CHAPTER X

NATIONAL AND IMPERIAL ASPECTS

I cannot conclude these imperfect suggestions as to how we may best

carry up the moral training of our children, and especially of our boys,

to a higher level, without touching on the wider and national aspect of

the problems we have been considering. Especially is this necessary in

relation to that attribute which, in common parlance, arrogates to

itself the name that covers the vast sweep of all moral obligation and

calls itself emphatically "morality." "Language," Dr. Martineau has

finely said, "is the great confessional of the human heart"; and it may

be in some instinctive sense that this question of personal purity or

the reverse is the determining force for good or evil to the nation, as

well as to the family, that has given this restricted sense to the words

"morality" and "immorality." Yet we are possessed with an inveterate and

almost irreclaimable tendency to look at the question of purity of life

from a purely individualistic standpoint, and to regard it as a matter

concerning the individual rather than the social organism. In electing a

member for the Legislature how often have we not been told that we are

only concerned with his public career, and have nothing whatever to do

with his private life, though the private life is only another

expression for the man himself; and how can we be called upon to entrust

the destinies of our country to a libertine who habitually violates the

obligations of his own manhood and does his best to lower and degrade

the womanhood of the people he is called as a member of the Legislature

to protect and to raise? When shall we learn that whatever touches the

higher life and well-being of the family still more vitally affects the

wider family of the State, and threatens its disintegration? The family

in some lower form will survive in the most corrupt form of society; but

the State, as an organized polity, capable of embodying, preserving, and

promoting the higher life of the nation, perishes.

I am the more led to dwell earnestly on these wider aspects, since that

great epoch-making commemoration which marked the sixtieth year of the

reign of our Queen, and which brought home to the consciousness of the

nation, as nothing else has ever done, its vast world-wide

responsibilities. That great national festival, with its proud imperial

note, in which we celebrated the rise and progress of that "larger

Venice with no narrow canals, but the sea itself for streets," will

forever form a landmark in English history. None who witnessed it will

ever forget that spectacle, of men of all races and color, of all creeds

and traditions, assembled together as brothers and fellow-subjects, to

do honor to a woman's gracious sway of sixty years. And is there not a

deep significance in the fact that these men of warring creeds and

opposed traditions came together to do homage to no commanding

personality, no Semiramis or Boadicea of old, no Catherine of Russia or

Elizabeth of England; but to a sovereign whose chief characteristic has

been that of being a true woman, with a true woman's instinctive

sagacity and wisdom of the heart: a woman with no glamour of youth and

beauty, but bowed with the weight of years and widowhood and cares of

State; a Queen who, on the morning of her crowning triumph, sent forth

no royal proclamation couched in set and pompous periods, but laid her

trembling hands on the bowed head of her people, and gave them a simple

mother's blessing: "Tell my beloved people that I pray from the bottom

of my heart that God may bless them"?

May I not take it as the very embodiment of all that I have been urging

on the women of this day, the immense possibilities of good that lie

latent in our womanhood, the vast issues of good to the nation, and

through it to the world, if that womanhood is only true to itself?

For let us clearly realize that this great moral question is no question

confined to the narrow limits of the home, but a question of the rise

and fall of nations. This is a truism of history. All history teaches us

that the welfare and very life of a nation is determined by moral

causes; and that it is the pure races that respect their women and guard

them jealously from defilement that are the tough, prolific, ascendant

races, the noblest in type and the most fruitful in propagating

themselves. You will never find a permanently progressive race where the

position of women is low, the men libertine, and the state of society

corrupt. What was it that made the most brilliant civilization the world

has ever seen--the civilization which still gives us the inexhaustible

wells of our intellectual life--what was it that made it the

shortest-lived? Few, I think, would deny that the rapid decadence of

Greece, despite her splendid intellectual life, was due to moral causes.

Not the pure, but the impure--the brilliant Hetairæ--were the companions

of men, and the men themselves were stained with nameless vices.

