CHAPTER IX.

_The Age of Renovation (continued).--The Eighteenth Century; General

Considerations. Foundation of Learned Societies, etc. The Royal College

of Surgeons, 1800; the Josephinum, 1785.--The Nineteenth Century.

Realistic Reaction Against Previous Idealism. Influence of Comte, of

Claude Bernard, and of Charles Darwin, 1809-1882. Influence Exerted by

Other Sciences.--Theory of Excitement: Roeschlaub.--Stimolo and

Contrast imolo: Rasori, 1762-1837.--Homoeopathy: Hahnemann,

1753-1843.--Isop-athy, Electrohomoeopathy of Mattei.--Cranioscopy, or

Phrenology: Gall and Spurzheim.--The Physiological Theory: Broussais,

1772-1838.--Paris Pathological School: Cruveilhier, 1791-1873. Andral,

1797-1876. Louis, 17871872. Magendie, 1783-1855. Trousseau, 1801-1866.

Claude Bernard, 1813-1878.--British Medicine: Bell and Hall, Travers,

1783-1858.--Germany, School of Natural Philosophy: Johannes Müller,

1801-1858.--School of Natural History: Schônlein, 1763-1874.--New Vienna

School: Rokitansky, 1804-1878. Skoda, 1805-1881._

That the{230} eighteenth century, up to its close, was the golden age

of medicine, is due to the prevalence during that period of a strong

idealistic undertone, as a result of which any learned occupation caused

the scholar to be held in higher esteem than is the case even to-day.

Medicine was then regarded as _a conscientious vocation_ and not as a

mere business or trade; indeed, general scientific knowledge more widely

prevailed among the better class of the profession, and there was

much less of that one-sided, narrow education that obtains to-day. The

profession, moreover, was not overcrowded; physicians were neither too

few nor too numerous, consequently their social position was higher.

Again, the relations between doctor and patient were more intimate, most

practitioners being of the type described as "family physicians," and

those possessed of the doctorate degree ranked among the gentry rather

than as artisans. They were, for the most part, fully devoted to their

calling; moreover, the State took greater care to protect the people,

so that it became dangerous for strolling vagabonds and imposters to

attempt to trifle with human life and excite the vulgar to the prejudice

of scientific knowledge.

The{231} pursuit of anatomical studies was now facilitated, despite the

fact that students were frequently compelled to take long journeys

in order to obtain the "material" therefor. In the early part of the

century so great was the lack of dissecting material that the great

Haller while in Paris was compelled to purloin his cadavers, and

ultimately, on discovery of this fact, to fly for his life; Hoffmann was

only able to make twenty dissections during twenty-four years; even

in the middle of the century there was only one dissection annually in

Halle; up to 1712 there had been only three dissections in a score

of years--though now subjects can be had there in abundance at a

ridiculously low figure; cadavers were extremely scarce in Vienna as

late as 1765; and for a long time the only places in London where the

study of anatomy could be legally pursued were the College of Physicians

and the College of Surgeons, and the trouble that hampered John Hunter

in this direction is historical. The crime of "Burking" became known in

Hunter's day. Murder was committed, and the victim sold for purposes of

dissection--for at this time, as "body-snatching" was a necessity, those

that purchased cadavers asked few questions, and the fees paid were, of

course, high.

The first clinical institution in Austria was organized in Vienna, in

1754, by Van Swieten, though there was an "ambulatory clinic"

(out-patient department) in Prague nine years before. During the

century, however, hospitals were everywhere in bad condition. In the

Hôtel-Dieu, at Paris, several patients--even as many as six--were

sometimes put in the same bed; the convalescent and the dying found

themselves thus associated; in Vienna the Allgemeines Krankenhaus was

composed of seventeen hospitals that subsequently were amalgamated into

one. In London numerous hospitals were founded, and as the medical staff

of each became eminent they attracted numerous pupils; but later it

became necessary to relieve the hospital wards, and private institutions

for instruction were established by popular{232} teachers, the most

celebrated being the "Windmill Street School of Anatomy," founded by

William Hunter about 1770, and the private school of Sir William

Blizzard, which, established in 1780, developed, five years later, into

the London Hospital Medical School.

While few, if any, of the lectures were compulsory, particularly in the

natural sciences, even more attention than now was bestowed upon the

accessory branches; botany, chemistry, and natural history were the

recreation of many students and physicians. Pupils enjoyed the privilege

of studying what they pleased--as they do practically to-day in the

Portuguese University of Coimbra,--and professors exercised to the

utmost their individuality in teaching. In Spain natural sciences found

no admission, and even so late as 1770 no instruction in these branches

was given, as they were regarded as dangerous to the purity of the

faith; mineralogy for mining purposes was an exception, for even the

most faithful Catholic needs money.

