1859-66
Since only political events in which Lady John was herself deeply
interested or those which affected her life through her husband's career
are here to the purpose, the other international difficulties with which
Lord John had to deal as Secretary for Foreign Affairs in this Government
may be quickly passed over. And for the same reason the domestic politics
of these years require only the briefest notice. Palmerston's Ministry
produced very little social legislation, and the fact that Lord John was at
the Foreign Office, while the Prime Minister led the Commons, increased the
legislative inactivity of a Government which, with Palmerston at its head,
would in any case have changed little in the country. Gladstone's budgets
and Cobden's Free-Trade Treaty with France were the important events.
Between 1860 and 1864 the taxation of the country was reduced by twelve
millions, the National Debt by eleven millions, and the nation's income
increased by twenty-seven millions, while foreign trade had risen in two
years by seventy-seven millions. These were the most splendid results a
Chancellor of the Exchequer has ever been able to show; but the changes by
which it had been achieved had been far from welcome to Palmerston himself.
It had required great resolution on Gladstone's part to carry the Prime
Minister with him.
Many comments have been made on the indifference which the country showed
to domestic reform during these years of Liberal Government; but it is not
very surprising. It is a familiar fact that when foreign affairs are
exciting the people are not eager about social or political reform, a fact
upon which Governments have always been able to count. And foreign affairs
had been very exciting. Under Lord John and Palmerston our own foreign
policy had been bold and peremptory; the policy of France was directed by
Napoleon, whose head, as Palmerston said, was as full of schemes as a
rabbit-warren is of rabbits; and the quarrel of 1852 between Prussia and
Denmark had arisen again in a far acuter form. It was, therefore, natural
that popular attention should be constantly turned abroad.
The deaths of those who linked Lady John with her childhood now came
quickly. Her father, Lord Minto, died a month after Lord John had taken
office. He had been ailing for some time.
LONDON.--PEMBROKE LODGE, _May_ 2, 1859
John at 7 a.m. to Huntingdon to propose Mr. Heathcote at
nomination; back to Pembroke Lodge about five, having been very
well received, but chiefly by the _ill-dressed_. Papa
surprisingly well--saw him on my way out of town; far the happiest
sight I had yet had of him. Dear Papa, he looked so pleased, smiled
so brightly when he saw me. "Ah, dear Fanny! How glad I am to see
you! How fresh and well you look." Held my hand all the time I was
with him.... I said I hoped in his place I should be as
patient--that he was an example to us all, as he always had
been.... Said few daughters could look back at my age without being
able to remember having heard from their father one word but of
love and kindness....
He died on July 31, 1859. His keen interest in public questions continued
to the end, with a firm belief in the ultimate triumph of good. "Magna est
veritas et prevalebit" were almost the last words he spoke on his
death-bed.
During the autumn of 1860 Lord John accompanied the Queen to Coburg, where
boar-shooting with the Prince Consort and Court-life (he never liked its
formalities) failed to console him for absence from wife and children.
_Lady John to Lord John Russell_
PEMBROKE LODGE, _October_ 11, 1860
I found two letters from you here.... So you are fairly on your
journey and safe so far. And here I am with my large detachment,
all well and merry, and all at dear beloved home again after our
wanderings. I am so thankful, and I hope to be still more so in
five days, when I am no longer doomed to sing "There's nae luck
about the house," as I have done daily for three weeks.... That you
should have killed a wild boar is all but incredible, and makes me
expect to see you with a long moustache and green _Fäger_
costume.
In April, 1861, Lord John's second daughter, Victoria, married Mr.
Villiers, son of the Bishop of Durham. Lady John wrote some verses to her
on her marriage which are published in Walpole's "Life of Lord John
Russell."
In May the Duke of Bedford died. The Duke had been Lord John's close
friend, and had often advised him at the beginning of his career. He was
one of those influential noblemen who watch politics with unflagging
interest, but without the smallest desire to take an active part in them.
It was his pride and pleasure to know the ins and outs of a situation
perhaps even better than some of the principal actors in it, and his
judgment was always at his brother's service. On his death Lord John
inherited the Ardsalla estate in Ireland. The loss of his brother
precipitated perhaps an intention he had considered for some time of saving
his strength by accepting a peerage, and exchanging the strenuous life of
the House of Commons for the lighter work of the House of Lords. The
exchange was effected in July, when Lord John became Earl Russell.
