[240] British Museum, Harl. MSS. 6,148 f, 40 a.
[241] Cal. vii. 54 (31), 522.
[242] Letters, 68.
[243] Cf. Lewis, chap. xxxii.
[244] Cal. vii. 287.
[245] Cal. vii. 296.
[246] Cal. vii. 499, and Letters, 71.
[247] Strype, Cranmer, vol. i. p. 39; vol. ii. p. 693.
[248] Cal. viii. 666.
[249] Cal. viii. 742, 876. Cf. also Lewis, chaps. xxxiv, xxxv, and
xxxvi.
[250] Cal. vii. 575.
[251] Lewis, chap. xxxvii; Roper, 55.
[252] ‘Obraua Cromuel, estas, y otras atrocidades libremente, dando á
entender ser conueniencia del Principe, para la estabilidad de su
Corona, sujecion, y terror en los vassallos.’ Mendez Silva, p. 13.
[253] Letters, 197.
[254] Henry de Bracton’s De Legibus et Consuetudinibus Angliae.
[255] Cal. xiii. (i) 120.
[256] Letters, 107.
[257] The following passage from a letter which Gardiner wrote to the
Protector Somerset in the reign of Edward VI. gives a slightly different
account of the origin of the Act about Proclamations:--
‘Whether the King may command against the Common Law or an Act of
Parliament there is never a Judge, or other man in the realm, ought to
know more by experience of that the Lawyers have said, than I ... being
of the Council, when many Proclamations were devised against the
Carriers out of Corn; when it came to punishing the Offenders the Judges
would answer, it might not be by the Laws, because the Act of Parliament
gave liberty, Wheat being under a price: wherupon at the last followed
the Act of Proclamations, in the passing whereof were many large words.’
It will be noticed that this account of the origin of the Act is in many
ways similar to that contained in Cromwell’s letter: the chief
difference being that according to the latter the measure was adopted to
prevent the export of _coin_, while Gardiner informs us that the statute
was devised to prevent the export of _corn_. It is possible that the
Bishop of Winchester, writing so many years later, had forgotten the
exact circumstances, and was really referring to the same incident as
that described by Cromwell. Burnet has printed Gardiner’s letter in full
(Collection of Records and Original Papers, &c., part ii, book i, no.
14), but he does not seem to have made use of the information it
contains; for in another part of his work (part i, book iii, p. 423) he
asserts that the Act about Proclamations was the result of the great
exceptions made to the legality of the King’s proceedings in the
articles about religion and other injunctions published by his
authority, which were complained of as contrary to law. Hallam (vol. i.
p. 35 _n._) apparently agrees with Burnet in this last statement, and
ignores the evidence supplied by the letter of the Bishop of Winchester.
It is probable that both writers have gone astray in this matter. The
opposition aroused by the King’s ecclesiastical proclamations may have
hastened the passage of the Act, but they can scarcely be regarded as
its origin in the face of the testimony of Cromwell and Gardiner. Burnet
and Hallam were perhaps led to ascribe the source of the statute to
religious matters, by the fact that the Act was passed almost
simultaneously with the Six Articles, and by the special provision which
it contained concerning heretics.
[258] Canon Dixon (History of the Church of England, vol. ii. p. 129)
sees in the Act about Proclamations ‘a timid attempt to draw the
prerogative within the limits of regular legislation,’ and seeks to show
that its true intent was to curtail, while legalizing, a power which the
Crown had exercised hitherto illegally and without any restraint. It is
doubtless true that the King had issued proclamations before, and had
enforced obedience to them, without the sanction of law; and it is
equally certain that the intent of this Act (like that of so many others
which Cromwell devised) was to legalize a privilege of which the Crown
had already made use. But it is more difficult to agree with the
reasoning by which Canon Dixon attempts to show that the true purpose of
this process of legalization was to restrict and not to confirm the
power of the King. It is pretty certain that the practical value of
these limitations was in reality far less than at first appeared; for,
as Hallam and Burnet justly remark, the immediate effect of them was to
confer great power on the judges, upon whom the duty of interpreting the
statute devolved; and the judges--mere puppets in the hands of Henry and
Cromwell--were sure to render every verdict in favour of the Crown. The
exceptions in the Act about Proclamations may well be compared to the
_Quantum per Christi legem licet_, which had been tacked on to the
recognition of the King’s Supremacy. Both were concessions granted
merely as a sop to the popular feeling: both were so guarded that they
could easily be rendered nugatory. Finally, the fact that Cromwell
himself was so active in assisting the passage of this statute should be
a conclusive proof that its real aim was not to legalize and limit, but
to legalize and confirm the power of the Crown. The straightforward
verdicts of Hume and Hallam on the true significance of the Act are
certainly correct: ‘The prerogative could not soar to the heights it
aimed at, till thus imped by the perfidious hand of Parliament.’ The
fact that the statute was repealed in the first year of Edward VI.
simply proves that it was so unpopular that it was impossible to renew
it, when the strong hand of Henry VIII. had been removed. Cf. Hume, vol.
iii. pp. 255, 256; Hallam, vol. i. p. 35; and Blackstone, vol. i. p.
269. There is a curious passage in Beowulf (ll. 67-73), in which the
King rules as he wills, saving his subjects’ lives and heritages, that
is in striking congruence with this Act.
[259] Stubbs, Const. Hist., vol. i. p. 439.
[260] ‘William Copingar, Thomas Johnson, Sherifes. These Sherifes being
on the morrow after Michaelmas day by the Maior and Aldermen presented
before the Barons of the Exchequer, only William Copingar was admitted
and sworne, but Thomas Johnson they woulde not admitte till they knew
farther of the Kings pleasure. The x of October a commandment was
brought from the King to the Lord Maior that he should cause an election
to bee made for a new Sheriffe, at which day, came into the Guild Hall
Mayster Edmond Dudley the Kings President, and there shewed the King’s
letters, that his commons shoulde name for the Kings pleasure, William
Fitz William, to bee Sheriffe for the peace ensuing, which with much
difficulty at length was granted, which William Fitz William kept his
feast the Sixteenth day of October.’ Stow’s Chronicle, p. 879.
[261] Cal. x. 852.
[262] The letter of Cromwell to the Mayor and Burgesses of Canterbury
(Letters, 148) is now in the British Museum; it was put into my hands by
the kindness of Mr. Brodie of the Public Record Office. It was
overlooked at the time of the compilation of the tenth volume of the
Calendar, and escaped the search of Froude and Friedmann, both of whom
discuss the details of this election at some length. Its discovery
throws much fresh light on the history of one of the most famous cases
of arbitrary interference in the choice of members to Parliament that
has come down to us from Tudor times. The reply of the Mayor (Cal. x.
929) is comparatively well known. Froude has printed it in full (vol.
iii. p. 347), but has misread the name of one of the burgesses, which is
‘Darkenall’ or ‘Derknall,’ not ‘Sacknell.’
[263] Cal. vi. 1510.
[264] Cal. x. 351, 601, 1069, and footnote to page 232. Cf. also Froude,
The Divorce of Catherine of Aragon, pp. 413-415.
[265] Wilkins, vol. iii. p. 817.
