CHAPTER III.

_Age of Transition (continued).--Arabic Period: A.D. 640-1400. Alkindus,

873. Mesue, 777-857. Rhazes, 850-932. Haly-Abas, 994. Avicenna,

980-1037. Albucassis, 1122. Avenzoar, 1113-1161. Averroës, 11661198.

Maimonides, 1135-1204. School of Salernum: Constantinus Afri-canus,

1018-1085. Roger of Salerno, 1210. Roland of Parma, 1250. The Four

Masters, 1270 (?). John of Procida._

The Arabic{057} Period, which began with the second destruction of the

Alexandrian Library--640 A.D.--ends with the fourteenth century. At

the commencement of this period the Roman Empire of the West scarcely

existed: the magnificent territory which composed it had been overrun

and subdued by barbarous tribes from the forests of the North, while

from its ruins had risen several independent kingdoms,--that of the

Franks in Gallia, of the Visigoths in Spain, and of the Lombards in

Italy. The last of the Western emperors of note was Justinian, whose

army and generals--especially the genius and heroic devotion of

Belisarius--threw some glory upon Italy, Sicily, Africa, and Spain.

Meantime the Empire of the East, surrounded by enemies, and harassed

from all directions, still sustained itself with vigor. The Turks had

begun to show themselves on the banks of the Danube; those eternal

enemies of Rome--the Persians--made incessant war; and a new and

terrible enemy had sprung up in the deserts of Arabia. Then came one

who was at the same time legislator, prophet, and conqueror, and united

under one faith and one leader tribes hitherto divided and warring

against each other. Thus arose a powerful and enthusiastic nation,

animated by thirst for conquest and ardor for proselytism. In less than

a century after the first preaching of Mahomet, all of Arabia, India,

Syria, and Egypt were in the hands of his followers. In the year 640

Amrou effected the conquest of Egypt, seized Alexandria, and the

great library of five hundred thousand volumes was, by order of Omar

(successor to{058} Mahomet), delivered over to the flames; and the

historian Abulpharagius declares that these books served for six months

to heat the public baths, four thousand in number. Such were the first

fruits of the establishment of Islam. * Happily, zeal of proselytism

somewhat abated among the Mussulman princes, and religious fervor gave

place to policy; so that the later Arabian caliphs showed themselves,

in general, the protectors of the arts and sciences. Some, indeed,

endeavored to collect the _débris_ of the scattered treasures that

had been so fortunate as to escape the ignorant fanaticism of their

predecessors; and others, more tolerant even than the Christian princes

of the time, received without distinction all men of merit who took

refuge in their State, gave them employment, and recompensed them for

their services. On this account philosophers and persecuted "heretics"

sought an asylum among infidels, and found there the protection which

Christianity did not afford,--in return for which they gave their

protectors the benefits of Greek civilization.

* See a very vigorous denial of this historical statement in

The Nineteenth Century, October, 1894, page 555.

Of all the Moslem rulers, the most distinguished for love of learning

and general enlightenment was Haroun-al-Raschid, the Charlemagne of

the East, contemporary and emulator of the glory of the emperor of the

Franks, the hero of a hundred Arabic poems, whose dominion extended

from the borders of the Indus to the heart of the Spanish peninsula.

He embellished Bagdad, his capital, with schools and hospitals. His son

Almamon founded the Academy of Bagdad, which became the most celebrated

of the age; likewise spared no pains to draw to his court the most

illustrious men of all countries. He enjoined each of his ambassadors to

purchase all the writings of the philosophers and physicians that

could be found, and these he required to be translated into Arabic; his

interpreter, Honain, a Christian, was employed at translating for

forty-five{059} years, and received, for each book rendered into Arabic,

literally its weight in gold.

The eclat which the Moorish caliphs shed upon Spain from the tenth to

the thirteenth century is well known. The cities of Cordova, Toledo,

Seville, and Murcia possessed public libraries and academies, and

students from all parts of Europe flocked to them to be instructed in

arts and sciences; the library of Cordova alone embraced more than two

hundred and twenty-four thousand volumes. Thus it will be seen that

the dominion of mental and temporal affairs passed from the Greeks and

Romans to the Saracens.