"Very dismal about the peerage," writes Lady John in her diary,
"and seeing only the sad side of it.... John made a fine speech on
Sardinia, perhaps his last in the House of Commons."
_Lady Minto [55] to Lady John Russell_
_July_ 20, 1861
...It is impossible not to feel _very sad_ in parting with a
name which has so long been the rallying point of the Liberal
party, the watchword of all those who in our day have fought the
good fight, and, whatever name he may bear, it will never carry to
English ears the same sound as "Lord John." People older than
ourselves had looked to it with hope; and in our time, whenever
Liberty has been in danger, or truth or justice or the national
honour has been attacked, the first question which rose to men's
lips was, "What will Lord John do?"....I remember his first speech
on the China War in 1856. How empty the House was when he rose, how
rapidly it filled to overflowing; then the intense silence which
followed the rush, and lastly the overpowering cheers from all
sides as he went on. To leave the scene where he has so long
wielded at will the, alas! _not fierce_ "democracie" (and it
will be milder still without him!) must require immense
self-control and self-denial.
[55] Formerly Lady Melgund. Her husband had now succeeded his
father as third Earl of Minto.
_Lord John Russell to Lady Minto_
LONDON, _July_ 23, 1861
MY DEAREST NINA,--It seems very bad of us not to have explained
duly and deliberately that I have the project resolved upon and
decided of accepting a peerage. But there have been many changes in
my mind before the final leap was resolved upon. Forty-seven years
of the House of Commons are enough for any man, and imply a degree
of wear and tear which those who read the speeches listlessly at
the breakfast table have little conception of. A reply which is to
go to Paris, Petersburg, Turin, and Washington requires much
presence of mind, and often much previous thought, work, etc. A
calmer atmosphere will suit better my old age, but I could not
leave my companions on the Treasury Bench while any change was
impending, and if I were to wait till 1862 I might again find the
ship in a storm, and be loath to take to the boat. About a title
for Johnny there is still some doubt, but I shall be Earl Russell,
and make little change in the signature of
Your affectionate brother,
J. RUSSELL
In August Lord and Lady Russell and their children went to Abergeldie
Castle, which had been lent to them for several successive autumns. Their
free and happy life in the Highlands was delightful to them all. In October
Lady Russell writes: "Left our beautiful Highland home.... Very very
thankful for all our happy Abergeldie days."
In the April of this year the American Civil War had broken out, and the
Ministry had been obliged to decide the question whether England should
recognize the Southerners as "belligerents" or accept the Northern view of
them as "rebels." The touchiness of the Northerners, and the fact that in
England many people sympathized loudly with the South, made it difficult
for the Ministry to maintain the attitude of neutrality, which, while
recognizing the Southern Confederacy as a belligerent Power, they had
officially declared in May. In November two Commissioners, sent by the
Confederacy to put the case of the South before the Courts of Europe, were
forcibly seized on board the _Trent_, an English, and therefore a
neutral, vessel. This was a breach of international law, and the resentment
it provoked in England was increased by the truculent attitude of the North
in the face of our demand for the restoration of the Commissioners. The
Congress, instead of apologizing, proceeded to pass a vote of thanks to
Captain Wilks for having intercepted the _Trent_.
_Lady Russell to Lady Dunfermline_ [56]
PEMBROKE LODGE, _December_ 13, 1861
When the account of the seizure of the Southern Commissioners first
reached us I was afraid of the effect on John's health and spirits,
as you may well believe; but, as you say, he could not but feel
that there had been no fault on our side, that not a word had been
spoken, not a deed done by him but what showed the friendliest
feeling to the United States, and the strongest wish to remain at
peace with them. I wish the newspapers were blameless; but there
was a sneering, exulting tone in many of them after the military
disasters of the North which was likely to irritate. Mr. Motley
said long ago that the _Times_ would, if possible, work up a
war between the two countries, and though I can't speak from my own
knowledge, as I have seldom looked at its articles, I have no doubt
from what John and others say that he was right.... There can be no
doubt that we have done deeds very like that of Captain Wilks--not
exactly like, because no two cases ever are so--but I wish we had
not done them, and I suppose and hope we shall admit they were very
wrong. It is all terrible and awful, and I hope and pray war may be
averted--and whatever may have been the first natural burst of
indignation in this country, I believe it would be ready to
execrate the Ministry if all right and honourable means were not
taken to prevent so fearful a calamity.
