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POLITICS OF ALABAMA
by
J. C. MANNING
Published by the Author
Copyright, 1893, BY J. C. Manning.
All Rights Reserved.
DEDICATION.
To the patriotic people of Alabama who demand "a free ballot and a fair
count," and believe in honest government, this little book is
fraternally dedicated by the author.
[Illustration: J. C. Manning]
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I. THE FAMOUS KOLB-JONES GUBERNATORIAL CONTEST.
CHAPTER II. THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY ONE OF PREJUDICE.
CHAPTER III. DIFFERENT KINDS OF "PARTY LASH" CRACKERS.
CHAPTER IV. THE TROUBLE OF THE SIXTIES.
CHAPTER V. WANT PRODUCES THINKERS.
CHAPTER VI. "BOURBON" CAMPAIGN INTOLERANCE.
CHAPTER VII. ELECTION METHODS OF THE DEMOCRATS.
CHAPTER VIII. SUCCESS OF THE POPULISTS ASSURED.
POLITICS OF ALABAMA.
CHAPTER I.
THE FAMOUS KOLB-JONES GUBERNATORIAL CONTEST.
Until recently, embracing the past several months, almost national
attention has been centered upon the politics of Alabama.
Notice was first attracted by the famous Kolb-Jones gubernatorial
contest. This campaign was something novel in the South, for until then,
there had not been, for years, any probability of defeat to the
organized Democracy in Alabama.
However, during the Kolb-Jones political fight, astute "organized"
Democratic leaders soon expressed such grave apprehensions of the
success of their ticket that, only a few weeks before the time had come
for the state election (Aug. 1, 1892), Alabama was in the throes of such
political excitement as had probably never before been known in the
history of that commonwealth. This fervor increased up to the day of
election, when, as is known to the entire country, Capt. R. F. Kolb
swept the state with cyclonic victory, notwithstanding the fact that he
was defrauded by the manipulations of the ballot-box stuffers,
unscrupulous returning-officers and unprincipled members of
canvassing-boards. Another man is to-day occupying the seat to which
Captain Kolb is entitled, with the absolute acquaintance of the
certainty of this statement, and with the perfect knowledge that a vast
majority of the people of Alabama are fully aware that, inasmuch as he
has assumed it wrongfully, he is unworthy of the trust. What a shameful
and revolting spectacle!
President Hayes was never more despised by the people of Alabama, than
is Governor Jones by the common people of his own state.
No better or more interesting recital could be given of the rightful
claims of Captain Kolb, than is made in his open letter, written
December 15, 1892, and addressed to the General Assembly and people of
Alabama. In this letter Captain Kolb makes a demand for justice, gives
well-known facts that are susceptible of proof, makes statements of
particular frauds, and asks why an investigation of the matter is not
permitted and the people allowed to choose their own public servants.
The letter is as follows:
"TO THE MEMBERS OF THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY OF ALABAMA, AND THE PEOPLE
OF ALABAMA:
"As I have so far been denied the official rights conferred upon me
by a sovereign people, I deem it my duty to address this open
letter to the members of the Legislature and people of Alabama, and
respectfully ask for an impartial hearing. 'Let justice be done,
though the heavens fall.' On the 1st of December, 1892, a
conscienceless and corrupt oligarchy overturned the republican form
of government in Alabama, and installed as the _de facto_ governor,
a man who was not elected to the office. I feel that I am airing no
mere private or personal grievance in thus protesting against and
denouncing this great crime against law, order and civil liberty. I
would be an unfaithful steward and unworthy of the sacred trust
confided to me by the people of Alabama at the polls in August
last, if I remained silent under the circumstances. Two years ago
the Democratic party, in convention assembled, refused to nominate
for governor the acknowledged choice of a majority of the party.