Speaking of the decay of the Athenian people, Mr. Francis Galton says:

"We know, and may guess something more, of the reason why this

marvellously gifted race declined. Social morality grew exceedingly lax;

marriage became unfashionable and was avoided; many of the more

ambitious and accomplished women were avowed courtesans, and

consequently infertile; and the mothers of the incoming population were

of a heterogeneous class."[38] What was it that made the Egyptian

civilization one of the longest-lived of ancient civilizations? Was it

not, as we now find by her monuments, that the position of women was

high; the wife was enthroned by the side of her husband, and impurity

was condemned by the moral sense of the nation? What was it that enabled

our barbaric ancestors, the Teutons, to overthrow the whole power of

civilized Rome? On the authority of Tacitus, we know that they were

singularly pure. Their women were held in the highest reverence, and

believed to have something divine about them, some breath of prophetic

insight. Their young men were not allowed to marry till they were

five-and-twenty--in other words, till their frame was thoroughly

matured. Impurity before marriage was strongly discountenanced in both

sexes. Therefore the whole power of Rome, honeycombed as it was by moral

corruption and sexual vice, could not stand before these pure

barbarians.

And if these mighty civilizations have perished from moral causes, do we

really think that the moral law--will

"Of which the solid earth and sky

Are but the fitful shadows cast on high"--

suspend its operation out of compliment to the greatness of the British

empire or of the American Republic, if they, too, become morally

corrupt; or will not those old vanished nations, in the magnificent

words of the Hebrew prophet, greet the phantom of their departed

greatness in the land of shadows: "What, art thou, also, become weak as

we? Art thou also like unto us? Thy pomp is brought down to the grave;

the worm is spread under thee, and the worms cover thee."

"We talk of our greatness," says Mr. Froude; "do we really know in

what a nation's greatness consists? Whether it be great or little

depends entirely on what sort of men and women it is producing. A

sound nation is a nation that is made up of sound human beings,

healthy in body, strong of limb, true in word and deed, brave,

sober, temperate, and chaste, to whom morals are of more importance

than wealth or knowledge; where duty is first and the rights of man

are second; where, in short, men grow up, and live, and work,

having in them what our ancestors called 'the fear of God.' It is

to form a character of this kind that human beings are sent into

the world. Unless England's greatness in this sense has the

principle of growth in it, it were better for us that a millstone

were hanged about our neck, and that we were drowned in the midst

of the sea."

"I feel more and more," said Mrs. Fawcett in words addressed to a

great meeting of men in the Manchester Free Trade Hall--words that

I wish could be written upon every heart--" that the great question

whether the relations of men and women shall be pure and virtuous

or impure and vile lies at the root of all national well-being and

progress. The main requisite towards a better state of things than

now exists cannot be brought about by any outside agency. There is

no royal road to virtue and purity. Law can do something to punish

wickedness, but improvement in the law is mainly valuable as an

indication that the public standard of morality is raised. Let us

get good laws if we can; but there is only one way of really

obtaining a nobler national existence, and that is by each of us

individually learning to hate and detest the vile self-indulgence

that covers the life of those who are the victims of it with shame

and degradation. Self-control and respect for the rights of others

are the only cure for the terrible national danger which threatens

us. If men and women would learn never to take pleasure in what

brings pain, shame, misery, and moral death to others, earth would

be turned into a heaven. It would be incredible if it were not true

that for mere selfish indulgence thousands of men are willing to

drag women down to what even these men themselves recognize as the

lowest dregs of humanity. Where is their chivalry? Where is their

common humanity? Some would say that such men do not possess

either. For my part, I do not believe this. Let women thankfully

acknowledge that, so far as other matters are concerned, they are

constantly indebted to the chivalrous self-sacrifice of men.

Chivalry is not dead; generous self-sacrifice is not dead; but in

far too many cases, with regard to the all-important question of

personal purity, they are sleeping. Our efforts must be directed to

awakening them. We must try and make men realize the callous

cruelty of all actions which lower the womanhood of even the

poorest and most degraded of women."

And if we refuse, sunk in our own selfish interests and pleasures, and

content that the daughters of the people should perish as long as our

own are safe, then it will not be by an European coalition that the

British Empire will perish, it will be by moral decay from within; in

Blake's rough, strong words:

"The harlot's curse from street to street

Shall be old England's winding sheet."

The British Empire, the great American Republic, the two greatest

civilizing, order-spreading, Christianizing world-powers ever known, can

only be saved by a solemn league and covenant of their women to bring

back simplicity of life, plain living, high thinking, reverence for

marriage laws, chivalrous respect for all womanhood, and a high standard

of purity for men and women alike.

Suffer me to lay before you three considerations, which will prove to

you at once that this great moral question is more vital to our two

nations than to any other, and that we are peculiarly vulnerable to the

action of moral causes.