At the universities medical students were not permitted to go out

without their scholastic cloaks,--a regulation that still obtains in

Spain. That the number of students has enormously multiplied may be seen

from the fact that the little University of Giessen, with scarcely any

medical school at all, has always more students than had Halle in the

days of the famous Hoffmann. In the middle of the last century Würzburg

had at one time but _three_ medical students, while to-day it has in the

neighborhood of five hundred. Even then it was complained that, on

account of the number of students, there was an educated proletariat

arising, and in 1791 it was proposed, in Austria, that the rush for

study should be repressed.

Among the Continental students the revels and bad behavior of past

centuries were not to any great extent corrected; fights and debauchery

were very common, and all sorts of orgies and bacchanals prevailed.

The professors were, in large measure, independent of the State, and a

single{233} individual often represented a number of branches now taught

by special chairs. When indisposed to lecture, they simply posted upon

the blackboard: "_Hodie non legitur_," and this was the end of the

matter. In 1777 Vienna had one hundred and forty-seven medical teachers,

and in Germany there were two to every thirty-nine students. That in

the last century one man often accomplished more than a great number

of average teachers do to-day is amply demonstrated by the lives of

Boerhaave, Haller, and others. Then, too, the Latin tongue was generally

employed for purposes of instruction, though surgeons, for the most

part, lectured in the vernacular; Cullen, in 1770, was the first in

Great Britain to deliver purely medical lectures in English; and as the

clergy gradually retired from the ranks of the profession, Latin more

and more fell into disuse. Strange to say, as the clerical influence

waned, the Jews began to enter medicine, the movement beginning about

1791, in France, under the promulgation of "civil equality" ideas;

previously the Hebrews had been an almost universally suppressed people,

and in Berlin were permitted to enter and leave the city by only one

gate, and were forbidden to learn or write pure German, in consequence

whereof their dialect was an Hebraic-Teutonic jargon, that even to-day

prevails in some portions of western Europe. Educated Jews were few in

number, since attendance upon universities was ordinarily denied them,

although long before they had been admitted at Salamanca, Toledo,

Salernum, and Montpellier. In Austria the prohibition was not removed

until 1789, and even then, so bitter was the prejudice against the

Semitic race, the clergy vigorously protested. It was the same clerical

body that, in 1667, protested with the greatest vehemence against

allowing Hebrew physicians to pass through the gates of Wurtemburg

without paying toll, declaring that it was "better to die with Christ

than be cured by Jews, who were aided by the devil."

Professors{234} were often attached to the courts of their various

sovereigns, and at one time the French court possessed a faculty of

forty-eight physicians, surgeons, and apothecaries, the first two

physicians being required to attend every morning when the king arose;

hence originated the titles, still known in Germany, of "Hofrath" and

"Geheimrath."

Medical fees, as a rule, were very small, though there were exceptional

instances in which enormous sums were bestowed: Joseph II, of Austria,

gave Guerin, who was summoned from Paris in consultation, an honorarium

of 171,000 marks and made him a baronet. Taking all things into

consideration, the income of the average practitioner in the eighteenth

century would be in the neighborhood of $1000, which, however, was

equivalent to three times that amount to-day. Fothergill, whose highest

income in a single year was $25,000, bequeathed to the poor of London

$1,000,000; Sir Astley Cooper had a yearly income of from $75,000 to

$100,000, but it may be remembered that his practice during the first

year netted him just $26, and that it was four years later before his

income reached the sum of $500.

The physician of the last century was, at least, on occasions of moment,

very different from other men, and to be recognized by his dress. A cap

was placed upon his head when he graduated, in recognition of the fact

that physicians at an earlier period belonged to the learned or clerical

profession; and in later life he wore a purplish or scarlet cloak (to

distinguish him from lawyers, whose professional color was yellow,

and from theologians, who then, as now, sported the sombre black).

The regulation full-dress costume of the English physician of the last

century demanded a well-powdered wig, silk coat, knee breeches with

stockings, buckled shoes, lace ruffles, cap, and goldheaded cane, to

which, in cold weather, was added a muff--to preserve his delicacy of

touch.