[56] Her husband, Mr. Ralph Abercromby, was now Lord Dunfermline.
_December_ 19, 1861
John to town to see Mr. Adams [57].... John's interview with Mr.
Adams encouraging. Mr. Adams showed him a dispatch from Mr. Seward
declaring Government to be quite uncommitted as to opinion on
seizure of Commissioners.
[57] American Minister in London.
In December the Prince Consort died. Almost his last public act was to
modify the dispatch sent in reply to the vote in Congress, so that it
offered the North an opportunity of relaxing with dignity their
uncompromising attitude.
_Lady Russell to Lady Charlotte Portal_
PEMBROKE LODGE, _December_ 24, 1861
I know you, like everybody, must have been thinking much of our
poor desolate Queen. Her anguish, her loneliness of heart on that
pinnacle of human greatness, must weigh on all who have known how
happy she was; but to us who have often seen that lost happiness,
it is almost like a grief of our own. I don't believe I have ever
seen her take his arm without the thought crossing my mind: "There
is the real blessing of your life--that which alone makes you as
happy a woman as others in spite of your crown." Everybody must
have been full of dread of the effect upon her, but she has borne
up nobly--or rather, she has bowed humbly to God's will, and takes
comfort in her children. It must be soothing to her that his rare
worth is now fully acknowledged and gratefully felt by the whole
nation.
_January_ 7, 1862
John to town at twelve, back at half-past six; dispatches and
letters from Lord Lyons of December 26th discouraging, cabinet
still considering our demands. Surrender possible, but in Lord
Lyons's opinion very unlikely.
_January_ 8, 1862
Telegram to John at 6 p.m. Commissioners surrendered! Thank God.
General rejoicing in the House.
_Lady Russell to Lady Dunfermline_
PEMBROKE LODGE, _January_ 13, 1862
Well, what do you say to our American triumph? It ought to go far
to cure you all. It is long since any political event has given me,
my particular self, such unmixed pleasure. For my country, for my
husband, and for the other country too, with all its sins, I
rejoice with all my heart and soul. John is delighted. He was very
anxious up to the last moment.
...We "Plodgians" were all so delighted that it has been a surprise
to us to hear of the very tempered joy, or rather the ill-concealed
disappointment, of _London society_; but John says London
society is always wrong, and I believe the country to be all right.
_Lady Russell to Lady Dunfermline_
LONDON, _February_ 10, 1863
You ask me about Kinglake's book--everybody except ourselves is
reading or has read it.... With regard to the sleepy Cabinet dinner
at Pembroke Lodge he has from what we hear fallen into great
inaccuracy.... John says that the despatch, having been circulated
in the Cabinet before that dinner, was already well known to them
all. As far as he remembers none but Sir William Molesworth went to
sleep. I remember perfectly how several of them told me afterwards
about Sir William sleeping and falling from his chair, and we have
often laughed about it, but I do not remember being told of anybody
else going to sleep. I suppose I shall read the book, but I cannot
tell you how I shrink from anything that must recall and make one
live over again those terrible months of vacillation and weakness,
the consequence of a Coalition Cabinet, which "drifted" us into a
most terrible war--a war from which consistency and firmness would
have saved us. A thoroughly Aberdeen Ministry would have maintained
peace. A thoroughly Russell or Palmerston Ministry would have
maintained peace and honour too.
_Lord Russell to Lady Minto_
PEMBROKE LODGE, _July_ 9, 1863
Parliament is coming to an end, most people being tired of talking
and everybody of listening.... Lord Chelmsford says in honour of
the House of Lords: "The Commons have a great deal to do and they
don't do it--the Lords have nothing to do and they do it."
In 1863 relations between England and America were again strained. English
vessels were perpetually running the blockade to bring cotton to England
and goods to the Southern ports--a risky but highly profitable business.
They were often captured by Northern cruisers and forfeited. There were
complaints on our side that the Federal courts were not always careful to
distinguish in their decisions between cases of deliberate blockade-running
and legitimate trading with ports beyond the Southern frontier. The North,
besides blockade-running, had a further cause of complaint. The
Confederates were getting cruisers built for them in neutral ports. The
most famous case of the kind was that of the _Alabama_, which was
built in the Mersey. The English Government had information of its
destination, but failed to prevent it sailing--a failure which eventually
cost us an indemnity of £3,000,000. The speech referred to in the following
letter was made in the midst of these troubles. It was a defence of
England's good faith in the matter of the _Alabama_ and an assertion
that Americans should be left to settle their own difficulties without
European mediation. At this time the French Government and a strong party
in England were in favour of European intervention. By securing the
independence of the South, they hoped to diminish the power of the United
States in the future. Such an idea could only be entertained while the
struggle between North and South seemed evenly balanced. The next year
showed the hopelessness of such a project and vindicated the wisdom of the
English Government in having refused to attempt to divide America into two
independent Powers.