[266] Letters, 159, 266, 273.
[267] Cal. vii. 1555.
[268] ‘High Dutch’ not ‘Low Dutch.’
[269] Cal. x. 352, 698; xiv. (i) 186 (v).
[270] Cal. xii. (ii), Appendix 35, and xii. (ii) 593.
[271] Letters, 273.
[272] Cal. xiii. (ii) 1085.
[273] Cal. xiii. (ii) 1163; xiv. (i) 37, 371. Dixon, vol. ii. p. 77, and
Eadie, vol. i. p. 360.
[274] Rymer, vol. xiv. p. 659.
[275] Wilkins, vol. iii. p. 760. It is not clear whether this petition
was put forth in the name of Convocation or of Parliament. But the
question is of minor importance: it is safe to say that neither body
originated the Supplication, but that it was forced upon the Commons or
the clergy by the King or his minister.
[276] Cal. vi. 299 (ix, x), 1381. In one place occurs the significant
item ‘To Remembre to make a byll for the p_ar_lyament touching the
augmentacyon of the Annatt_es_.’ British Museum, Titus B. i. 421.
[277] 23 Hen. VIII., c. 20.
[278] Cal. v. 879.
[279] Cal. vi. 793.
[280] 25 Hen. VIII., c. 20.
[281] 26 Hen. VIII., c. 3.
[282] 25 Hen. VIII., c. 21.
[283] Cal. ix. 725 (1).
[284] Cal. vii. 1554.
[285] Cal. vii. 1304; ix. 144, 183; x. 1170; xii. (ii), 1151.
[286] Schanz, vol. i. pp. 535-537.
[287] Schanz, vol. i. p. 518.
[288] 27 Hen. VIII., c. 10. Cf. also on this and the following pages
Digby, pp. 267-280, and Reeves, vol. iii. pp. 275-289.
[289] 1 Rich. III., c. 1; 4 Hen. VII., c. 17.
[290] Cal. viii. 892.
[291] Cal. viii. 892; ix. 725.
[292] 32 Hen. VIII., c. 1.
[293] Schanz, vol. i. pp. 159, 160.
[294] Cf. Schanz, vol. i. pp. 224-227.
[295] Busch, vol. i. p. 149.
[296] Schanz, vol. i. pp. 76-86, 107-108.
[297] Schanz, vol. i. pp. 372-374.
[298] Cal. xiv. (i) 399, 655.
[299] Letters, 74, 190, 213.
[300] 32 Hen. VIII., c. 14.
[301] This proclamation, issued Feb. 26, 1539, decreed that for seven
years ‘straungers shall paye like custome and subsidy as the kinges
subiects.’ British Museum, Titus B. i. 572.
[302] Cal. xiii. (ii) 57, 84, 91.
[303] Letters, 273.
[304] Dixon, vol. ii. p. 83.
[305] Dixon, vol. ii. p. 83.
[306] Letters, 159.
[307] Letters, 106, 116, 124, 129, 186, 206.
[308] Cooper, vol. i. pp. 374, 375. In the Calendar, ix. 615, these
injunctions are apparently attributed to Cromwell. But Cooper expressly
states that the King promulgated them, while Strype (Ecclesiastical
Memorials, vol. i. (i) p. 322, and vol. i. (ii) pp. 218, 219) seems to
think that they were drawn up by Legh and Ap Rice, though he admits that
they were issued in the King’s name. It seems very improbable then that
Cromwell wrote them, and I have not placed them among the letters.
[309] Letters, 104, and Wilson, Magdalen College, p. 80.
[310] Letters, 325, 326. The name of the Master was George Cotes or
Cootes, formerly of Magdalen. He was Proctor in 1529. Davis, Balliol
College, pp. 82-86; Wood, Fasti Oxonienses, pt. i. p. 86.
[311] Cal. ix. 350.
[312] On the Commissions to Cromwell as Vicar-general and Vicegerent cf.
Burnet, vol. i. pp. 292-293 _n._, 342-343 _n._; Collier, vol. ii. p.
104; Gutch, vol. ii. p. 192; Herbert, p. 202; Dixon, vol. i. pp.
244-247; Child, Church and State, pp. 78, 79. It is probable that the
last writer has confounded the two commissions: certainly there is
little reason to think that the title of Vicar-general was granted
_later_ than that of Vicegerent.
[313] See vol. ii. p. 283.
[314] Cal. xi. 41.
[315] An event which took place in July, 1536, may possibly have been
the source of this rumour. It appears that Cromwell had a gold ring
made, with the figures of the Queen, King, and Princess carved on it,
and the following Latin inscription:--
‘Obedientia unitatem parit,
Unitas animi quietem et constantiam;
Constans vero animi quies thesaurus inestimabilis.
Respexit humilitatem
Qui in Filio nobis reliquit
Perfectum humilitatis exemplar.
Factus est obediens Patri.
Et ipsa etiam natura parentibus
Et patrie obediendum docuit.’
This ring he intended to bestow on the Princess Mary, but apparently the
King got wind of the plan and put a stop to it, taking the ring away
from his minister, on the plea that he desired to have the honour of
presenting it to his daughter himself. The episode should have been
sufficient to show that even if Cromwell had any idea of marrying the
Princess, the King’s opposition to the plan would prove insurmountable.
The inscription on the ring, moreover, surely indicates that the gift
was intended rather as a reminder to the Princess of her duty towards
her father, than as a preliminary to a matrimonial proposal. Cal. xi.
148.
[316] Letters, 150.
[317] Cal. xi. 147.
[318] Cal. vi. 913, 981, 1011, 1014.
[319] Cal. xii. (ii) 423.
[320] As Cal. viii. 571.
[321] Cal. ix. 478, 862; xiv. (i) 5.
[322] Cal. viii. 108.
[323] Bagwell, vol. i. pp. 124-152.
[324] Cal. vii. 1141.
[325] Bagwell, vol. i. pp. 152-155.
[326] State Papers, vol. ii. p. 167.
[327] State Papers, vol. ii. p. 180.
[328] Cal. vi. 1586.
[329] Cal. vii. 957, 1141.
[330] Cal. vii. 1057.
[331] Cal. vii. 1095.
[332] Cal. vii. 1141.
[333] Cal. vii. 1193, 1257, 1366, 1389.
[334] Cal. vii. 1418.
[335] Bagwell, vol. i. p. 172.
[336] Cal. vii. 1297; viii. 140.
[337] Cal. vii. 1573, and Bagwell, vol. i. p. 173.
[338] Cal. viii. 448.
[339] Bagwell, vol. i. p. 180.
[340] Cal. x. 15 _n._
[341] Cal. x. 822.
[342] Cal. x. 897, 937.
[343] Letters, 179.
[344] Bagwell, vol. i. pp. 196, 197.
[345] Cal. xii. (i) 503.
[346] Cal. xii. (ii) 382.
[347] Letters, 198-205, 207, 208, 211, 212, 214, 215, 232.
[348] State Papers, vol. ii. pp. 551, 552.
[349] Cal. xiii. (ii) 999.
[350] Letters, 297, 298.
[351] Cal. xiv. (ii) 137.