Surgeons{235} were still strictly separated from physicians, even in

education; nor were they esteemed as equal in rank, until the French

Revolution brought about the doctrine of civil equality; perhaps this

is one reason why this branch of the medical art made less conspicuous

progress until recent times. The change was brought about, in France, by

the abolition of eighteen universities and fifteen colleges of medicine,

the Royal Society of Medicine (founded in 1776), and the Academy of

Surgery (founded in 1731); but by this abolition charlatanism acquired

such speedy control that the arrangement was soon abandoned. Thus it

came about that surgical instruction was given in special institutions

or in the universities, and the conditions of instruction finally

improved. When the College of St. Come was abolished in 1753 the Société

de Chirurgie, founded in 1731, became the Académie de Chirurgie; and,

when the French Academy was formed in 1795, the Académie was merged into

its medical department. The École Pratique, where Desault and Chopart

taught, was established in 1750 for the practical education of surgeons.

In England the Royal College of Surgeons was not incorporated until

1800. In Austria, in 1785, the Josephinum was opened by Joseph II,

who also erected permanent military hospitals in Prague, Brünn, Milan,

Mantua, Pesth, Olmütz, etc.; he also created the "Joseph's Akademie" in

order to educate military surgeons and thus overcome the defects of

army surgery; the Josephinum unquestionably exerted great influence in

elevating the social and military position of army surgeons and attained

historical importance after Brambilla compelled the recognition of

surgeons as social equals of other members of the medical profession. As

the result of these improvements, the various armies of Europe were soon

furnished with better medical officers. Prior to this, too, the field

hospitals had been as badly mismanaged as their civil prototypes, and

the substitution, in 1793, of movable hospitals, as suggested at{236}

the close of the sixteenth century by Henry IV, of France, was scarcely

an improvement. The whole system suffered from perpetuation of the dual

and distinct functions of the physician and the surgeon, to destroy

which was a part of the design of the Josephinum. How unpleasant was the

position of the army surgeon up to this date may be inferred from the

fact that in 1758 one was subjected to corporeal punishment at the

command of his colonel, and that a general upon his death-bed could

leave orders that fifty blows be given each of his medical staff in case

the post-mortem disproved the diagnosis.

In Austria, at the beginning of the Seven Years' War, all military

surgeons of the Protestant faith were compelled to become Catholics

or leave the service. The condition of the wounded soldiers was as

deplorable as can well be imagined; but upon this subject I cannot

dwell.

The tendency of the nineteenth century seems to be a continuation, and,

perhaps, in some respects, an exaggeration, of the condition obtaining

in France during the previous century; in other words, the world has

become practically an enormous school of pathological anatomy and

diagnosis,--a school inaugurated by Bichat, as representing so-called

scientific or exact medicine. Philosophically this has been a century

of reaction against the idealism of the preceding age; it places the

individual, rather than the idea, in the foregound. The mutual influence

of medicine, philosophy, and the natural sciences is less conspicuous

now than formerly. Recent philosophers who have exercised the greatest

influence are: Schelling, who held to the equality of the real and the

ideal; Hegel, whose supreme principle was absolute reason, of which

religion was regarded as a representation; Hartmann, whose philosophy of

the "unconscious" depends largely upon the results of natural sciences,

embraces Darwinism, and is, in many respects, an extension and

completion of Schopenhauer's{237} pessimism and doctrine of the soul.

But one who has exercised still more influence upon our profession

is Comte, whose positivism contrasted strongly with the idealism and

atheism of Schelling, and who required only this of philosophy,--namely,

that it should work out the general ideas and results of other sciences;

his most important follower was Claude Bernard, and upon these two

the whole exact school of France is based. But the most influential

philosophic doctrines of this or any other century have been those

emanating from Charles Darwin, Herbert Spencer, Ernst Haeckel, Alfred

Wallace, and their contemporaries and followers. Darwin (1809-1882) was

the grandson of Erasmus Darwin, already mentioned, and his _Variation of

Animals and Plants Under Domes-tication, Origin of Species, and Descent

of Man_ have found a place in all modern languages. The system known

by his name is the pure science of nature, is founded upon scientific

investigation, and by its merits alone has found almost universal

acceptance; it has been added to and further elucidated by the efforts

of Haeckel and Spencer.

When it is declared that medicine of the present is influenced by no

system, it is speedily found, on critical analysis, that this is an

error. It necessarily follows the realistic and materialistic as readily

as it did the teachings and doctrines of natural philosophy; and, in

consequence, "medical thought," so called, is just as one-sided to-day

as at any time in the history of the art. The watchword of to-day,

natural specific tendency, veils, but does not take away, its

philosophic principles, and so our ridicule of earlier medical systems

is quite unjustifiable. A modern historian aptly remarks that the

medicine of the present "embraces nothing but a theorem of investigation

by the senses."

Discoveries in botany, the result of better knowledge of natural history

and more accurate habits of study, have influenced{238} modern progress

not a little; have led to better classification and broader knowledge.