_Mr. William Vernon Harcourt (later Sir William) to Lady
Russell_
_September_ 28, 1863
I hope you will excuse my taking the liberty to write you a line of
admiration and satisfaction at Lord Russell's speech at Meiklour
[in Scotland], which I have just read. I take so deep and lively an
interest in the great American question and all that concerns it
that I looked forward to the authorized exposition of English
policy by the Foreign Secretary with the greatest anxiety. Lord
Russell's speech, will, I am sure, be of immense service both to
Europe and to America. It has the _juste milieu_, and withal
does not suppress the sympathy which every good man must feel for
the cause of freedom, in a manner which more than ever justifies
the Loch Katrine boatman's opinion of his "terrible judgment."
I cannot help feeling that this speech has for the first time
publicly placed the position of England in its true light before
the world, and I with many another one am very grateful for it.
Among all Lord Russell's many titles to fame and to public
gratitude, the manner in which he has steered the vessel of the
State through the Scylla and Charybdis of the American War will, I
think, always stand conspicuous.... Now I am going to ask a great
favour. I saw at Minto a copy of verses written for the
summer-house at Pembroke Lodge, of which I formed the highest
opinion. May I have a copy of them? I should really be most
sincerely grateful and treasure them up amongst the things I really
value.
These are the lines referred to by Mr. Harcourt:
To J.R. PEMBROKE LODGE, _June_ 30, 1850
Here, statesman, rest, and while thy ranging sight
Drinks from old sources ever new delight
Unbind the weary shackles of the week,
And find the Sabbath thou art come to seek.
Here lay the babbling, lying Present by,
And Past and Future call to counsel high;
To Nature's worship say thy loud Amen,
And learn of solitude to mix with men.
Here hang on every rose a thorny care,
Bathe thy vexed soul in unpolluted air,
Fill deep from ancient stream and opening flower,
From veteran oak and wild melodious bower,
With love, with awe, the bright but fleeting hour.
Here bid the breeze that sweeps dull vapours by,
Leaving majestic clouds to deck the sky,
Fan from thy brow the lines unrest has wrought,
But leave the footprint of each nobler thought.
Now turn where high from Windsor's hoary walls,
To keep her flag unstained thy Sovereign calls;
Now wandering stop where wrapt in mantle dun,
As if her guilty head Heaven's light would shun,
London, gigantic parent, looks to thee,
Foremost of million sons her guide to be;
On the fair land in gladness now gaze round,
And wish thy name with hers in glory bound.
With one alone when fades the glowing West,
Beneath the moonbeam let thy spirit rest,
While childhood's silvery tones the stillness break
And all the echoes of thy heart awake.
Then wiser, holier, stronger than before,
Go, plunge into the maddening strife once more;
The dangerous, glorious path that thou hast trod,
Go, tread again, and with thy country's God.
F.R.
WOBURN ABBEY, _August_ 18, 1864
My dear, dear husband's birthday. [He was seventy-two.] I resolved
not to let sad and untrustful thoughts come in the way of gratitude
for present happiness, and oh! how thankfully I looked at him with
his children around him. They made him and me join them in a match
at trap-ball that lasted two hours and a half. He, the boys, Johnny
and Agatha rode, Mademoiselle and I drove in the same direction. He
and his cavalcade were a pleasant sight to me. He looked pleased
and proud with his three sons and his little daughter galloping
beside him. The day ended with merry games.
In September, 1864, came the news of Lord Amberley's engagement to Lord
Stanley of Alderley's daughter. He was at that time only twenty-one. Lady
Russell's feeling about it is shown in the following letter:
_Lady Russell to Lady Georgiana Russell_
NORTH BERWICK, _September_ 21, 1864
MY DEAREST GEORGY,--Your long and dear letters were a great
pleasure to me, showing how you are thinking and feeling with us
about this event, so great to us all. Whatever pangs there may be
belonging to it, and of course there are some, are lost and
swallowed up to me in great joy and gratitude. We might have wished
him to marry a little later, to have him a little longer a child of
home. But, on the other hand, there is something to me very
delightful in his marrying while heart and mind are fresh and
innocent and unworldly, and I even add inexperienced--for I am not
over-fond of experience. I think it just as often makes people less
wise as more wise. There is more real truth in their "Ideale" than
in what follows.... God bless you, dear child.