Firstly, England, and in one sense England alone, is the mighty mother

of nations. Three great nations have already sprung from her loins; a

fourth in Africa is already in process of consolidation. From the narrow

confines of our sea-girt island our people pour into all quarters of the

globe; and if we suffer England to know corruption we send forth

polluted waters into all lands. Your great Republic, on the other hand,

is a mother of nations in another sense, since she receives into her

mighty bosom vast numbers drawn from the suffering peoples of the old

world, and gives them a mother's welcome. According as your civilization

is high and pure, or low and corrupt, so will those naturalized citizens

be. Decay with great empires, as with fish, sets in at the head; and the

moral decadence of England and America will sensibly lower the moral

standard of nearly one-third of the population of the world.[39] The

heart of the two nations is still sound. It is not too late. We are at

least free from the continental system, by which the degradation of

women is reduced to a systematized slavery, to meet what is openly

called a necessity of nature. The comparative purity of Englishmen and

Americans is still a wonder, and often a derision to foreigners. Our

women are a greater power than in any other country. We still start from

a good vantage-ground.

England, certainly through no merit of her own, has been called by the

providence of God to lead in great moral causes. We led in the matter of

slavery--the open sore of the world. We English and American women are

now called to lead, in this its hidden sore, for the healing of the

nations.

Secondly, since you have elected to go beyond your own confines and have

dependencies, and so take up the white man's burden of civilizing and

Christianizing the world, your men as well as ours will be exposed to

that dangerously lowering influence, contact with lower races and alien

civilizations. An Englishman in India, if he be not a religious man, is

apt to blind himself to wrongs done to womanhood, because those wrongs

are often done to a pariah caste who are already set apart for infamy;

though I have not yet heard of an Englishman possessing himself of

slaves on the ground that they were slaves already to their native

masters. Worse still, in savage or semi-civilized countries the native

girl, far from feeling herself degraded, considers that she is raised by

any union, however illicit, with a white man. It is the native men who

are furious. Which of us in England did not feel an ache of shame in our

hearts over the plea of the Matabele to the white man: "You have taken

our lands, and our hunting-grounds are gone. You have taken our herds,

and we want for food. You have taken our young men, and made them slaves

in your mines. You have taken our women _and done what you like with

them_." How many of our native wars may not have had as their cause that

last sentence in the plaint of the Matabele, a cause carefully concealed

from the public eye? For God's sake, let mothers teach their sons that

first rudiment in manly character, the recognition that the girls of a

conquered race, or of a barbarian tribe inhabiting one of our spheres of

influence, from the very fact that they are a conquered race, or, if not

conquered, hopelessly and piteously in our power, are _ipso facto_ a

most sacred trust to us, which it is both unmanly and bestial to

violate. Especially I would plead with mothers to send us pure men for

our army--officers who will set their men a high example of chivalry

towards the weakest native woman, and who will so influence them by

example and personal influence that they may look upon voluntarily

disabling themselves from active service, while still taking the

government pay, as unmanly and unsoldierly. Give us men who can say with

a non-commissioned officer writing home to one of our White Cross

secretaries: "I have been out in India now eleven years and have never

had a day's illness; and I think the whole secret of my good health is

total abstinence from all that intoxicates, and that I honor all women

as I honor my mother or any of my sisters."

Thirdly, the hardest thing on earth is not to slay a sin, but to get it

buried; and the hardest of all sins to get under ground is the sin of

impurity. It is largely due to the low standard of purity among men that

we owe the almost insoluble problem presented by the existence of the

large Eurasian population in India, and of the half-caste generally.

"The universal unanimity of the popular verdict on the half-caste

is remarkable," says Olive Schreiner in some powerful articles

published in _Blackwood_ on the problems presented by our Colonial

Empire. "The half-caste, it is asserted in every country where he

is known, whether it be in America, Asia, or Africa, and whether

his ancestors be English and negroid Spanish and Indian, or Boer

and Hottentot,--the self-caste is by nature anti-social. It is

always asserted that he possesses the vices of both parent races

and the virtues of neither: that he is born especially with a

tendency to be a liar, cowardly, licentious, and without

self-respect."

Olive Schreiner herself is the first to admit that there are exceptions.