[352] Cal. xv. 441.
[353] State Papers, vol. v. p. 178.
[354] Bagwell, vol. i. p. 249.
[355] Cal. v. 991.
[356] Ruding, vol. i. p. 308; Cal. vii. 1225.
[357] Cal. vi. 946; vii. 1026 (28).
[358] 26 Hen. VIII., c. 4, c. 6, c. 11, c. 12.
[359] Cal. vii. 1554.
[360] Cal. viii. 839.
[361] Cal. viii. 133, 195, 240, 509, 915, 1058.
[362] 27 Hen. VIII., c. 26.
[363] Cal. vi. 1196. Cf. also Hume Brown, vol. i. p. 381.
[364] Cal. vii. 296.
[365] Cal. ix. 178, 730; x. 75, 227, 482, 863, 944, and Pinkerton, vol.
ii. pp. 327-328.
[366] Cal. xii. (i) 398, 399.
[367] Cal. xii. (i) 1286.
[368] Cal. xii. (ii) 829.
[369] Cal. xii. (ii) 1201.
[370] Letters, 330.
[371] Cf. Pinkerton, vol. ii. pp. 352-353.
[372] Cal. xv. 136.
[373] Cal. xv. 248. Cf. also Hume Brown, vol. i. pp. 388-389.
[374] Cal. vi. 300 (21), 619, and Rymer, vol. xiv. p. 452.
[375] Cf. Letters, 86, 260.
[376] Cal. x. 541.
[377] Cal. xi. 183.
[378] Cal. xiii. (i) 813, 934.
[379] Letters, 260.
[380] Letters, 263.
[381] Cal. xiii. (i) 1219.
[382] Cal. xiii. (i) 1446, 1464.
[383] Cal. xiii. (ii) 97.
[384] Letters, 312.
[385] Letters, 314.
[386] See Life of Arthur Lord Lisle in the Dictionary of National
Biography, vol. xlv. p. 400.
[387] Cal. viii. 75, 76.
[388] Cal. ix. 139.
[389] Cal. viii. 822, 1127. The King and Cromwell were both absent on a
tour in the west and south of England from the end of July until the
beginning of October, 1535. Chapuys states that the object of this trip
was to win the affection of the people on the Borders of Wales, and to
enjoy the excellent hunting which that region afforded. It is probable
that Henry and Cromwell were also desirous personally to inform
themselves concerning the religious houses in the south and west
counties, before permitting their agents to complete the visitation.
Cal. ix. 58.
[390] Cal. ix. 138.
[391] Cal. ix. 621, 622.
[392] Herbert, p. 186.
[393] See ante, chap. vii, p. 115.
[394] Wright, p. 133. A tag of verse.
[395] Cal. ix. 321, 322.
[396] Wright, p. 73.
[397] Letters, 163, 180. Cf. also Gasquet, English Monasteries, vol. i.
pp. 413, 421. Cromwell also took good care that some of the suppressed
houses also should fall to his portion. He ‘appropriated to his own
share the rich Priory of Lewes in Sussex (including its cell of
Melton-Mowbray in Leicestershire), the Priory of Michelham in the same
county, that of Modenham in Kent, of St. Osythe in Essex, Alceter in
Warwickshire, Yarmouth in Norfolk, and Laund in Leicestershire. Sir
Richard Cromwell, his nephew, and great-grandfather of Oliver, received
Ramsey Abbey, Hinchinbrooke Nunnery, Sawtry Abbey, St. Neot’s Priory,
and a house of Austin canons in Huntingdonshire, with Neath Abbey in
Glamorganshire, and St. Helen’s Nunnery in London.’ Blunt, vol. i. p.
377. See also note 4 at the bottom of the same page.
[398] Cal. ix. 509, 632.
[399] Cal. ix. 829.
[400] Wright, p. 156.
[401] 27 Hen. VIII., c. 28.
[402] 27 Hen. VIII., c. 61.
[403] Cal. x. 1191.
[404] Wright, pp. 180-181.
[405] Wright, pp. 267-269.
[406] Cal. xi. 42.
[407] Ellis, 3rd Series, vol. iii. pp. 33, 34.
[408] Cal. xii. (i) 632, 668.
[409] State Papers, vol. i. p. 540.
[410] Wright, p. 153.
[411] This was perhaps the man whom Cromwell years before had helped to
obtain from the Pope the indulgence for the Boston Gild.
[412] Ellis, 3rd Series, vol. iii. p. 168.
[413] Introduction to vol. xiii. of the Calendar, pp. 8-14; Wordsworth’s
Cromwell, pp. 346-347 _nn._
[414] Wriothesley’s Chronicle, vol. i. pp. 76, 90. Cal. xiii. (i) 347;
xiii. (ii) 186, 709-710.
[415] 31 Hen. VIII., c. 13.
[416] Cal. xiv. (ii) 399.
[417] Cal. xiv. (ii) 206.
[418] Cal. xiv. (ii) 530, 531. Cf. also Gasquet, The Last Abbot of
Glastonbury, chaps. vi and vii.
[419] Cal. vii. 587 (18).
[420] Cal. xiii. (i) 225.
[421] Cal. xiii. (ii) 1021. Cf. also the Introduction to vol. xiii. of
the Calendar, p. 23.
[422] Wright, pp. 195, 197.
[423] Cal. xiii. (i) 1335.
[424] Cal. xiii. (ii) 758, 911.
[425] Wright, p. 230.
[426] Cal. xiii. (ii) 767.
[427] Hallam, vol. i. p. 76.
[428] Cal. xiii. (ii) 457 (3).
[429] Burnet, vol. i. p. 431.
[430] 31 Hen. VIII., c. 9.
[431] Cal. xi. 786 (3).
[432] Cromwell.
[433] Cranmer.
[434] Richard Riche.
[435] The Bishop of Lincoln, Dr. Legh, and Dr. Layton.
[436] The Bishop of Lichfield.
[437] Cal. xi. 786 (3).
[438] Cal. ix. 314, 321, 322.
[439] Cal. ix. 694.
[440] Cal. x. 364.
[441] Cal. xi. 705, 780 (2); xii. (i) 70; xiii. (ii) 307.
[442] Letters, 105.
[443] Cal. xii. (i) 138, 786, 900. Cf. also A. L. Smith in Social
England, vol. iii. pp. 21 ff.
[444] Cal. xii. (i) 70 (13).
[445] Cal. xii. (i) 163.
[446] Cal. xi. 585.
[447] Cal. xi. 504, 544.
[448] Cal. xi. 533-534, 536-539, 552-553, 567-568.
[449] Cal. xi. 547.
[450] Cal. xi. 569.
[451] Cal. xi. 567.
[452] Cal. xi. 579-580.
[453] The son of Morgan Williams and Katherine Cromwell. Cf. chap. iii,
pp. 54-55.
[454] Cal. xi. 576.
[455] Cal. xi. 601-602.
[456] Letters, 165, 167, 169.
[457] Cal. xi. 714.
[458] Cal. xi. 674, 694, 706, 715, 717.
[459] State Papers, vol. i. p. 463.
[460] Cal. xi. 611.
[461] Cal. xi. 563, 622.