For the sake of harmony, I bided my time for another two years,
believing that the people would then rise in their majesty and
throw off the tyrannous yoke of party bosses. On the 8th of June
last, the Democratic party again assembled in state convention, to
nominate candidates for governor and other state officers, and for
a second time, the rights and wishes of the people were over-ridden
by fraud and the unfair use of party machinery in the election of
delegates thereto. My friends did everything in their power to
bring about a fair and honorable settlement of all differences
existing between the two factions of the Democratic party in the
state. All overtures in this direction were treated with scorn and
derision by the so-called 'organized' Democracy, and we were forced
to organize our own state convention, which was composed
exclusively of life-long Democrats. This convention nominated a
full state ticket and appealed to the justice-loving hearts of the
true, sovereign people of Alabama, for their verdict on the first
Monday in August. The issues between the two factions of the party
were fully presented by both sides of the controversy, in the most
memorable campaign ever known in the political history of the
state. On the first Monday in August, the people spoke at the
ballot-box in thunder tones and declared that the ticket headed by
myself for governor, received a majority of over 45,000 of the
votes cast, fully 25,000 of that majority being white voters. By
frauds and manipulations on the part of election managers and
county returning-boards in many counties of the state, this true
majority of 45,000 for myself for governor, was changed into a
fictitious majority of about 11,000 for Thomas G. Jones. This state
of facts was admitted to be true for weeks after the election by
prominent supporters of Governor Jones throughout the state, who
did not hesitate to say that the Legislature, when it convened,
would provide for a prompt and impartial investigation of the
frauds alleged to have been committed, and would declare who was
rightfully entitled to the office of governor. Governor Jones
himself is on record as having used the following language on the
subject, in an interview with Mr. Chappel Cory, editor of the
Birmingham _Age-Herald_, on August 21, 1892:
"'If I am not fairly elected I do not want the office. I intend to
renew my recommendation, made in February, 1891, to the ensuing
General Assembly, to pass laws to provide for contests before the
General Assembly, for governor and the other state offices. There
can be no doubt that such a law will be passed. You may say further
that if the limited session allowed by the constitution will not
give sufficient time to hear and decide such contests as may be
brought, that I will not hesitate to convene the General Assembly
in extraordinary session for the purpose. I have neither reason nor
motive to use the power of the office of governor to hinder or
embarrass investigation; but, were it otherwise, consecration to
this great trust would leave me no room for doubt as to the pathway
of duty and honor, when the happiness and contentment of the people
lay in the balance against partisan success or personal triumph.'
Commenting on this interview with Governor Jones, the _Age-Herald_
said editorially: 'There is now no reason why every honest man
should not adjourn the discussion of the gubernatorial issue until
the meeting of the General Assembly. Certainly no honest-minded
Democrat, however bitterly he may have fought for Captain Kolb, can
find an excuse for keeping alive the fires of factional strife. The
statement by Governor Jones, which we publish this morning, leaves
nothing more to be said until the trial shall come up according to
the law and the constitution. No settlement of a contest is
possible except by the General Assembly, and the Governor says in
plain terms it shall be settled and rightly settled. He goes so far
as to say that if the constitutional limit of fifty days shall not
give time for the determination of all contests, he will convene
the General Assembly in extraordinary session for that purpose.'