The natural system of de Candolle (1778-1841) of Geneva, and of

Endlicher, of Vienna, called into existence the so-called natural

historical school of medicine; the researches into plant-cells by

Schleiden and Baumgartner, and the almost contemporaneous discovery of

animal cells by Schwann became, in course of time, the origin of recent

cellular pathology; then came microscopic botany, and the influence of

the lower fungi in the production of fermentation and putrefaction.

Similarly too, the laws of physics have been shown to have an

inseparable connection with anatomy and physiology, and their study has

become a most important aid in the experimental researches of

to-day; through Helmholz they brought in the ophthalmoscope; thermal

electricity, for the discovery of which medicine is indebted to Seebeck;

a better knowledge of optics, thanks to Fraunhofer, who was equally

expert in electricity; spectrum analysis, invented by Kirchhoff; and

the varied efforts of Faraday, Graham Bell, Thomas Alva Edison, and

Daguerre, the latter better known for his invention of photography.

Finally, medicine is immeasurably indebted to Tyndall and Huxley for

their teaching of the correlation and conservation of energy.

Chemistry also has performed its share, and, as applied to physiology,

is a discovery almost wholly within the present century. The new

nomenclature serves a practical purpose in that it is now possible to

portray chemical combinations and isomerism in a graphic, and at least,

semi-comprehensive way. Among the chemists may be specially mentioned

Bertholet, whose laws are as well known as they are succinct; Humboldt;

Berzelius; Dumas; Chevreuil, who recently died at the age of almost one

hundred years; Magendie; Orfila, the toxicologist; Gmelin, eminent

in physiological chemistry; Rose, perfecter of organic analysis;

Wohler,{239} who first made organic alkaloids; Bunsen; Sir Humphry Davy;

Marsh; Faraday; Graham; Young, who first showed the industrial value of

coal; and Gay-Lussac.

Upon medicine, zoology also, with comparative anatomy and physiology,

has had a wonderful influence; here may be noted the names of Cuvier,

Oken, Bilharz, Brehm, Wagner, Leuckart, Richard Owen, William Carpenter,

and last, but by no means least, Thomas Huxley.

But perhaps the most significant feature of the age has been the

wonderful development of scientific associations and the publication of

medical and scientific literature. Whether these have yet reached their

climax is perhaps an open question, but the consequent widening circle

of readers, as well as of writers, seems to imply that there will be for

a long time to come no lack of activity in this direction. In the United

States more than in any other country medical societies and associations

innumerable have sprung up, and to such a degree that (in the eastern

States at least) there are few counties that cannot boast of a medical

organization.

During the present century foreign universities have decreased in

number, partly owing to consolidations and partly by surrender of

charters; for instance, the old University of Ingolstadt was united

with that of Landshut, and in 1827 was removed to Munich; in 1816 the

University of Wurtemburg was united with that of Halle; the University

of Bonn was abolished in 1792, but revived in 1818. A few new

universities, like that of Zürich, have been founded. In the quaint

old town of Prague the old German university was, in 1883, divided, and

there now exist in that city two universities side by side, in one of

which German is spoken, in the other Bohemian.

It will thus be seen that the nineteenth century is essentially an era

of modern science, with whose dawn was sounded the death-knell of the

"demon of disease" and his twin{240} brother "visitation." In 1801 the

first experiment in steam-navigation took place upon the Thames. In 1807

the slave-trade in England was abolished by Parliament. The theological

part has entirely faded out of medicine; and the era of accurate

scientific experimentation which long since dawned, is now, so far as

we can see, at its height, since it is difficult to conceive of much

improvement upon its methods under existing conditions, or of greater

enthusiasm than has been already manifested.

Now, regarding some of the systems and theories of this age. The systems

of the past have been more or less long-lived,--as, for instance, those

of Dogmatism and of Galen,--while as we come closer to the present they

become more ephemeral. Those of the early part of the present century

took root in the soil of the eighteenth,--for instance, the so-called

_theory of excitement_ of Roeschlaub (1768-1835), which endeavored

to mold into one the Brunonian errors and the fancies of Schelling.

According to it, life depends upon irritability, but is inherent in the

organism as an independent feature; so it recognizes both irritability

and solidism, while Brown considered the former alone, adding, as an

after-thought, a chemical or qualitative potency (oxygen), in order to

account for alterations of quality. Roeschlaub inclined first toward

natural philosophy, then, owing to an inherent theological and polemical

bias (he was originally intended for the church), to mysticism and

theosophy; finally, with a courage almost unexampled, he upset all

his former teachings by admitting he was mistaken. To him was opposed

Hufeland, who wrote on the _Lengthening of Life_, was noted for a

warm and benevolent heart, and possessed no small penetration, as is

evidenced by his aphorism, "Successful treatment requires one-third

science and two-thirds '_savoir faire_.'"