[462] Cal. xii. (i) 163, 259, 1080.
[463] Cal. xi. 611.
[464] Cal. xi. 627.
[465] Cal. xii. (i) 900, 944.
[466] Cal. xii. (i) 853, 1087.
[467] Cal. xi. 826.
[468] Cal. xi. 626, 671, 758.
[469] Cal. xi. 793, 800.
[470] Cal. xi. 864.
[471] Cal. xi. 887, 902.
[472] Cal. xi. 901.
[473] Cal. xi. 909.
[474] Cal. xi. 995.
[475] Cal. xi. 1061.
[476] Cal. xi. 957, 995, 1115, 1206.
[477] Cal. xi. 1224, 1225.
[478] Cal. xi. 1236.
[479] Cal. xi. 1276.
[480] Letters, 174.
[481] Cal. xii. (i) 44.
[482] Cal. xii. (i) 67.
[483] Thomas, The Pilgrim, p. 53.
[484] Cal. xii. (i) 201, 370.
[485] Cal. xii. (i) 104.
[486] Cal. xii. (i) 369.
[487] Cal. xii. (i) 234, 369 (p. 166).
[488] Cal. xii. (i) 86, 98.
[489] Cal. xii. (i) 498.
[490] Cal. xii. (i) 976.
[491] On this and the succeeding pages, cf. G. T. Lapsley, ‘The Problem
of the North,’ in the American Historical Review for April, 1900, pp.
440-466.
[492] Cal. xii. (i) 595.
[493] Cal. xii. (ii) 914.
[494] Cal. xii. (i) 318, 319, 321, 594, 651.
[495] Cal. xii. (i) 594, 636.
[496] Cal. xii. (i) 319.
[497] Cal. xii. (i) 651, 667, 916, 919.
[498] Cal. xii. (i) 1118.
[499] Cal. xii. (ii) 254, 914.
[500] Cf. Gneist, pp. 513-514.
[501] Phillips, Pole, p. 3. _Cf._ also the genealogy at the beginning of
the book.
[502] Cal. i. 4190.
[503] Cal. iii. 1544.
[504] Cal. iv. 6252.
[505] Poli Epistolae, i. 251-262.
[506] Cal. v. 737.
[507] Cal. viii. 217-219.
[508] Cal. x. 974-975.
[509] Cal. xi. 156.
[510] Cal. xi. 229.
[511] Cal. xi. 93.
[512] Cal. xi. 1353; xii. (i) 779.
[513] Cal. xiv. (i) 186.
[514] Cal. xii. (i) 779.
[515] Cal. xii. (i) 625, 939.
[516] Cal. xii. (i) 1219; Letters, 187.
[517] Life of Pole, Dictionary of National Biography, vol. xlvi. p. 38.
[518] Cal. xii. (i) 34, 249.
[519] There is reason to think that Throgmorton had promised to be a spy
on Pole’s movements for the King. Cf. Letters, 218.
[520] Cal. xii. (i) 249, 296, 313.
[521] Cal. xii. (i) 429; xii. (ii) 552.
[522] Letters, 216-217.
[523] Letters, 218.
[524] Cal. xiii. (ii) 232 (p. 91).
[525] Cal. xiii. (ii) 695, 770, 771.
[526] Cal. xiii. (ii) 804, 805, 954-960.
[527] Cal. xiii. (ii) 802, 979 (7). It is said that Cromwell, in the
course of these prosecutions, contrived to deprive the victims of all
chance of escape by inquiring of the judges whether, if a man were
condemned to death for treason in Parliament without a hearing, the
attainder could ever be disputed. He finally succeeded in obtaining the
reluctant but correct reply that ‘an attainder in Parliament, whether or
not the party had been heard in his own defence, could never be reversed
in a court of law.’ Cf. Hallam, vol. i. pp. 29-30. Coke, Fourth
Institute, p. 38, adds, ‘The party against whom this was intended was
never called in question, but the first man after the said resolution,
that was so attainted, and never called to answer, was the said Earl of
Essex (Thomas Cromwell): whereupon that erroneous and vulgar opinion
amongst our historians grew, that he died by the same law which he
himself had made.’
[528] Cal. xiii. (ii) 753.
[529] Cal. xiii. (ii) 986, 1163.
[530] Wriothesley’s Chronicle, vol. i. p. 92.
[531] Cal. xiv. (i) 867, c. 15.
[532] Cal. xvi. 868.
[533] Cal. xiv. (i) 279-280.
[534] Letters, 301.
[535] Cal. xiv. (i) 603.
[536] Cal. xiv. (ii) 212.
[537] Cal. xiv. (i) 560.
[538] Cf. Robertson, vol. ii. p. 135.
[539] Ranke, Popes, vol. i. p. 77.
[540] Cal. vi. 64, 92.
[541] Cal. v. 1545.
[542] Cal. vi. 110.
[543] Cal. vi. 465.
[544] Cal. vi. 508. Cromwell often begged to be excused from a promised
interview on the plea of illness. Cf. Cal. vii. 959. Though it is
certain that he suffered at times from violent attacks of ague, it is
doubtful if it was always his ill-health which prevented him from
fulfilling his engagements to the Imperial ambassador.
[545] Cal. vi. 918; viii. 263, 327, 355, 948; ix. 594.
[546] Cal. vi. 614, 641.
[547] Ranke, Popes, vol. i. p. 77.
[548] Cal. vi. 1426, 1427.
[549] Mr. Friedmann (Anne Boleyn, vol. i. pp. 225, 250 ff.) believes
that this break with France was due to the influence of Cromwell, who
had urged the King to strike out an independent policy as regards the
Pope. M. Bapst (Deux Gentilshommes, pp. 97, 113), on the other hand,
thinks that the King’s minister originally favoured the French alliance,
and adhered to it until 1535. Neither writer produces any very
conclusive evidence in support of his theory: but Mr. Friedmann’s view
is certainly, on the face of it, the more plausible. It may be too much
to say that it was by Cromwell’s advice that Francis was insulted at
Marseilles, but it is certain that the King’s minister evinced a decided
preference for an Imperial alliance long before the year 1535. Cf.
Froude, The Divorce of Catherine of Aragon, p. 308.
[550] Cal. vi. 918.
[551] Cal. vi. 934.
[552] Cal. vi. 1039-1040.
[553] Letters, 64.
[554] Cal. vii. 21.
[555] Cal. vi. 1510.
[556] B.M. Nero B. iii, 105.
[557] Schäfer, p. 512.
[558] Rymer, vol. xiv. p. 539.
[559] Waitz, vol. i. p. 83.
[560] One of the provisions of the proposed agreement was: ‘Ducere
uxorem fratris mortui sine liberis est jure divino et naturali
prohibitum. Contra prohibitiones divinas invalida ac prorsus nulla est
Romani pontificis vel cujuscumque alterius dispensatio.’ Entwurf eines
Vertrags zwischen König Heinrich und Lübeck; Sommer, 1534. Transcribed
from the original in the Archives at Weimar; Waitz, vol. ii. pp.
319-325.
[561] Ranke, vol. iii. pp. 406-425.
[562] Cal. vii. 970.