Thus, it is plainly apparent, that Governor Jones and his friends
are pledged to provide for and abide by a legislative investigation
and adjudication of the contest. Can Governor Jones and his friends
afford not to keep their pledges? Will Governor Jones follow 'the
pathway of duty and honor,' or will he sacrifice both upon the
altar of 'partisan success and personal triumph?' On the occasion
of his inauguration as the _de facto_ Governor of Alabama, December
1, 1892, in making an urgent appeal to the Legislature to largely
increase the present rate of taxation, Governor Jones declared that
'the Democratic party can dare to do right.' If he deemed it the
duty of a Democratic legislature to increase the burdens of an
already taxridden people, surely he can afford to recommend to this
same Legislature the necessity of investigating alleged election
frauds, which impugn the integrity of his title to the office of
governor, and especially, when these frauds are not denied by his
supporters or the press friendly to him. In other words, will
Governor Jones 'dare to do right,' in this grave matter, affecting,
as it does, the rights of the majority of the sovereign people of
this commonwealth and the perpetuity of a republican form of
government in Alabama. Will the Legislature, now assembled on
Capitol Hill, knowing as they do, that all honest and fair-minded
men among their constituents demand an investigation, 'dare to do
right,' and enact a law which will insure that justice shall be
done and a stigma removed, which will otherwise be a stain upon
Alabama's fair escutcheon forever? I believe the Legislature will
rise above paltry partisan feeling, and that after becoming
convinced of the wishes of their people during the Christmas
recess, will return to the Capitol and effect a just and speedy
settlement of this vital question. It has been charged that I have
deserted the Democratic party. I repudiate the base calumny with
the scorn of conscious innocence. The Democratic party has always
been and always will be the party of the people, and the so-called
'organized' Democratic party of Alabama has simply deserted and
outraged the people. I am now, as I have ever been, true and
faithful to the principles of Jeffersonian Democracy. I believe in
and shall ever contend for 'a government of the people, for the
people and by the people.' There are men high in the councils of
the so-called 'organized' Democracy, who while admitting my
election, declare that because I supported the electoral ticket
nominated by the Lakeview convention, I should be denied even an
opportunity to contest before the Legislature for the office to
which I have been elected; and some go so far as to say that, had I
not given such support, I would have been legally seated in the
gubernatorial chair of Alabama, on the 1st of December, 1892. No
sensible, or honest person will contend that my support of the
Lakeview electoral ticket can affect the merits of my cause of
contest or change the facts of the previous August election. For
that support, I have no apologies to make; for I followed the
dictates of right and conscience. And besides, I could not
consistently support the electoral ticket nominated by the
convention of party bosses at the State-house, because such support
would have been on my part an indirect indorsement of the frauds
which I honestly believe were committed against me by these same
party bosses and their henchmen, in the August election. For taking
the position I did, it is proclaimed by my enemies that I am
'politically dead in Alabama.' In reply to this, I would say that,
when they undertake to lay me away in my political coffin, they
will find that no amount of abuse and vilification will prevent my
speedy and triumphant resurrection through the sovereign might of
an outraged people. The political bosses are hereby notified that
in the future, as in the past, I will ever be found battling for
true Jeffersonian Democracy and the rights of the masses. In the
meantime, thanks to a merciful Providence, being in fine health and
feeling confident of the continued sympathy and support of my
fellow citizens, I propose to fight now and fight ever until the
banner of right and reform is planted on the dismantled fortress of
fraud and usurpation.
"For the information of the members of the General Assembly, I
desire to give some of the facts in detail, showing the truth of
the charge that the state ticket headed by myself for governor was
fraudulently counted out, in August last. My information in regard
to these frauds is of the most authentic character, and I will be
able to sustain, by convincing proof, every charge alleged. These
election frauds, to which I call attention, will be startling
intelligence to the people in the 'white' counties of the state,
who at present have no adequate conception of their extent and
enormity. Let us first examine Governor Jones' own home county of
Montgomery. Every well-informed person in Montgomery county knows
and admits that the majority of 6,250 returned for Governor Jones,
was a sham and a fraud. The same old methods were resorted to, that
have been practised for years. The boast, openly made before the
election, that our ticket would be 'counted out,' was carried out
to the letter. It is a known fact and publicly stated, that not
over 4,000 votes, all told, were actually cast in the August
election in Montgomery county, and that an honest count of this
vote would give me not less than 1,500 majority. The return of
3,561 votes, claimed to have been cast in the two beats of the city
of Montgomery, every honest citizen knows to be untrue. I charge
that there were not 1,000 votes actually cast in the two city
beats, and all over that number counted were uncast ballots. The
same is true as to the returns from nearly, if not all, the 'black'
beats of the county. Tickets for the Jones faction were substituted
for those cast for the Kolb faction, and a large number of uncast
ballots were counted for Governor Jones and his faction that were
never voted at all. Uncast ballots were placed in the ballot-boxes
and counted for Governor Jones purporting to have been cast by men,
both white and colored, long since dead, and others by men who have
not lived in the county for years. The poll lists on file in the
office of the judge of probate, were either destroyed or stolen, to
prevent copies being furnished, which would show these facts to
exist. The vote of Montgomery county alone, honestly counted and
returned as the votes were cast, would show a difference in my
favor of not less than 7,700 votes. In other words, I carried the
county by about 1,500 majority, instead of Governor Jones by over
6,200 as the fraudulent returns show. The same state of facts
exists as to Lowndes county--over 1,600 majority was returned for
Governor Jones when, in fact, I carried the county by over 2,000
majority. In many of the 'black' beats hundreds of ballots cast for
the Kolb faction were changed for those of the Jones faction, and
hundreds more of uncast ballots placed in the ballot-boxes and
counted for Governor Jones, that were never voted at all by anyone.