Your very loving MAMA
In July, 1865, Parliament was dissolved, the Ministry having held office
for six years. They had lost prestige over the Schleswig-Holstein
negotiations. Lord Derby, with justification, denounced their policy as one
of "meddle and muddle," and Palmerston only escaped a vote of censure in
the Commons by being able to point to the prodigious success of the
Ministry's finance. His personal popularity and ascendancy, however, were
as great as ever; the Liberals were returned by a majority of sixty-seven.
Although this majority must have been more than they looked for, the
election disappointed Lord Russell in two respects: Gladstone lost his seat
at Oxford and Lord Amberley was beaten at Leeds. Before Parliament met
Palmerston fell seriously ill.
PEMBROKE LODGE, _October_ 19, 1865
Letter from the Queen at Balmoral to John telling him she means to
ask him to carry on the Government in case of Lord Palmerston's
death. Dearest John very calm and without the oppressed look and
manner I always dread to see.
On the 18th of October Palmerston died. Had he taken the precautions usual
at the age of eighty, he might have lived longer, but in private as in
public life, he despised caution. He was one of those statesmen whom modern
critics, on the watch for the partially obsolete and with the complexity of
present problems always before them, tend to depreciate. He had the first
quality which is necessary for popularity: he was readily intelligible. In
addition he was prompt, combative, and magnanimous; shrewd, but never
subtle; sensible, but not imaginative. He had no ideas which he wished to
carry out; he did not like ideas. He wanted England to dominate in Europe
and to use her power good-naturedly afterwards; to be, in fact, what a
nobleman may be in his home-country, where he is universally looked up to
and ready to take immense trouble to settle fairly disputes between
inferiors. Opposition from a direction making it savour of impertinence he
stamped upon at once, without imagining the provocation or ideas from which
it might possibly spring; he could not understand, for instance, that there
might be two sides to the Chinese War. It is probable, too, that had not
the Prince Consort intervened to soften the asperity of the Government's
protest against the seizure of the Confederate emissaries on board the
_Trent_, we should have had war with the Northern States. This
menacing, peremptory attitude in diplomacy served him well, till Bismarck
crossed his path. In the encounter between the man with a great idea to
carry out, who had taken the measure of the forces against him, and the man
who had only, as it were, a dignified attitude to support in the eyes of
Europe, the odds were uneven, and Palmerston was beaten.
Lord Russell, though he must have been among the few who knew the Prime
Minister had been failing lately, writes that his death came with a shock
of surprise, he was so full of heart and health to the last.
Lord Russell now became Prime Minister, and Lord Clarendon took his place
at the Foreign Office.
PEMBROKE LODGE, _November_ 2, 1865
John to town at twelve, back at half-past five, having taken leave
of the dear old Foreign Office and left Lord Clarendon there.
Happy, happy days, so full of reality--the hours of work so
cheerfully got through, the hours of leisure so delightful.
Sometimes when I walk with my dear, dear husband and see my lovely
Agatha bounding along with sparkling eyes and rosy cheeks, and the
bright sun shining on the red and yellow trees, I can only feel the
sunshine of life and forget its autumn leaves. Or when we sit
together by our evening fire and talk, as our moods or fancies lead
us, of things grave or gay, trifling or solemn, my heart seems to
leap within me from the sense of happiness, and I can only utter
silent and humble thanks to the Almighty Giver. It must end, oh,
fearful thought!--parting and death must come; fearfully yet not
despairingly I think of that end. Come when or how it will, it
cannot take all away--this happiness, this unutterable gratitude is
not for time only, but is mine for ever.
