GENERAL LONGSTREET’S AMERICANISM
“The strongest laws are those established by the sword. The ideas
that divided political parties before the war--upon the rights of
the States--were thoroughly discussed by our wisest statesmen,
and eventually appealed to the arbitrament of the sword. The
decision was in favor of the North, so that her construction
becomes the law, and should be so accepted.”--GENERAL LONGSTREET
in “From Manassas to Appomattox.”
It seems advisable here to introduce General Longstreet’s personal
version of the animus of the after-the-war criticism of his operations
on the field of Gettysburg, taken from his war history, “From Manassas
to Appomattox:”
“As the whole animus of the latter-day adverse criticisms upon, and
uncritical assertions in regard to, the commander of the First Corps
of the Army of Northern Virginia had its origin in this matter of
politics, a brief review of the circumstances is in order.
“As will be readily recalled by my older readers (while for the
younger it is a matter of history), President Johnson, after the war,
adopted a reconstruction policy of his own, and some of the States
were reorganized under it with Democratic governors and legislatures,
and all would have followed. But Congress, being largely Republican,
was not satisfied, and enacted that the States could not be accepted
unless they provided in their new constitutions for _negro suffrage_.
In case they would not, the State governments should be removed and the
States placed in the hands of general officers of the army as military
governors, who should see that the States were reorganized and
restored to the Union under the laws.
“Under the severe ordeal one of the city papers of New Orleans called
upon the generals of Confederate service to advise the people of the
course that they should pursue,--naming the officers. I thought it
better policy to hold the States, as they were organized, under the
President’s policy, shape their constitutions as directed by Congress,
and have the States not yet reorganized follow the same course. My
letter upon the subject was as follows:
“‘NEW ORLEANS, LA., June 3, 1867.
“‘J. M. G. PARKER, ESQ.:
“‘DEAR SIR,--Your esteemed favor of the 15th ultimo was duly
received.
“‘I was much pleased to have the opportunity to hear Senator
Wilson, and was agreeably surprised to meet such fairness and
frankness from a politician whom I had been taught to believe
harsh in his feelings towards the people of the South.
“‘I have considered your suggestion to wisely unite in efforts
to restore Louisiana to her former position in the Union,
“through the party now in power.” My letter of the 6th of April,
to which you refer, clearly indicates a desire for practical
reconstruction and reconciliation. There is only one route left
open, which practical men cannot fail to see.
“‘The serious difficulty arises from want of that wisdom so
important for the great work in hand. Still, I will be happy
to work in any harness that promises relief to our discomfited
people and harmony to the nation, whether bearing the mantle of
Mr. Davis or Mr. Sumner.
“‘It is fair to assume that the strongest laws are those
established by the sword. The ideas that divided political
parties before the war--upon the rights of the States--were
thoroughly discussed by our wisest statesmen, and eventually
appealed to the arbitrament of the sword. The decision was in
favor of the North, so that her construction becomes the law, and
should be so accepted.
“‘The military bill and amendments are the only peace-offerings
they have for us, and should be accepted as the starting-point
for future issues.
“‘Like others of the South not previously connected with
politics, I naturally acquiesced in the ways of Democracy, but,
so far as I can judge, there is nothing tangible in them, beyond
the issues that were put to test in the war and there lost. As
there is nothing left to take hold of except prejudice, which
cannot be worked for good for any one, it seems proper and right
that we should seek some standing which may encourage hope for
the future.
“‘If I appreciate the issues of Democracy at this moment, they
are the enfranchisement of the negro and the rights of Congress
in the premises, but the acts have been passed, are parts of the
laws of the land, and no power but Congress can remove them.
“‘Besides, if we now accept the doctrine that the States only can
legislate on suffrage, we will fix the negro vote upon us, for he
is now a suffragan, and his vote, with the vote that will go with
him, will hold to his rights, while, by recognizing the acts of
Congress, we may, after a fair trial, if negro suffrage proves
a mistake, appeal and have Congress correct the error. It will
accord better with wise policy to insist that the negro shall
vote in the Northern as well as the Southern States.
“‘If every one will meet the crisis with proper appreciation
of our condition and obligations, the sun will rise to-morrow
on a happy people. Our fields will again begin to yield their
increase, our railways and water will teem with abundant
commerce, our towns and cities will resound with the tumult of
trade, and we will be reinvigorated by the blessings of Almighty
God.
“‘Very respectfully yours,
“‘JAMES LONGSTREET.’
“I might have added that not less forceful than the grounds I gave
were the obligations under which we were placed by the terms of our
paroles,--‘To respect the laws of Congress,’--but the letter was enough.
“The afternoon of the day upon which my letter was published the
paper that had called for advice published a column of editorial
calling me traitor! deserter of my friends! and accusing me of joining
the enemy! but did not publish a line of the letter upon which it
based the charges! Other papers of the Democracy took up the garbled
representation of this journal and spread it broadcast, not even giving
the letter upon which they based their evil attacks upon me.
“Up to that time the First Corps, in all of its parts, in all of its
history, was above reproach. I was in successful business in New
Orleans as cotton factor, with a salary from an insurance company of
five thousand dollars per year.
“The day after the announcement old comrades passed me on the streets
without speaking. Business began to grow dull. General Hood (the only
one of my old comrades who occasionally visited me) thought that he
could save the insurance business, and in a few weeks I found myself at
leisure.
“Two years after that period, on March 4, 1869, General Grant was
inaugurated President of the United States, and in the bigness of his
generous heart called me to Washington. Before I found opportunity to
see him he sent my name to the Senate for confirmation as surveyor of
customs at New Orleans. I was duly confirmed, and held the office until
1873, when I resigned. Since that time I have lived in New Orleans,
Louisiana, and in Gainesville, Georgia, surrounded by a few of my old
friends, and in occasional appreciative touch with others, South and
North.”