[563] Cal. viii. 72, 327.
[564] Cal. viii. 556, 1178.
[565] Cal. vii. 1095.
[566] Cal. vii. 1257.
[567] Cal. vii. 1060, and Baumgarten, vol. iii. pp. 145-146.
[568] Cal. vii. 1437.
[569] Cal. vii. 1483, 1554.
[570] Cal. vii. 1554.
[571] Cal. vii. 1483.
[572] Cal. vii. 1507.
[573] Cal. viii. 174, 557.
[574] Cal. ix. 148, 205, 594, 595.
[575] Cal. ix. 443.
[576] Letters, 126, 128, 135.
[577] Letters, 113.
[578] Cal. ix. 390, 1016.
[579] Cal. x. 771. Cf. also Corpus Reformatorum, vol. ii. pp. 1028 ff.;
iii. pp. 46-50.
[580] Cal. x. 59.
[581] Cal. ix. 776, and Friedmann, vol. ii. pp. 169-173.
[582] Cal. x. 141. Cf. also Friedmann, vol. ii. p. 176.
[583] Cf. Dr. Norman Moore, on the Death of Katherine of Aragon, in the
Athenaeum for Jan. 31 and Feb. 28, 1885.
[584] Robertson, vol. ii. pp. 40-41.
[585] Letters, 136.
[586] Letters, 126.
[587] Cal. x. 141.
[588] Cal. x. 351.
[589] Cal. viii. 948, 1018.
[590] Cal. x. 699. Mr. Friedmann points out that this quarrel of Henry
and Cromwell about the Spanish alliance was intimately connected with
the fate of Anne Boleyn. The Emperor, too cautious to express any
indignation at the news of his aunt’s death, was still planning for the
safety and, if possible, the succession of his cousin the Princess Mary.
On hearing from Chapuys of the possibility of a renewal of cordial
relations with England, he wrote back on March 28, 1536, a most
diplomatic reply, in which he pointed out that it would be certainly for
the interest of the Princess that Anne Boleyn should continue to be
Henry’s wife; for should the King marry again, he might have male issue,
which would succeed to the prejudice of Mary: there was, on the other
hand, little probability that Anne would bear Henry another child, and
the Emperor knew well that in the eyes of the nation his cousin’s right
was far superior to that of Elizabeth. So, by a very extraordinary turn
of affairs, the interests of Charles and of Anne had at least
temporarily become identical. Cromwell probably had not perceived that
this was the true state of affairs when he had his conversation with
Chapuys; but the failure of his attempts to bring about a Spanish
alliance must have opened his eyes to the fact that he had been working
in the interests of one whose ruin had been certainly resolved on by
this time. ‘He took to his bed out of pure sorrow’ for a few days as we
are told; and when he returned to the Court, it was to labour with all
his might for the ruin of Anne, which he saw was necessary to save his
own credit with the King. Friedmann, Anne Boleyn, chapter xvi; Cal. x.
575, 700; also W. H. Dixon, History of Two Queens, vol. iv. pp. 262,
263.
[591] Letters, 170.
[592] Cal. xii. (i) 1310.
[593] Cal. xii. (ii) 1201.
[594] Cal. xii. (ii) 1053, 1285.
[595] Letters, 243. Cf. also Preface to vol. xiii. pt. i. of the
Calendar, pp. 37-38.
[596] Cal. xiii. (i) 1355, 1405, 1451, 1496; xiii. (ii) 77, 232, 277.
[597] Cal. xiii. (i) 995, 1147, 1355.
[598] Letters, 244.
[599] Cal. xiii. (i) 1486.
[600] Cal. xiii. (i) 367.
[601] Baumgarten, vol. iii. pp. 343 ff.
[602] Burnet, vol. i. pp. 316, 409, 435.
[603] Cal. xiii. (ii) 165, 298, 497.
[604] Cal. xiv. (i) 92, 147.
[605] Cal. xiv. (i) 62.
[606] Letters, 286.
[607] John Lambert, moreover, had been tried and burnt, for denying the
Real Presence, in November, 1538. The doctrines of the Lutherans in this
matter were probably almost identical with those of the King at this
time, but the Germans certainly disapproved of the violence of Henry’s
measures for enforcing them.
[608] Cal. xiv. (i) 103.
[609] Letters, 287.
[610] Throughout the negotiations for the Cleves marriages Cromwell made
desperate efforts to assert the dignity of the King, which he could not
help feeling was a little lowered by approaching vassals of the Emperor
with matrimonial offers. Mont was especially directed to confer with
Burckhard about the sister of the Duke of Cleves, ‘not as demaunding
her, but as geving them a prick to stirr them to offre her, as the
noblest and highest hono_ur_ that could come into that noble house of
Cleves, if they could bring it to passe.’ Of course nothing could induce
the mighty King of England to demean himself by asking any favours of
the petty princes of Germany; it was their place, not his, to be the
suitor.
[611] Cf. Ulmann, vol. i. pp. 579, 580; Ranke, vol. i. pp. 226-229.
[612] Life of Duke John of Cleves in the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie,
vol. xiv. p. 214.
[613] Ranke, vol. iv. p. 128; Heidrich, 1, 2.
[614] Heidrich, 21.
[615] Heidrich, 4.
[616] Ranke, vol. iv. p. 129.
[617] Heidrich, 34, 35. Driven by political necessity, William in 1543
finally took the decisive step, and declared himself ready to introduce
the new religion into his dominions, in the hope of gaining aid from his
brother-in-law against the Emperor. But the offer came too late. The
political situation had changed once more, and the overcautious Elector
now definitely and unconditionally refused the aid which he had before
made dependent on William’s acceptance of Lutheranism. The lands of the
Duke were invaded by the Imperial forces, and William was forced, at the
treaty of Venlo, Sept. 7, 1543, to renounce all claims to Gelderland and
Zutphen, to return to the Church of Rome, and to permit no religious
innovations in Juliers and Berg. Subsequently, however, encouraged by
the milder attitude of the Emperor Ferdinand towards the Reformers, he
devoted himself with partial success to an attempt to effect a sort of
compromise between the two faiths in his own possessions, and to
establish there a purified and enlightened Catholic Church, ‘Erasmian’
in its tendencies, and in many respects approaching very closely to the
tenets of the Augsburg Confession. Cf. Heidrich, 91-94, and the Life of
William of Cleves in the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, vol. xliii. pp.
107-113.
[618] Letters, 287.
[619] Letters, 295.
[620] Cal. xiv. (i) 489.
[621] Heidrich, 32.
[622] Cal. xiv. (i) 433, 440.
[623] Letters, 291, 301.
[624] Letters, 297; and Cal. xiv. (i) 584.
[625] Cal. xiv. (i) 570.
[626] Letters, 288.
[627] Cal. xiv. (i) 398-400, 529, 564, 615, 652-655.
[628] Cal. xiv. (i) 669-670.
[629] Cal. xiv. (i) 908.
[630] Cal. xiv. (i) 804.
[631] Cal. xiv. (i) 520, 573.
[632] Cal. xiv. (i) 655.
[633] Burnet, vol. iv. p. 499.