The names of hundreds of dead men appear on the poll lists and
ballots put in for them and counted for Governor Jones. When a copy
of the poll lists was demanded of the judge of probate, which I
charge would show these facts to exist, we were informed that said
copy would be furnished the next day; but lo, and behold! when next
day came, we were told that the poll lists had been stolen the
night before. I charge that the vote of Lowndes, honestly counted
as cast, would give me over 2,000 majority, instead of over 1,600
majority for Governor Jones, as returned, which would make a
difference in my favor of over 3,600 votes. The same facts exist as
to Wilcox county. I charge that not over 3,000 votes were actually
cast in this county in the August election, and if honestly counted
I would have received a majority of not less than 500. Yet by fraud
and ballot-box stuffing and holding back the returns for over a
week after the election, a majority of over 4,300 was given to
Governor Jones. An honest count in this county would show 4,500
votes in my favor. But it was reserved to Dallas county to outdo
all others, in the way of ballot-box stuffing and fraudulent
returns, by which a majority of over 6,100 was figured out for
Governor Jones. An honest count of the vote as actually cast would
give me over 3,000 majority, making a difference of over 9,000
votes in my favor, from this county alone. In Selma beat the
returns show that 2,642 votes were cast, and a majority of over
2,300 returned for Governor Jones. The facts are, that not
exceeding 1,400 votes were actually cast in Selma beat, and fully
600 of those cast were for the Kolb ticket. The census gave Selma
beat a population of only 7,600, all told, and yet, they return
2,642 of this population as having voted. One voter out of five is
above the average of most populations, but Selma has found a way to
manufacture nearly three voters out of every five of her people. In
some of the 'black' beats of the county, only thirty to forty votes
were actually cast, by both white and colored voters, and yet the
returns give from 400 to 700 majority from these beats, to Governor
Jones. I charge that not as many votes were cast in the county of
Dallas for both Jones and Kolb as the majority claimed for Governor
Jones. The truth is, that Governor Jones did not actually receive
over 1,300 votes, all told, in the county, and yet he is
fraudulently given over 6,100 majority. In Perry county the same
frauds and ballot-box stuffing were resorted to, and hundreds of
dead men made to vote for Thomas Goode Jones. With an honest count
of the vote of Perry as actually cast, I would have received a
majority of over 500 votes, instead of a majority of over 1,800 for
Governor Jones, as returned, which would make a difference of over
2,300 votes in my favor. In Hale county, all will remember, that
the first report received from that county after the election, gave
me the county by over 1,600 majority, but the political bosses here
urged them to hold back the returns and 'doctor' them; that the
'organized' ticket was in great danger and the 'black belt' was
expected to do her duty. Hale was equal to the emergency, and in a
few days revised her returns and figured out over 1,200 majority
for Governor Jones. I charge that the vote of Hale, if honestly
counted, as actually cast, would give me a majority of over 2,500,
which would be a difference of over 3,700 in my favor. The same
irregularities occurred in Greene county, where a true majority of
over 500 for me was changed into a fictitious majority of 500 for
Governor Jones, showing a difference of over 1,000 in my favor. In
Sumpter county my majority was fully 500 more than was returned for
me, and about the same in Pickens; and in Marengo county, an honest
count of the vote as cast would have given me the county by a safe
majority, instead of 1,000 majority for Governor Jones as returned.