_Stimolo_ and _contrastimolo_ were titles applied to a theory advanced

by Rasori (1762-1837), of Milan, that combined Methodism with Brunonism;

by Baas it is characterized{241} as a "genuine blot upon the human heart

beyond any other of the various systems." Long centuries of experience

and the conclusions of great and venerable minds may go for naught, as

Rasori abundantly demonstrated. The theories of Brown were then taught

as his own to his classes in Pavia, showing he was not above plagiarism;

his _stimolo_ corresponded to the sthenic diathesis devised by Brown,

while his system consisted of an endeavor to make a diagnosis by

watching the effects of drugs. Bleeding was held to be the best measure;

if it did the patient good, the sthenic diathesis was assumed; if it

made him worse, the asthenic was certain. He gave enormous doses of

powerful drugs--sixty grains of gamboge, and from two to three ounces of

saltpeter in a single day. Is it strange that homoeopathy or any other

heterodox system sprang up in the midst of such measures? It is an old

saying that there is no folly which will not secure a following; and,

strange to say, Rasori had a numerous and an eminent one.

As just intimated, Homoeopathy was the natural reaction against such

heroic measures; in the rebound the other extreme was reached, even to

practical therapeutic nihilism. Now, instead of venesection and drastic

medication, came the theories expounded by Hahnemann (1753-1843), which

_denied disease, admitting only symptoms_. This apostle of homoeopathy

was the son of a porcelain-painter in Meissen; he studied in Leipzig and

in Vienna, and later practiced in various cities, including Dresden and

Leipzig. "_Similia similibus curantur_" was not original with him, as it

long before had been formulated by Hippocrates, and later by Paracelsus.

Of the life and labors of Hahnemann, much might be told; but this is not

the time or place to go into the subject.

[Illustration: 0262]

An offshoot of homoeopathy, which demands only the harshest criticism,

is Isopathy,--perhaps the filthiest theory ever invented,--according

to which like is to be cured by like,{242} and to such an extent that

small-pox is to be treated by variolous pus, tape-worm by the ingestion

of the proglottides, etc.

Another of the rankest of fraudulent outgrowths is the so-called

Electrohomceopathic system of Count Mattei, who prates of "red,"

"blue" and "green" electricity,--a theory that, in spite of its utter

idiocy, has attracted a considerable following and earned a fortune for

its chief promoter.

Another of the vagaries of the earlier portion of the present century,

and that still survives, in a weak way, is Cranioscopy, or Phrenology.

Gall expounded his doctrines at Vienna as early as 1796, but, being

expelled, went to Germany, where he was joined by Spurzheim, who, though

much{243} more of a student and scientist, accepted the doctrine of

the former with enthusiasm; and it was chiefly due to the efforts of

Spurzheim that phrenology was introduced into England, and later (1832)

into America. Gall assumed to locate twenty-seven different organs

alongside of each other in the brain, and held that external markings

on the skull were guides to the development of the various parts. Every

neophyte in anatomy knows how little foundation there is for such a

doctrine, but for a time it attracted great attention, and there

are to-day certain men and women who make their living out of this

imposition.

The Physiological Theory of Medicine was originated by Broussais

(1772-1838), and combined the views of Pinel and Bichat with the

"sympathetic" view of Hoffmann, the "concealed inflammation" of Stoll,

and the theory of inflammation held by Marcus. Broussais had been a

pupil of Bichat. In 1814 he began hospital teaching, and in 1831 was

made professor. Personally very vain, quick-tempered, even belligerent,

as a therapeutist he was a man of routine. He was, perhaps, best known

shortly before his death, when delivering lectures on phrenology.

According to him, life depends upon external irritation, produced

by heat, which excites new chemical processes, while these in turn

stimulate regeneration, assimilation, as well as contractility, and

sensibility. When the functions supported by heat cease, death ensues.