The succession of Lord Russell to Palmerston's place at the head of the
Government implied a change in its character and policy. It was not merely
a continuation of an old, but practically the formation of a new
Government. Lord Russell was bent upon introducing a Reform Bill, and thus
closing his career in forwarding the cause in which he had won his earliest
and most famous laurels, and for which he had on two other occasions
striven without success. But though the country was now in a mood for such
measures, and Gladstone's speeches in favour of an extension of the
franchise had been well received, the party which had been elected in
support of Palmerston was largely composed of men who shared his
indifference, if not his dislike, to all such proposals. In all probability
the Ministry was therefore doomed to a short life. "Palmerston," wrote Lord
Clarendon to Lord Granville, "held a great bundle of sticks together. They
are now loosened and there is nobody to tie them up." [58] In any case such
a Bill would require very careful steering. The first ominous sign of a
split occurred when it became necessary to fill the vacancy caused by the
retirement of Sir Charles Wood. A place in the Cabinet was offered to Mr.
Lowe, but he refused on the ground that he could not support Reform. Lord
Russell, with characteristic abruptness and without consulting his
colleagues, then offered the place to Mr. Goschen, who was quite unknown to
the public; he had only been three years in Parliament, and held a
subordinate office. [59] The choice was an admirable one, but to those who
had not read Mr. Goschen's book upon Foreign Exchanges the appointment
might well seem inexplicable.
[58] "Life of Lord Granville," by Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice.
[59] Promotion so rapid has only occurred once or twice in Parliamentary
history. See note, Morley's "Life of Gladstone," vol. ii, p. 156.
LONDON, _February_ 3, 1866
Sir Charles Wood [60] called--wished to see me alone--chiefly in
order to talk about John, his occasional sudden acts without
consulting colleagues, and the bad effect of so acting. He gave
some instances, in which he was quite mistaken, some in which he
was right. The subject was a difficult one for me--but his
intentions were very kind, and as I heartily agree with him in the
main, we got on very well, and as a wife I was glad to have the
opportunity of saying some things of my dearest, dearest John, who
is not always understood. Sir Charles took my hand, kissed it, and
said: "God bless you."
[60] Sir Charles Wood retired with the title of Lord Halifax.
Early in March Lady Russell writes to her son Rollo, at Harrow, of a very
agreeable evening at Chesham Place, when Mr. Froude and Mr. Bright were
among her guests.
_Lady Russell to Mr. Rollo Russell_
_March_ 1, 1866
I wish you had been here at the Friday dinner.... It was such a
pleasant little dinner. Bright was between Johnny and me; ... his
conversation is interesting; he is warm hearted and very much in
earnest. We talked of Milton, Shakespeare, and poetry in general;
he has intense admiration for Milton, as a man and as a poet, as he
ought to have; but agreed with me that it is less improbable that
the world should produce another Milton than another Shakespeare.
He said reading poetry was the next to the greatest pleasure he had
in life--the greatest was little children. These refined and
amiable tastes are not what the common world would attribute to
Bright, who is better known for determination and pugnacity.
Although Lord Russell and Lord Derby were the two leaders of their
respective parties, they were no longer the principal men on either side.
The centre of interest lay in the House of Commons, and Gladstone and
Disraeli were now the antagonists whom everybody watched. On March 12th the
Government's Reform Bill was introduced in a speech by Gladstone, which was
chiefly remarkable for lacking his usual fervour. The cause of this want of
ardour on his part lay in the nature of the Bill itself. In order to
conciliate the apathetic or hostile section of the party, the Cabinet,
against the advice of Lord Russell and the inclinations of Gladstone had
separated the franchise question from their redistribution scheme, which
ought to have been an integral part of any Reform Bill capable of meeting
the needs of the country. The grievances which such a Bill would aim at
mitigating, although less gigantic than those which called for removal at
the time of the first Reform Bill, were still serious enough. In 1865
"there was not one elector for each four inhabited houses, and five out of
every six adult males were without a vote." [61] But in addition to this
the large increase in population had been very unevenly distributed, with
the result that large towns like Liverpool were palpably under-represented.
The franchise had been fixed by the first Reform Bill at £10 a year rental.
The Bill which Gladstone brought forward in the Commons proposed to reduce
the county franchise from £50 to £14, and the borough franchise from £10 to
£7 rental. Gladstone wished to make the payment of rates qualify a man for
a vote; but this change was thought to be too radical, and any lowering of
the qualifying sum of £7 rental would, it was found, place the
working-classes in command of a majority in the towns--a result which the
Cabinet was not ready to face. Moderate as the measure was, it was received
with bitter hostility, while its half-heartedness roused little enthusiasm
among the keener Liberals of the party. The debates upon the first and
second readings were remarkable for energy of attack from the disaffected
section of the old Palmerstonian party, nicknamed the "Adullamites." Mr.