"In Macon county, by fraud and manipulations, a true majority of
about 2,000 for me was reduced to a little over 700. In Bullock
county, by frauds, manipulations and partisan abuses by county
returning-boards, a majority of over 1,800 was given Governor Jones
when, in fact, if he was entitled to any majority at all, it
should have been less than 200. In Autauga county an honest count
of the vote actually cast, would have given me the county by at
least 500 majority, but by ballot-box stuffing and fraudulently
counting-out votes cast for the Kolb ticket and substituting Jones
tickets instead, a small majority was falsely returned for Governor
Jones. In all these 'black belt' counties a majority of the judges
of probate, sheriffs and clerks, whose duty it was to appoint the
inspectors of elections, were friends of Governor Jones, and in
most of the counties, the rights of the Kolb faction were utterly
ignored, and no friend of mine permitted to act as manager or clerk
at any of the beats. Only at a few 'white' beats, in any of these
counties, were we allowed any representation. My political enemies
were not satisfied with this great wrong done me in the 'black
belt' counties but invaded some of the 'white' counties, and by
fraud and manipulation in the beats, or by partisan action on the
part of county returning-boards, on the Saturday following the
election, robbed me of over 10,000 votes to which I was justly
entitled. In Conecuh county I received a majority of 1,235 votes,
and yet, by throwing out boxes and robbing others, this majority
was all wiped out, and a false majority of 270 given to Governor
Jones. In Pike county I received a majority of 910 votes and the
returns from eleven beats, giving me large majorities, were thrown
out or destroyed by the county returning-board, and a majority of
55 given to Governor Jones. The contests in both of these counties
(Conecuh and Pike) have been virtually decided in my favor by Judge
Hubbard, in his decision in the contest cases for judge of probate
in each county. His opinion, as rendered, being in favor of Dr. R.
A. Lee, of Conecuh, and T. H. Brown, of Pike, both of whom were
candidates for probate judge on the Kolb ticket. In like manner, as
in Conecuh and Pike, I was robbed of over 1,000 votes in Butler,
over 1,000 in Elmore, over 600 in Coosa, over 700 in St. Clair,
over 700 in Shelby, over 100 in Chilton, over 1,000 in Talladega,
over 500 in Walker, over 1,000 in Morgan and over 1,000 in Madison.
I have given plain and unvarnished facts, as I believe them to
exist, and positively assert that a fair and impartial investigation
will prove every statement made, to be true. It may be asked why the
evidence is not here adduced to prove these allegations. If adduced
here, these same parties would say that it was all _ex parte_ and
that it would be controverted and destroyed, if both sides should be
heard. Besides, they know that the details necessary to be recounted
as to each beat in so many counties, would make a summary too
voluminous to be incorporated in an address. All I ask is that a
full, fair and impartial investigation shall be had and that a true
judgment may be rendered. If Governor Jones and his friends are not
afraid of truth, equity and justice, why do they refuse? If the
effect would only be to remove a cloud from his title to the office,
would he not gladly embrace such an opportunity? 'But there's the
rub.' They well know that an investigation would disclose frauds and
manipulations which could not be defended, and would prove his claim
to the office of governor wholly unfounded upon right. That is why
they dare not permit an investigation. That is why some of them talk
so glibly what they would not dare to utter over their own
signatures. That is why the Legislature has treated this matter with
silence, while patriotic representatives of the people have urged and
insisted upon action, so that justice might be done, and right
triumph. Every honest man knows that Governor Jones has no shadow of
claim to the office of governor. The people, by their votes in
August, relegated him to private life for the next two years, and yet
he is sitting up at the Capitol upon a lot of stuffed ballot-boxes
from the 'black belt,' and claiming his election. Some of his best
friends have publicly declared that he could not afford to hold the
office in the face of such fraudulent returns, and if he persisted