Health depends upon moderate action of external irritants; disease, upon

either their weakness or their extraordinary strength. He saw nothing

ontological about disease. In therapeutics he admitted the healing power

of Nature, but regarded the physician not as a minister, but as a lord

of Nature. Febrile and inflammatory diseases were all treated by the

withdrawal of nourishment, carried to the extreme. His most powerful

antiphlogistic treatment consisted in the application of leeches to the

abdomen,{244} and to robust individuals he applied from thirty to fifty

at once It is not, then, to be wondered at that, in consequence of his

so-called "hirudinomania," leeches became very scarce In the year 1833

forty-one million five hundred thousand leeches were imported into

France, while in 1824 one-twentieth of this number sufficed to supply

the demand. Even in cases of worms, the abdominal integument had to pay

its blood-tribute, particularly if enteritis prevailed. He only allowed

a spare diet of mucilaginous and acid drinks. In mercurial France and

Italy he gained numerous followers, but they were few and far between

in practical, hard-headed Germany and England. His best follower was

Bouillaud (1797-1881), who adopted the symptomatic nature of fever and

the sanguinary therapeutics of his master, but used the lancet more than

the leech. As the homoeopaths regard Hahnemann, so Bouillaud looked up

to Broussais as the Messiah of medicine and science, which, as Baas says

were "already greatly overstocked with Messiahs."

Contemporaneous with the school of Broussais, and its antagonist in all

respects, was the Paris School of Pathological Anatomy and Diagnosis,

which has given tone to all medical art. It made it the duty of the

physician to search for changes in the human body, to investigate the

local products of disease, and assigned to medicine the duty of removing

these products. The tendency of its teaching was to treat the patient

rather as a living cadaver than as a sentient being endowed with vital

forces, and the charge which Asclepiades once falsely made against

Hippocrates was revived upon new grounds. Kratzmann wrote some years

ago: "In France every one experiments on the sick, less to attain the

best method of cure than to enrich science with an interesting discovery

and to advance the accuracy of diagnosis by some new physical sign."

The seductiveness of this system promoted still more onesidedness, which

finally almost attained the belief that the science{245} of medicine

really originated in the Anatomical School of Paris.

The forerunners of this school were Bichat and Pinel, and its proper

founders were Corvisart, Dupuytren, and Laënnec. There was also Bayle,

who was first to apply the ear to the thorax in disease of the heart,

and thus became the predecessor of Laënnec and Chomel. He was the

godfather of typhoid fever, and from being a famous clinician became

later a great pathologist. The most celebrated adherent of the method,

however, was Cruveilhier (1791-1873), professor first in Montpellier and

then in Paris, who revived the Anatomical Society founded by Bichat,

and wrote his first essays as the result of Dupuytren's advice; finally,

there came from his pen the famous treatise on _Pathological Anatomy_,

with its magnificent plates,--a work begun in 1830 and not fully

completed until 1864. Like Morgagni, he associated general and

pathological anatomy with bedside observations; also established a class

of inflammations to which belong gangrene and atony, and a certain class

of neuroses and fevers, and endeavored to investigate the different

steps in the development of lesions, not simply their final products.

His teachings concerning pyæmia and phlebitis, which had been first

studied by John Hunter, excited great attention, and he even came to the

one-sided conclusion that "phlebitis rules the whole of pathology."

He was the first to observe that its suppurative form does not occur

primarily, but is secondary to coagulation of the blood.

The ablest representative of this school, and one who, perhaps, more

than any other man, made Paris a Mecca to which foreigners made their

pilgrimages, was Andral (1797-1876),--the son of a physician and the

most noted and indefatigable investigator and thinker of his time.

Between 1823 and 1840 were published the five volumes of his _Medical

Clinic_, which made him famous. He taught, in opposition to Broussais,

the existence of primary diseases{246} of the blood, the so-called

dyscrasiæ; made physiology subservient to pathology; was the creator of

the chemistry of the blood; and in therapeutics was wedded to emetics

and cathartics, ascribing little importance to abstraction of blood.

The first man to apply the Numerical Method to pathology, and who

brought about the downfall of Broussais, was Louis (1787-1872), who

had studied in Russia, but came to Paris while still a young man. He

expressed his principle in the following words: "As often as I have

formed an _a priori_ idea and had afterward opportunity to prove the

facts, I have invariably found that my idea was false. In pathology

as well as in therapeutics numerical analysis is a useful practice. By

numbers only can be obtained the frequency of conditions or this or that

symptom; by a definite enumeration alone is it possible to utilize the

special relations of age, sex, constitution of our patients, to settle

that this or that symptom occurs so often in one hundred or one thousand

cases." This system he applied to etiology, symptomatology, prognosis,

therapeutics, and pathological anatomy. He discarded blisters and

condemned large bleedings, but fell into other errors, carrying his

numerical method to an unjustifiable extreme.

Next to Andral and Louis should be mentioned Magendie (1783-1855),

Professor of General Pathology in the College de France, and physician

to the Hôtel-Dieu, who was a representative of the new French medicine,

and introduced experiments into both pathology and physiology; he was

the pioneer in experimental pharmacodynamics, which occupies itself

largely with alkalies, a large number of which he introduced into

practice. He was a solid humoralist in pathology, a most accurate

diagnostician, but (it is charged) "was too simple in therapeutics"! As

a result of his intravenous injections of putrefactive material, he had

the terms "pyæmia," "icliorrhæmia," and "metastasis" introduced into

pathology.