Lowe's speeches from "the cave of Adullam," "to which every one was invited
who was distressed, and every one who was discontented," are still [62]
remembered as among the most eloquent ever delivered in the House of
Commons. The second reading passed by so narrow a majority that the
Government thought it prudent to rally their reliable supporters, and meet
just criticisms upon the inadequacy of their Bill, by bringing forward a
redistribution measure and incorporating it with their franchise proposals.
For a time this served to help them. By declaring that they would also
stand or fall by the redistribution clauses of their Bill, they at any rate
showed a better front to the Opposition. Towards the end of June, however,
they were beaten in committee by eleven; their defeat being principally due
to the attacks and manoeuvres of Mr. Lowe and Mr. Horsman, who had been
Irish Secretary in Palmerston's first Ministry.
[61] Spencer Walpole, "The History of Twenty-five Years."
[62] John Bright's speech.
_Lady Russell to her two sons at Harrow_
_March_ 15, 1866
...Horsman and Lowe are both Liberals; Horsman used, I think, to be
reckoned Radical. But both have taken a violent dislike to
Parliamentary Reform, and certainly one would not guess by their
speeches that they were liberal in anything. Mr. Lowe's was a very
clever speech; Bright's very clever too, and very good. Of course
the Bill does not satisfy him; but his honest support of it, being
all in the right direction, is creditable to him and very useful to
the measure. Your Papa is much pleased with the whole debate,
thinking it a very good one (excellent speeches for and against the
measure), and the result probably favourable to it. As to the
likelihood of its passing, opinions vary. I hear that Lord Eversley
(the late Speaker) says he would take a good big bet that it won't
pass. Your Papa says he is ready to bet against him that it will.
Will Ministers dissolve Parliament if beaten? To that I must answer
I don't know. I heard Mr. Gladstone's speech. As Willy says, the
latter part was very eloquent. It was all good; but the details of
a Suffrage Act are tiresome, and the apparent indifference, or even
apathy, of our side of the House allowed even the striking passages
with which the speech was interspersed to fall dead. The passages
were striking, but nobody seemed to be struck. I don't believe the
real feeling is one of dislike to Reform; but that, of course, they
don't like to show, as the greater part of them, in spite of
dislike, will support it. Your classical hearts must have enjoyed
Mr. Gladstone's "ligneus equus" quotation; but I am afraid Mr.
Lowe's continuation was better. I never, or seldom, like quotations
that merely illustrate what the subject of discussion does
_not_ resemble--they are forced and without much point; but
when Mr. Lowe _likens_ our Reform Bill to the "monstrum
infelix," and hopes it will not succeed in penetrating the "muros"
of the Constitution (isn't that pretty nearly what he said?) there
is wit and point in the quotation. [63]
[63] Gladstone, in his apologetic introductory speech, had declared that no
one could regard the Bill as a Trojan horse, which the Government was
introducing surreptitiously within the citadel of the Constitution. "We
cannot say:
"'Scandit fatalis machina muros
Foeta armis.'"
(The fated engine climbs our walls, big with arms.)
Mr. Lowe retorted:
"That was not a very apt quotation; but there was a curious
felicity about it which he [Mr. Gladstone] little dreamt of. The
House remembers that, among other proofs of the degree in which
public opinion is enlisted in the cause of Reform, is this--that
this is now the fifth Reform Bill which has been brought in since
1851. Now, just attend to the sequel of the passage quoted by the
right honourable gentleman:
"'O Divum domus Ilium et inclyta bello
Mcenia Dardanidum! Quater ipso in limine portae
Sustitit, atque utero sonitum quater arma dedere.'
(O Troy, house of gods and Dardanian city famous in war! four times in
the very gateway it stood, and four times the clash of arms sounded
in its womb.)
"But that is not all:
"'Instamus tarn en immemores, caecique furore,
Et monstrum infelix sacrata sistimus arce.'
(Yet we, thoughtless and blind with enthusiasm, urged it on, and in our
hallowed citadel stationed the ill-omened monster.)"
_Mr. Charles Dickens to Lady Russell_
GLASGOW, _April_ 17, 1866
MY DEAR LADY RUSSELL,--...In sending my kindest regards to Lord
Russell, let me congratulate you on the culminating victory before
him, and on the faith and constancy with which the country carries
him in its great heart. I have never felt so certain of any public
event as I have been from the first that the national honour would
feel itself stung to the quick if he were in danger of being
deserted....