[634] 31 Hen. VIII., c. 14.
[635] Cal. xiv. (i) 1137. The martyrologist Foxe tells an amusing and
characteristic story of Cromwell’s saving Cranmer from punishment for a
book which he had written against the Six Articles. There appears to
have been a bear-baiting on the Thames before the King, which Mr. Ralph
Morice, Cranmer’s secretary, was watching from a small boat: and the
secretary, it seems, had the Archbishop’s book in his girdle for
safekeeping. The bear broke loose from the dogs and upset the wherry in
which Morice was; in the tumult which ensued he lost the precious book.
It was subsequently picked up by the ‘bearward,’ who perceiving what it
was, and being himself a violent papist, gave it to a priest of his
religion, who told the bearward that whosoever wrote it would be hanged
if the King should see it. The bearward endeavoured to give it to some
influential Catholic at the Court, utterly refusing to listen to
Morice’s entreaties that he should return it to Cranmer. At this
juncture Cromwell appeared upon the scene, and so ‘shaked up the
bearward for his over-much malapertness’ that the latter was glad to
return the book to the secretary, and so escape without further
punishment. Foxe, vol. ii. p. 428.
[636] Appendix I. at the end of this chapter.
[637] Cal. xiv. (i) 208, 440.
[638] Bezold, p. 686.
[639] Cf. Appendix I. at the end of this chapter.
[640] Cal. xiv. (i) 441, 442, 955-958.
[641] Cal. xiv. (i) 1273.
[642] Cal. xiv. (i) 1278.
[643] Cal. xiv. (ii) 59.
[644] Cal. xiv. (i) 920; Heidrich, pp. 17, 18.
[645] Cal. xiv. (i) 603.
[646] Cal. xiv. (ii) 218, 300, 545.
[647] Bezold, p. 686.
[648] Cal. xiv. (ii) 63, 127, 128.
[649] Cal. xiv. (ii) 33. Minute inquiries and sometimes indelicately
full replies concerning the appearance and bearing of intended brides
seem to have been authorized by all Tudor traditions. The report of
Wotton is but meagre in details when compared to that of the ambassadors
of Henry VII. concerning Joanna of Naples, whom the English King had
once thought of marrying in 1505. Anne of Cleves was certainly
considered beautiful in Germany. Sleidan, vol. ii. p. 150, refers to her
as ‘eleganti forma virginem.’
[650] Now in the Louvre.
[651] Cal. xiv. (ii) 664. Cf. also the Chronicle of Calais, pp. 167-179.
In the latter, Gregory Cromwell’s name is erroneously written ‘George
Crombwell.’
[652] Cal. xiv. (ii) 634, 677.
[653] Cal. xv. 14.
[654] Cal. xiv. (ii) 753.
[655] Cal. xv. 14.
[656] Hall, pp. 832 ff.
[657] Letters, 349-350.
[658] Hall, p. 837. It appears that the fashion changed in England at
the time of the arrival of Anne. In telling of her wedding, the
Chronicle of the Grey Friars of London (p. 43) informs us that ‘thene
beganne alle the gentyl women of Yngland to were Frenche whooddes with
bellementtes of golde.’
[659] Cf. Appendix II. at the end of this chapter.
[660] Lenz, vol. i. pp. 409-410, 420-421.
[661] Cf. Appendix II. at the end of this chapter.
[662] The truth of Baumbach’s statements is confirmed by Seckendorff,
who obtained his information from the report of Burckhard on this same
interview. Speaking of Cromwell Seckendorff says:--
‘Lutheranum fuisse Burnetus pro certo habet, nec dissentiunt Saxonicorum
Legatorum de eo relationes. Ex iisdem tamen et historiarum documentis
constat, hominem fuisse non saltem solida doctrina minime imbutum sed
eius ingenii ut Regis favorem omnibus rebus anteponeret. Ultima sane
Burcardi ex Anglia relatione de 11 Jan. scripta ... diserte dicitur,
ilium de religione ita disseruisse ut se cum Evangelicis in Germania
consentire non negaret, necessarium tamen sibi esse diceret ut Regis
voluntati sese conformaret, etiam cum vitae suae periculo, id quod
eventus paulo post comprobavit. Non est itaque, ut hunc pro martyre
Evangelicae religionis habeamus, et ipse in loco supplicii mori se
professus est in religione Catholica. Hoc, etsi ex D. Burneti sententia
de Romana minime intellexerit, indicat tamen animum infirmum et
aequivocationes sectantem.’ Seckendorff, s. lxxviii, p. 261; liber iii,
sect. 21.
[663] Von Freyberg, vol. iv. p. 264. Cf. also Life of Philip of Bavaria
in the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, vol. xxvi. pp. 16 ff.
[664] Cal. xiv. (ii) 657.
[665] Life of Philip of Bavaria in the Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie,
vol. xxvi. p. 18.
[666] Cal. xiv. (ii) 719; xv. 76.
[667] Cal. xv. 177.
[668] Cal. xiv. (ii) 733, 737.
[669] The words, as given in the life by Ottheinrich, are: ‘Herzog
Philipp soll dem khönig wider menigklich, ausgenommen wider das Römisch
Reich, 1000 wohl geriste Pferdt Und 4000 wohl geriste fuesknecht
zufiehren.’ Von Freyberg, vol. iv. p. 266.
[670] Transcribed from the original document in the Archives at Marburg.
[671] _sic_, for ‘freundlichen.’
[672] _sic_, for ‘dasz.’
[673] _sic_, for ‘er.’
[674] Transcribed from the original document in the Archives at Marburg.
[675] _sic_, for ‘wyr.’
[676] _sic._
[677] Cal. xiv. (ii) 717.
[678] Martin, vol. viii. p. 260. Cf. also Guiffrey, pp. 276-318.
[679] Cal. xiv. (ii) 524.
[680] Cal. xv. 38.
[681] Cal. xv. 186. Bonner and Wyatt moreover were on very bad terms at
this time, owing to mutual jealousy. It would have been impossible for
Henry to carry his intrigues very far, as long as the two rivals
remained together at the French Court. Cf. Nott’s Wyatt, vol. ii. pp.
44-52.
[682] Cal. xv. 161.
[683] State Papers, vol. viii. p. 241.
[684] Cal. xv. 145, 202.
[685] Cal. xv. 222.
[686] State Papers, vol. viii. p. 257.
[687] Cf. Gaillard, vol. iii. pp. 77, 78.
[688] Letters, 338, 340.
[689] Bradford, pp. 515 ff.
[690] Cal. xiv. (ii) 400.
[691] Cal. xiv. (ii) 688.
[692] Cal. xv. 306.
[693] Cal. xiv. (ii) 750 (p. 279).
[694] Cal. xv. 486.
[695] Cal. xv. 429.
[696] Lords’ Journal, vol. i. p. 129.
[697] 32 Hen. VIII., c. 24.
[698] Cal. xv. 540, 541.
[699] Cal. xv. 543.
[700] State Papers, vol. viii. p. 323.
[701] Heidrich, p. 43.
[702] Soames, vol. ii. p. 408, informs us that ‘in order to fan the
rising flame Gardiner invited the King to an entertainment at Winchester
House. Katherine Howard was among the company assembled on this
occasion, and she then achieved the conquest of her amorous sovereign’s
heart.’