Trousseau{247} (1801-1866), of Tours, also became professor in the Paris

Faculty, and rendered especial service in his studies of croup and the

employment therefor of tracheotomy, though his chief fame rests upon

his merit as a clinical teacher and the publication of clinical lectures

which are still models in every way of accurate, forcible teaching.

Claude Bernard (1813-1878) became the successor of Magendie, and even

more famous as an experimenter in pathology, physiology, and anatomy.

Originally a poet, he finally turned to medicine and science, and in

1869 became a member of the French Academy.

One of the results of the French fondness for pathological anatomy was

an outgrowth, unfortunate in some respects, of specialism, which made

its appearance early and spread to other countries, particularly to

Germany, so that to-day there is scarcely an organ in the body which

has not only its special student, but its special representative in

medicine. It would be of interest to go over some of the various organs

and count those who have become most renowned in the study of their

diseases, but that is beyond the scope of this volume.

As Baas says, England, after her excessive participation in the

iatrochemistrv and iatromechanics of the seventeenth century, with a

devotion that extended far into the eighteenth, seemed then to lose all

confidence in systems and schools of medicine, inasmuch as since that

time no system or so-called school has gained in Great Britain any large

or permanent band of followers; even Brunonianism did not succeed in

this respect. This form of conservatism is a characteristic of the

British race. But while schools have not risen, individuals have

formulated hypotheses or doctrines that at least attracted attention, if

not followers. For instance, John Mason Goode (1764-1827) formulated an

intricate nosological arrangement in his long-popular text-book entitled

_The Study of Medicine_, and{248} also arranged a classification of

diseases now almost forgotten.

In 1816 Sir Charles Bell (1774-1842) made the memorable discovery that

the posterior roots of the spinal nerves preside over sensation, and the

anterior over motion; and this attracted anew the attention of English

physicians to the nervous system, and was rewarded by the later

discovery of reflex action or reflex phenomena, communicated to the

Royal Society in 1863 by Marshall Hall. Both discoveries were important,

and both were duly rewarded by yet others.

Benjamin Travers (1783-1858) seems to have been greatly influenced by

the first of these discoveries, and led thereby to pay special attention

to what he termed "constitutional irritation"; his studies on this

subject are often quoted to-day, and are well worthy of perusal; he

understood by this term a process (in strong contrast with inflammation)

which subsides without hyperæmia and without plastic exudate, but which,

on the other hand, may occasion liquid products and result in neoplasms.

Contemporaries of Travers were: Abram Colles; John Cheyne (1777-1830),

of Dublin, who wrote on _Diseases of Children_ and described

"Cheyne-Stokes respiration." William Stokes (1804-1878), also of Dublin,

who distinguished himself in 1857 by a great work, entitled _A Treatise

on the Diagnosis and Treatment of Diseases of the Chest_; Robert Graves

(1797-1853), Professor of Medicine in the King's and Queen's College,

Dublin, who published clinical lectures of his own, besides many

clinical reports in connection with Stokes. Graves was one of the

first to oppose the "absolute diet" of the earlier physicians in the

management of febrile maladies, and requested that his epitaph should

have but one line--"He fed fevers!"

"The School of Natural Philosophy" was the title applied to a system

which, in Germany, ran parallel with that of Broussais, being the

legitimate outcome of the medical{249} philosophy of the eighteenth

century which had originated there, and also a revival of opposition

thereto on the side of realism. It led into speculative extremes, which

finally sobered down, because of the meaningless scholastic phrases

often introduced, and thus broke a path for the subsequent enthusiasm

in behalf of French positivism in medicine. Those who constituted this

school were, for the most part, men of importance, but were followed

by a number of imbecile representatives. Use was made of the abstract

doctrine of the philosophy of identity and the imponderables, such as

electricity, mechanical forces, and magnetism, contrasted with which

were the dimensions of matter and certain qualities, like sensibility,

irritability, etc. Perhaps the greatest influence of this teaching was

in the department of embryology and physiology, where Johannes Müller

displayed his remarkable activity. Among the most distinguished

representatives of the natural-philosophy school was Oken (1779-1851),

of Bavaria, who subsequently taught in Munich, Jena, and Zürich, and

published a large work on natural history, which did much for the

popularization of this science; he explained that the skull is made up

from a series of vertebræ; also discovered the Wolffian bodies, and was

such a power in his way that Agassiz characterized him not only as "a

master in the art of teaching," but as "a courageous and ruling spirit."