She says:

"The fact that amongst the most despised class of our laboring

half-castes we have all met individuals, not only of the highest

integrity, but of rare moral beauty and of heroic and fully

developed social feelings, does not impugn the theory of his

unfortunate position. If you should sow human seed inside the door

of hell, some of it would yet come up white lilies. But as a rule

the popular verdict on the half-caste is not overdrawn."

I strongly agree with Mrs. Schreiner that this lamentable result is not

due solely, or even chiefly, to the admixture of races, but far more to

the circumstances in which he has been born and bred. He has originated

in almost all cases, not from the union of average individuals of the

two races uniting under average conditions, but as the result of a

sexual union between the most helpless and enslaved females of the dark

race and the most recklessly dominant males of the white. "He enters a

world in which there was no place prepared for him." His father was

about as sensible of his parental obligations towards him as a toad

towards its spawn in the next ditch. To him he "was a broken wineglass

from last night's feast." "Often without a family, always without a

nation or race, without education or moral training, and despised by the

society in which he was born," is it any wonder that the half-caste is

the curse of the community in which he is found;--one of those whips, as

Shakespeare reminds us, that "heaven makes out of our pleasant vices" to

"scourge" us into some sense of their seriousness?

If you would not incur that curse, that insoluble problem of the

half-caste, then in both your civil and military services send out men

of clean hearts and lives into your dependencies, Alas! in your great

military camps during your Spanish war a moral laxity was allowed,

which, had it been attempted in the Egyptian campaign, Lord Kitchener

would have stamped out with a divine fury. I had it from an eyewitness,

but the details are wholly unfit for publication.

I do not hold with our "little Englanders" that the possession of an

empire is a disaster; on the contrary, I hold that it constitutes a

splendid school for the formation of strong character,--of men who are

the very salt of the earth,--and that the sense of a great mission to be

fulfilled tends to give a nobility of soul to the whole nation; while

even the wars it may involve prove the vultures of God swooping down on

the hidden social rottennesses which in prolonged peace may breed

unnoticed and unreproved. We have never forgotten the bitter lessons of

the Crimean war which laid bare our miserable incompetence in

organizing, and the moral rottenness of our English firms that could

supply our soldiers with paper-soled boots and bayonets that bent at a

thrust, when the very life of our brave fellows depended on their being

well armed and well shod.

America will never forget the sufferings of her wounded in the Spanish

war, sufferings caused by the like dishonesty in the goods supplied and

the like criminal incompetency which failed to provide them even with

necessaries.

But I do say that an empire presents many difficult problems, and that

the men who accept its responsibilities need a sound head, clean hands,

and above all a pure heart.

Let me in conclusion relate an incident which happened in the wreck of

the _Warren Hastings_, to which I have already alluded,--an incident

which I can never tell without a breaking voice and eyes full of tears.

In that awful night of storm and darkness and iminent shipwreck, the

officer in command, after ordering his men below to lighten the crowded

deck, stationed two of his men at a narrow gangway through which he

feared an ugly rush for life might be made, while the women and children

were being embarked, bidding them on no account to leave their post till

he gave them the word of command. At length the women and the sick had

all been saved in the boats. This done, and not till then, the men had

saved themselves, some by boats, some by life preservers; and last of

all the captain and officer in command were proceeding to leave the fast

foundering ship, when the latter heard a voice close to him, saying,

"Colonel, may we leave now?" It was the voice of one of his two

sentinels. In the stress and strain of the awful scenes of that night he

had for the moment forgotten that he had ordered them not to leave their

post until he gave the word of command. And he said that _the water was

almost up to their lips_!

Oh ye mothers of America and of our great Empire! send us such men as

these,--men who will mount guard over women and children in all lands,

and see, as far as in them lies, that they do not make shipwreck of

what is dearer than life;--men who, even with the bitter waters of

temptation up to their own lips, will still hold their post and see that

no man, to save himself, drives them down into that dread sea of

perdition which never gives up its dead.

Then East, West, North, South, the American flag will witness in the

face of all nations to the true manhood that steers its course by no

earth-born fires of passion and selfish lust, but by the eternal stars,

the heavenly lights of God, and mother, and duty, and home.

East, West, North, South, by its side our flag, twice scored with the

White Cross, will float wide in the face of all nations the Englishman's

faith, reverence for womanhood, self-giving manhood, and the pure heart

that sees God.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 38: _Hereditary Genius_, by Francis Galton, p. 331.]

[Footnote 39: Great Britain, since the conquest of the Soudan, rules

one-fourth of the population of the world.]

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