[703] Cal. xv. 658.
[704] Letters, 345.
[705] Cal. xv. 735.
[706] Cal. xv. 736, 737.
[707] Lords’ Journal, vol. i. p. 143.
[708] Cal. xv. 766, 767.
[709] Cal. xv. 804, and Kaulek, pp. 193, 194.
[710] Cal. xv. 766, and Kaulek, p. 189.
[711] This letter stated that Cromwell being put in great trust by the
King in matters of religion had ‘not only of his sensual appetite,
wrought clene contrary to this His Graces most godly entent, secretly
and indirectly advauncing thone of thextremes and leaving the meane
indifferent true and vertuous waye, which His Majestie sought and soo
entierly desired; but also hathe shewed himself soo fervently bent to
the mayntenaunce of that his oultrage, that he hath not spared most
prively, most traitorously, to divise howe to contynue the same and
plainly in termes to saye, as it hathe been justified to his face by
good wittenes, that, if the King and all his Realme wold turne and vary
from his opinions, he wold fight in the feld in his oune personne, with
his sworde in his hande against Him and all other; adding that if he
lyved a yere or two, he trusted to bring thinges to that frame, that it
shuld not lye in the Kinges power to resist or let it, if He wold;
bynding his wordes with such othes, and making suche gesture and
demonstration with his armes, that it might wel appere that he had no
lesse fyxed in his harte, thenne was uttered with his mouth.’ State
Papers, vol. viii. pp. 349, 350.
[712] Henry, however, used every means in his power to support the main
accusation, with other charges of a different nature, which if possible
were even more unjustifiable. The King was not ashamed to write to
Wallop in France to try and get confirmation of the old rumour
(circulated on the Continent by a certain Portuguese ambassador two
years before, and probably as a result of the letters of Chapuys) that
Cromwell had intended to marry the Princess Mary and to make himself
King. Cal. xv. 792, 801, 842.
[713] Cal. xv. 770.
[714] Lords’ Journal, vol. i. p. 145.
[715] Cal. xv. 804.
[716] Cal. xv. 847.
[717] Cal. xv. 926.
[718] Letters, 348.
[719] Cal. xv. 822.
[720] Cal. xv. 825.
[721] Letters, 349, 350.
[722] Foxe, vol. ii. p. 433. If this story be true, the interest which
the King evinced in Cromwell’s letter is to be explained rather by his
anxiety concerning his divorce, than by his sympathy for his fallen
minister. Certainly there is no reason to think the closing scene of the
‘Life and Death of Thomas Lord Cromwell,’ in which a reprieve is brought
from the King by Ralph Sadler after Cromwell’s head had fallen, has any
foundation in fact.
[723] Cal. xv. 898.
[724] It is somewhat significant to note that in this case Henry had
practically acknowledged facts considered by the canonists as
‘sufficient proof’ of consummation in the case of Arthur and Katherine,
and that the King had been glad to accept as such at the time of the
trial of his first divorce. This is merely one of those suspiciously
convenient changes of opinion one encounters so often in dealing with
the personal history of Henry VIII. Cf. Burnet, vol. i. pp. 163-164.
[725] Cal. xv. 825.
[726] Lords’ Journal, pp. 154, 155.
[727] Cal. xv. 899, 901, 953. Part of Anne’s income was derived from the
manor of Canbery, previously owned by Cromwell, and at his attainder
confiscated to the use of the Crown. Rymer, vol. xiv. p. 713.
[728] State Papers, vol. viii. p. 421.
[729] Cal. xv. 765, 792, 794, 841.
[730] Letters, 351.
[731] State Papers, vol. viii. p. 392.
[732] Cal. xv. 794, 811.
[733] State Papers, vol. viii. p. 412.
[734] Cal. xv. 498, p. 217.
[735] Cal. xv. 926.
[736] Holinshed, p. 817; Hall, p. 839; Foxe, p. 433.
[737] Cal. xvi. 40.
[738] Cf. Appendix at the end of this chapter.
[739] Cf. Collier, vol. ii. p. 181. ‘I readily grant Cromwell was no
Papist at his Death. But then, it is pretty plain he was no Protestant
neither.’
[740] Cal. xv. 940.
[741] Cal. xvi. 379 (34). Gregory Cromwell died in 1557, and was
succeeded by his eldest son Henry. The latter’s grandson Thomas, fourth
Baron Cromwell, was created Earl Ardglass in the Irish peerage, April
15, 1645. The earldom of Ardglass expired in 1687, and the barony of
Cromwell became dormant in 1709. Life of Thomas Cromwell, in the
Dictionary of National Biography, vol. xiii. p. 202.
[742] Hall, p. 839.
[743] Cf. Appendix at the end of this chapter.
[744] Foxe, vol. ii. p. 434. Cf. Mendes Silva, pp. 34, 35: ‘Acabadas de
pronunciar estas palabras, se dispuso a morir, pidiendo al verdugo,
llamado Gurrea, para no sentir dilatada pena, le cortasse la cabeça de
vn golpe. Tendiose, pues sobre el madero, y recibiòle terrible, muriendo
aquel que nunca deuiera nacer, por quien Inglaterra desde entonces se
abrasa en infernal incendio de heregias.’
[745] Cf. for this and the following pages, Green, vol. ii. pp. 197-202.
[746] _c.o._ trustyng entyerlye In yow that ye will witsaffe as I may
eu_er_ herafter ow vnto yow my Symple s_er_uyce or any pleasure that
shalbe w_i_t_h_in my lytyll power
[747] _c.o._ before yo_ur_ Retorn to London
[748] _c.o._ I am ascertaynyd that yo_ur_ ladyship shall resayue
[749] _c.o._ case
[750] _c.o._ vnto the kyng_es_ highnes of hys benche
[751] _c.o._ yff yt soo had ben
[752] _c.o._ as was bytwene the sayd s_ir_ John and the sayd s_ir_
Roberte payd
[753] _c.o._ aduaunsement
[754] _c.o._ one to the sayd s_ir_ Roberte Clere in full
co_n_tentac_io_n & payment of cccc Mark_es_ whiche cc^{li} ys yet vnpayd
[755] _c.o._ was and shulde haue ben accomplyshyd in eu_er_y poynte yff
the sayd s_ir_ John Paston had accordyng to hys couen_au_nt_es_ payd the
so_m_mes of money whiche he was bonde to paye by hys Indenture for the
adu_au_ncement of hys sayd doughter. Neu_er_theles yt may please yo_ur_
lordeshypp to knowe the sayd s_ir_ Rob_er_te Clere
[756] _c.o._ but that the sayd foure hundreth poundes shalbe Reco_ue_red
of hys landes
[757] _c.o._ to Inyoine
[758] _c.o._ in the courte of Chauncery
[759] _sic._
[760] _sic_, for ‘these.’
[761] This last sentence was added by the seventeenth-century scholar by
whom the foregoing passages were transcribed, and who calls himself
‘Thomas Masters, Coll. Nov.’
[762] _c.o._ For our lordys loue what
[763] _sic_, for ‘applied.’