Arabian medicine constitutes one of the most interesting chapters in the

history of our art. An offspring from Greek schools, it was for nearly

one hundred years the fostermother of that art, and, although it gave

rise to no great discovery nor wonderful step in advance during all this

period, it nevertheless kept alive all the learning of the past,

and clarified rather than made it turbid. In the sixth century the

Nestorians (followers of Bishop Nestor), having been driven out of

Syria, settled in Persia, Mesopotamia, and Arabia, and there founded

schools and other institutions such as they had had at home,--schools

in which, beside the ordinary philosophic studies, medicine received

a share of attention. Thus it came about that by the seventh century

Arabian physicians were everywhere known and in high repute. Naturally

the basis for their studies embodied the writings of Hippocrates, Galen,

Oribasius, and Paul of Ægina; and the first Arabian works consisted

solely of translations from the Greek, first out of their Syriac

rendering, and later from the originals. Indeed, so much eminence was

finally achieved by Arabian physicians that more than four hundred are

known by name as authors.

The first author deserving of mention was _Bachtischua_, of Nestorian

stock, celebrated in Jondisapur, director of the medical school, and

later physician to Caliph El-Mansur, in Bagdad.{060} Of his descendants

several became well known in the same field.

Alkindus--this being the Latin arrangement of his Arabic name--came from

a Persian family, who lived first in Basara and later at the court of

the caliphs El-Monon and El-Motasin, in Bagdad. He enjoyed a very high

reputation as physician, philosopher, astronomer, and mathematician, and

died A.D. 873. Mesue, the first of his name, sometimes known as Janus

Damascenus, was director of the hospital in Bagdad and physician to

Haroun-al-Raschid. He was born in 777, wrote extensively (since at least

forty of his works have been catalogued), and died in 857 in Samarra.

Serapion the elder, also sometimes known as Janus Damascenus, and whose

Arabic name was Serafiun, was born in Damascus--the exact data is

not known--and died some time prior to A.D. 930. He was author of two

volumes of aphorisms concerning the practice of medicine, which had at

his time the greatest repute.

The most celebrated of the early Arabian physicians was Rhazes, born in

the Persian province of Khorassan A.D. 850. According to the historians

of his nation he was a universal genius, equally famous in music,

astronomy, mathematics, chemistry, and medicine; he was surnamed "The

Experienced." At the age of fifty he was one of the most distinguished

professors in the Academy of Bagdad, where students came from great

distances to listen to him. Chosen from among a hundred colleagues to

direct the grand hospital of that city, he displayed indefatigable zeal

and most scholarly learning, even to his old age and in spite of loss of

sight, which overtook him at the age of eighty, when his reputation was

at its height. Two years after this misfortune--i.e., in 932--he died.

His generosity, which was proverbial, and his compassion for the poor

left him penniless at the time of his death. Some two hundred and

thirty-seven monographs of his have been{061} catalogued, though the

greater number of his works are practically lost. Two treatises on

medicine remain which afford excellent counsel in many respects; among

other matters he advises:--

"Study carefully the antecedents of the man to whose care you propose

to confide all you have most dear in this world,--that is, your life and

the lives of your wife and children. If the man is dissipated, is given

to frivolous pleasures, cultivates with too much zeal the arts foreign

to his profession, still more if he be addicted to wine and debauchery,

refrain from committing into such hands lives so precious."

His greatest publication was _Continens_--extracts compiled from all

authors for his own use--divided into thirty-seven books, constituting

an abridgment of the science of medicine and surgery up to his time;

and, notwithstanding its imperfect state, this work was held in greatest

reverence, and was a common source of knowledge among Orientals long

after his day.