in doing so, he would go down to posterity more despised than
Rutherford B. Hayes. I am only contending for what is right. As a
native-born citizen of Alabama, and one who has always endeavored
to serve my people and state to the best of my ability, both in
time of war and in time of peace, I feel that I have a right to
demand that justice be done. Thousands of true men all over this
great commonwealth honored me with their support in the August
election, and in their name I demand of the Legislature, a prompt
and impartial investigation of this matter. These people represent
a majority of the white voting population and demand a respectful
hearing. I beg you, members of the Legislature, not to mistake the
temper of these people. Remember that a large majority of them have
been life-long Democrats. While they don't believe in, and never
will submit to the domination of a few party bosses, yet they do
believe in the time-honored principles of pure Jeffersonian
Democracy. They have been the true, the tried and unflinching
Democrats, who have heretofore fought the battles and won the
victories of the party in Alabama. True to its noble cause, true to
every great principle, and true to every demand of patriotism upon
them, they have been in the fore-front of every contest when
victory was won, and the firm and immovable, the true and faithful
guardians of its cause, in every defeat we have ever sustained.
Many of these people were gallant soldiers in the late war, and
since 1865 have been battling for the Democratic party in Alabama.
Many of them have reared sons, in whose breasts they early planted
the principles of true Democracy, and taught them that it was the
party of the people. They believe that Democracy means that the
people shall rule, and that white people should govern Alabama.
They now feel that a few political bosses are undertaking to
overthrow a republican form of government in this state. I warn you
to stop and reflect. Don't trifle with these people longer. Let
justice be done, and sweet Peace will again spread her white wings
over our beloved state.
"R. F. KOLB.
"Montgomery, Ala., Dec. 15, 1892."
Nothing but silence answers this scathing arraignment of the Democratic
party of Alabama. The burning charges of corruption and robbery meet no
rebuttal; none could truthfully be made. Many weeks after the publication
of Captain Kolb's letter, the Birmingham _Age-Herald_, of March 3, 1893,
contained a remarkable editorial confession, headed: "That Political
Pest,"--which may enable one to form some opinion of the sentiment of the
average Jones Democrat regarding the Kolb-Jones contest and "dispute" over
the election. This quotation from the editorial will prove quite
interesting:
"Now the fact is that the Populists will fight the Democratic party
in 1894 on the issue of the last August election, and their cry
will be so many variations of the contest matter. The plain facts
of this matter had as well be understood first as last. If Captain
Kolb and the other gentlemen who ran on his ticket had supported
Cleveland and held good their claims to being Democrats, a contest
law would have been enacted. Public sentiment would have compelled
it, and the dispute over the election would have been legally
settled, and in all probability Governor Jones would have been
governor just as he is now. But when Captain Kolb and his fellow
candidates on his state ticket, went bodily over to Mr. Harrison
and conspired with Chris Magee, public sentiment revolted. From
that moment all possibility of a contest law vanished. The
organized Democracy would not hear to yielding an inch of ground,
and all the influence of Governor Jones himself could not have
availed to procure a contest law from the Legislature. That is a
plain statement of fact. That is the shape it will assume in 1894.
In the meanwhile, if we begin the campaign already, how are we
going to have any rest?"
As is easily apparent from reading the foregoing editorial, the principal
excuse of the "machine bosses" as to why the office of governor was stolen
from Captain Kolb, is "because he did not support Cleveland!" This silly
twaddle about Captain Kolb going over to Harrison, is just such
nonsensical stuff as the average of Alabama Democratic editors deem fit to
feed the Democratic "gods and little fishes" on. What other available
matter have they, when truth, right and reason have forever departed from
their sanctums and from their cause?