[764] _c.o._ that perceyuing by
[765] _c.o._ in the hole cuntrey
[766] _c.o._ yo_ur_ grete good
[767] _c.o._ after such sorte by yo_ur_ approuued high wisedom as ye
lose not the wele & benefite of the same for
[768] _c.o._ there I assure yo_ur_ grace you haue
[769] _c.o._ which do & will not let to interprete all yo_ur_ doings not
in the best parte Alledging that yo_ur_ onelie desire
[770] _c.o._ shalbe grete good vnto yo_u_rself
[771] _c.o._ Fynallie beseching almightie god to p_re_serue yo_ur_ grace
in long lif & good helth w_i_t_h_ the full accomplisshment of yo_ur_
hert_es_ desire From london the xviii day of August
[772] _c.o._ and enter into blynde to satysfye
[773] _c.o._ a you[th]
[774] _sic_, for ‘thus.’
[775] The number of erasures and corrections in this letter is such that
the use of an additional bracket is necessary, in order to render it
precisely. Words enclosed thus {...} are inserted above the line in the
original. Words printed in italics are crossed out.
[776] These words doubtless ought to have been crossed out in the MS.
[777] Here occur the following words _underlined_, not crossed out:
‘that [he] should retourne into the same there to manyfest his errours
and sedycyous opynyons, which (being out of the Realme by his most
vncharytable venemous and pestilent bok_es_ craftie and false
persuasions) he hathe partelie don all redie’
[778] (...) underlined, not crossed out.
[779] (...) this passage is put in the margin.
[780] _c.o._ on the behalf of
[781] _c.o._ highnes
[782] _sic._
[783] _c.o._ most
[784] _sic_, for ‘applied.’
[785] _c.o._ which he helde For terme of yeres of his highnes and hauyng
good and Suffycyent graunt In the same
[786] _c.o._ my ladye
[787] _c.o._ and hauing no Just Cause so to do
[788] _c.o._ and as concernyng the bargayn betwene me and John Ardren of
and for the mano_ur_ of Belthrop w_i_t_h_ the apporten_au_nces which, as
I am Informyd ye wer in mynde to haue bought S_i_r I woold I hadde bene
made preuey to your mynd at whych tyme
[789] _sic._
[790] _c.o._ Thomas
[791] _c.o._ Mr. Edmonde Knightley
[792] _c.o._ w_i_t_h_ other of yo_ur_ grac_es_ counsaill
[793] _c.o._ as hathe ben had & made of the saide good_es_ and also such
offenc_es_ as haue ben co_m_mytted in that behalf haue ben onelie don_e_
and executed by the saide Edmonde Knightley his Syster and suche other
of that p_ar_te and none otherwise
[794] _sic._
[795] i.e. 700.
[796] _sic._
[797] _sic._
[798] i.e. 10,000.
[799] _sic_, see Notes.
[800] _c.o._ be the bolder, must ned_es_ be co_m_pellyd
[801] _c.o._ the more boldlye
[802] _c.o._ praying
[803] _sic._
[804] _c.o._ I trust to get owt the Roote of his practyse
[805] _c.o._ prynces
[806] _sic._
[807] _c.o. a marginal comment as follows_: I began to marke the notable
poinct_es_ of his l_ette_res
[808] _sic._
[809] _c.o._ w_i_t_h_ whom ye never spake as in yo_ur_ lettres [ye say]
[810] _c.o._ Egiptians
[811] _c.o._ And suerly my lord what soeu_er_ ye sey or write for
yo_ur_self, the begynning of yo_ur_ letters for your ... g
[812] _c.o._ it was told or els
[813] _c.o._ or any other
[814] _c.o._ muche
[815] _c.o._ albeit I wol speke for
[816] _sic._
[817] The last paragraph is written along the margin.
[818] _c.o._ For the conducing whereof to effecte the king_es_ highnes
hath specyall trust and expectacion in yo_ur_ grac_es_ approved wisedom
and dexteryte and thus the holie trynyte....
[819] This letter was evidently first written by the King, and later
altered by Cromwell. The passages in brackets {...} are scored through
in the original.
[820] _sic_, see Notes.
[821] _c.o._ which hath byn a great charge to the p_ar_ties wherfore
[822] _c.o._ and good
[823] _c.o._ to consider the said offers vnto his sone
[824] _c.o._ he is greatly charged w_i_t_h_ his Fathers Dett_e_s & also
w_i_t_h_ his
[825] _c.o._ wh_ich_ ys a great charge vnto hym wherfore my Lorde in
dischargyng of yo_ur_ consciens I p_ra_y you at my Desire to yeve vnto
hym a c^{li}. whiche youe toke of his Father And ferder to yeve vnto hym
some other Rewarde hereafter as you shall thynke in consciens mete for
hym
[826] _c.o._ Surveyed and I Fynd I haue
[827] _c.o._ Indifferent
[828] _c.o._ to p_ro_cede
[829] _c.o._ yt may also ple
[830] _c.o._ And in thus doynge ye shall not oonlie do a thinge
proffitable and right meritorious for yo_ur_ sowle
[831] _c.o._ to their hindrance hurte & p_re_iudice
[832] From the official Record Office transcript.
[833] The date ‘May’ is obviously a mistake; it should be ‘March.’ The
dates of the embassy of Gontier and the itinerary of the King make it
quite certain that the letter was written March 4, 1535, which, of
course, was 1534 O. S. Cf. Cal. viii. p. 133 _n._
[834] This letter is obviously misplaced in the Calendar.
[835] _c.o._ this nyght at xii of the Cloke
[836] _c.o._ done and what order ys
[837] _c.o._ drawne
[838] _c.o._ Serche was made and
[839] _c.o._ the Copye of this
[840] _c.o._ to thentent the Kyng_es_ gracyous pleasure may be known
drawen according to the sayd estatute made in the sayd Fyfte yere of
Kyng Richarde the second as ys afforsayd and that was all that was done
in that matyere by
[841] A copy of this letter is also to be found in Longleat House.
[842] _sic._
[843] _c.o._ &c. the kyng_es_ high
[844] _c.o._ reside and demoure
[845] _c.o._ whereby
[846] _c.o._ ye can haue to
[847] _c.o._ shall
[848] _c.o._ wherfore and for asmoche as
[849] _c.o._ whiche if he wold he may right well do and
[850] _c.o._ my sake
[851] _c.o._ in suche wise as he may haue no cause eftesones to
complayne one you for this matier
[852] From the official Record Office transcript.
[853] _c.o._ In my right harty wise
[854] From the official Record Office transcript.
[855] _sic._
[856] _c.o._ for yo_ur_
[857] _c.o._ you even
[858] i.e. 50,000.
[859] This letter, though written in Starkey’s hand and addressed to
Harvell, is believed by Mr. Gairdner to be a copy of a letter written by
Cromwell to Pole, transcribed by Starkey on the inside of the cover of a
letter to Harvell.
[860] _c.o._ w_i_t_h_ the ... and towching the content_es_ of the same
ye shall vnderstand that I haue resceyued yo_ur_ l_ette_res
[861] _c.o._ am contented