Others of this school were: von Walther (1782-1849), eminent as a

surgeon; Dollinger (1770-1841), of Bamberg, the distinguished leader

of the Old Catholics; Reil and Procliaska, anatomists; Troxler and

Schelling, philosophers and anatomists; Treviranus, the microscopist;

Malfatti, Kilian, Spindler; Schmidt, of Vienna; and others too numerous

to mention.

As a successor to the School of Natural Philosophy came the School

of Natural History (1831-1850). which made important concessions to

realism; its most prominent members were from South Germany. This school

was based{250} partially upon the philosophy of Nature, and expired

almost suddenly. One of its most eminent exponents was Krukenberg,

whose therapeutic creed was that "Physicians should be filled with

pious reverence toward Nature; the organism is a whole, and must be

contemplated in this sense; medical art is, undoubtedly, capable of

decisive action, but let us not mistake that in many cases its activity

is quite superfluous, in very many null and inadequate, and in many

injurious." This school was the expression of the turn medicine was

compelled to take in order to escape the after-effects of the one-sided,

ideal, systematizing tendency of the eighteenth century (whose final

outcome was natural philosophy), and to square itself with the realism

and positivism of the nineteenth.

Schonlein (1763-1874), of Bamberg, outlined a system that taught

pathological and anatomical revelations as concrete expressions of the

independent entity disease, whose relation to the organism is as that

of a parasite sojourning temporarily in it; he also constructed a

classification of diseases, something after the manner of the botanical

classification of de Candolle. One of his best-known pupils was Canstadt

(1807-1850), whose _Jahresbericht_ has preserved his name. Siebert,

of Jena, famous as a diagnostician, and Haeser, the medical historian,

belonged to this school.

An offshoot of the French school of pathological anatomy and diagnosis

was the so-called New Vienna School, which aided the French system in

obtaining high recognition in German medicine, and gained its first

influence from the labors of Wünderlich (1815-1857); next to whom should

be mentioned Baron von Rokitansky (1804-1878),--a Bohemian,--one of the

most famous men in modern times, and who exercised a profound influence,

even in foreign countries,--particularly in Italy and Russia. Von

Rokitansky worked for a long time in miserable quarters in Vienna, but

finally a magnificent building was{251} specially erected for him.

He was loaded with honors, and took his seat in the Austrian House of

Deputies. Two sons are well known in medicine to-day, and two more

have achieved reputation as singers,--a circumstance which the father

embodied in the _bon mot_ that "two of his sons howled and two of

them healed." He transplanted into Vienna the tendency of the earliest

pathologico-anatomical school, which captivated all by its novelty and

interest, and in the post-mortem room and the clinical-lecture room he

converted medicine in Germany to the realism of the nineteenth century.

He was, indeed, the Van Swieten of his time in his influence upon

educational affairs. His works are distinguished by simplicity,

clearness, and logical order. He performed more than thirty thousand

autopsies; for fourteen years he studied the defects of the septum of

the heart and the comparative anatomy of the uterus and genito-urinary

organs, yet paid little attention to the microscope or to applied

medicine. He was a pathologist, pure and simple.

A friend and co-laborer,--Skoda (1803-1881),--also a Bohemian, was

little, if any, less famous. In 1839 he gave to the world his famous

work on _Auscultation and Percussion_; in 1847 became professor at

Prague, and was the first man to lecture in German. In spite of his

bachelor peculiarities, his taciturnity, and his heedlessness, he was

very popular, and left a fortune,--quite in contrast to Rokitansky,

who died poor. His scientific merit was based upon the fact that he

overthrew the specific and pathognomonic arrangement of sounds, as

taught by the French, and substituted therefor a category, based upon

the physical constitution and shape of organs and tissues. He endeavored

to develop a strictly scientific system of physics out of the empirical

French doctrine of physical signs, and in his work on _Physical

Diagnosis_ he displayed an independent spirit, though as one who had

received his impulse from France. He was the first in Germany to insist

upon the merits{252} of Avenbrugger, and was the leading diagnostician

of his time of the new Vienna school. Skoda was the first for whom was

created, in Vienna, a specialty after the French model,--that is, a

special division for patients suffering from thoracic diseases. Great

as he was, we must yet lay it up against him that through his

influence,--first in Vienna and afterward throughout Germany,--practical

medicine degenerated into simple diagnosis, and that, by his

observations on the natural course of disease, undisturbed by

therapeutics, he became the founder and exponent of expectant or

nihilistic therapeutics,--the harbinger of a very cheerless period in

the history of medicine.

An Epitome of the History of Medicine · 第 9 / 14 章