Dear Lady Russell,
Ever faithfully yours,
CHARLES DICKENS
LONDON, _April_ 19, 1866
Political prospects not brightening. John and his Ministry will be
in such an honourable position, whether they stand or fall, that no
serious danger threatens the country if they fall. My only anxiety
is lest John should be disappointed and depressed; and it was with
a sense of relief of which he was little aware that I heard him say
yesterday of his own accord, as he looked out of window at the
bright sunshine, "I shall not be very sorry--it's such fine weather
to go out in."
LONDON, _June_ 19, 1866
At 7.30 a note was brought to John from Mr. Gladstone. Government
beaten by eleven. Happily Gladstone, though ambiguous in one
sentence as to the importance of the vote, was not so in others--or
at all events was understood to mean "stand or fall."
Cabinet at 2.30 resolved that John should write to the Queen to
offer resignations. Queen meantime writes from Balmoral, foreseeing
the defeat, that she will not accept the resignations.
Dearest John not depressed, though very sorry for this defeat of
his hopes. He will stand well with the country, and that he feels.
The Queen could not understand the necessity of her Ministers' resignation.
The amendment upon which they had been defeated by so small a majority
seemed to her a matter of small importance compared with events which made
continuance in office desirable. For Bismarck had just declared war upon
Austria, and the failure of Overend and Gurney had thrown the City into
confusion. After a delay of more than a week, however, she was compelled to
accept their resignations, which had been tendered as early as June 19th.
PEMBROKE LODGE, _June_ 28, 1866
John so well and happy that my joy in his release becomes greater
every hour. There is a sense of repose that can hardly be
described--abounding happiness in his honourable downfall that
cannot be uttered.
_Lady Russell to Lady Dunfermline_
PEMBROKE LODGE, _June_ 30, 1866
As I wrote to you last in a doubting and disagreeable state of
mind, I am in a hurry to write again, being now perfectly certain
that the blessings of the resignation far outweigh its pains. I do
not care for the charge of fickleness which may with justice be
made against me. I can only confirm it. The defeat made me very
sad. I hoped for many days that John could honourably remain in
office.... On the day of the resignation he was serious--perhaps
sad--and so was I. The next day everything, including his face,
looked brighter, and has gone on brightening; so that now I am only
afraid of being too much uplifted by our downfall, and hardly have
words enough to describe my relief and joy. All the best men are
full of approbation of his conduct. He and Mr. Gladstone have given
an example to the country worth more than a Reform Bill. A short
Tory reign will strengthen the Whig party; a good strong Whig
Opposition will prevent much Tory mischief, so that there is little
regret on public grounds to mix with my unbounded joy on our
private account. Seven years of office had made me aware of its
advantages and its interest, and I saw that John liked it, and I
thought I did; but now I see that he has had enough of it, and any
fear I may have had that he might regret it is for ever gone, and I
have found out how entirely it was an acquired taste with me. I
can't say how often we have already said to one another, "Now that
we are out," as a preface to something pleasant to be done. He said
to me this morning, "The days will not be long enough now." That
"now" would surprise those people who may imagine that time will
hang heavy on his hands. He is in excellent spirits.... We feel as
if fetters had been struck off our minds and bodies. If God grants
us health, how happy we may be, dearest Mary! I have said far too
much on this subject, but you will understand how I have reason to
be both sadder and gladder than other Ministers' wives.
Prussia and Italy had declared war against Austria, Hanover, Bavaria, and
Hesse on the day the Russell Government was defeated. At Custozza the
Italians were badly beaten by the Austrians, under the Archduke Charles.
Alas, alas! for poor Italy! Alas for everybody engaged in this most
wicked and terrible German war! Surely it is all wrong that two or
three bad, ambitious--men should be able to cause the death and
misery of thousands upon thousands. Our day at Harrow, Agatha with
us, was very happy. I never had heard John so heartily cheered by
the boys.
He was in his seventy-fourth year, and he was never again to bear the cares
of office. That summer they went down to Endsleigh, which they had not
visited since the first years of their marriage,
ENDSLEIGH, _August_ 4, 1866
John, Georgy, and I here about 7.30, after a beautiful journey.
Lovely Endsleigh! it is like a dream to be here.... Thoughts of the
old happy days haunting me continually. To church, to Fairy Dell.
Places all the same--everything else altered.