Haly-Abbas, a Persian by birth, flourished fifty years after Rhazes, and

died A.D. 994. His _Almalelci_, in twenty volumes, constituted a quite

complete system of theory and practice of medicine, which, however,

was in large measure taken from Rhazes's _Continens_. It is generally

regarded as the best work of any of the physicians of the Arabic Period;

it is divided into three parts--a book on Health, a book on Death, and a

book of Signs--and it is interesting to know that the portion devoted

to midwifery and obstetrics was in the hands not only of the profession,

but also of the midwives.

Avicenna--Latinized form of his Arabic name, Ebn Sina--was born in

Bokhara in 980. From his earliest youth he manifested a remarkable

disposition for scientific study, and it is claimed that he mastered the

entire Koran at the age of ten years; also that he devoted his

entire days and the greater part of his nights to research, mastering

philosophy,{062} mathematics, astronomy, and, later, medicine, which

he studied at the university at Bagdad, in which city his talents were

chiefly exhibited. He was received at court, loaded with favors, and

elevated to the dignity of Vizier, but suddenly fell into disgrace, was

deprived of property, imprisoned, and even threatened with execution.

After two years, however, he was restored to liberty, and once more

possessed the consideration of the public and the court, becoming

the recipient of new honors. Meantime he had given himself up

to intemperance, by which his previously robust constitution was

undermined, and this, with excessive labor, brought about his demise

at the too early age of fifty-six, in the year 1037. He was author of

several books, the chief being the _Canon Medicinae_, which remained

a classic for six centuries, constituting the medical code of Asia

and Saracenic Europe; no author since Galen had enjoyed so wide and

extensive authority in the medical world; and in the various medical

schools professors, for the most part, confined themselves to reading

the _Canon_ from their desks, explaining and commenting upon its text.

The work was divided into five volumes, of which the first two comprised

the principles of physiology, pathology, hygiene, and therapeutics,

arranged to conform to the teachings of Aristotle and Galen; the third

and fourth dealt with treatment; and the fifth wras devoted to the

preparation and composition of remedies. Avicenna appears to have

surpassed in subtlety both Aristotle and Galen; he was fond of

metaphysical speculation, and his works were too much filled out with

subtleties of language rather than with true science. Authors of this

period were fond of torturing in every way possible the writings

which they undertook to edit or quote from, and, instead of devoting

themselves to original research, wasted time in seeking for vague and

hidden meanings. That man was most esteemed as learned who could see the

greatest subtlety in some passage from one of{063} the ancient writers;

consequently, that which was obscure or unintelligible was deemed the

most sublime and philosophic. A very brief study of the _Canon_, for

instance, will show this, while in graphic pictures of disease the work

by no means approaches those of Aretæus or Alexander of Tralles, for

Avicenna too often contented himself with mentioning merely a list of

symptoms without indicating in any way their progression, characters,

or duration. Undoubtedly just was the criticism of an Arabian poet: "His

philosophy had no sound foundation, and his medical knowledge availed

him naught for the possession of personal health and long life."

Albucassis was born in Zahra, near Cordova, about the beginning of

the eleventh century, and is supposed to have died A.D. 1122, at the

advanced age of one hundred and one. He was author of an abridgment, or

compilation, devoted to the practice of medicine, the only novelty of

which is a small portion devoted to surgery, in which are described

certain instruments. He says:--

"I have detailed briefly the methods of operations; I have described all

necessary instruments, and I present their forms by means of drawings;

in a word, I have omitted nothing of what can shed light to the

profession.... But one of the principal reasons why it is so rare to

meet a successful surgeon is that the apprenticeship of this branch

is very long, and he who devotes himself to it must be versed in the

science of anatomy, of which Galen has transmitted us the knowledge....

In fine, no one should permit himself to attempt this difficult

art without having a perfept knowledge of anatomy and the action of

remedies."

Not a word is said about dissections, however, from which we conclude

that they were not tolerated in his time. He resorted enthusiastically

to the cautery, and recommended it in spontaneous luxations and the

commencement of curvature of the spine. He refers particularly to

instrumental{064} delivery and the extraction of the after-birth, and,

when speaking of fractures and dislocations, he remarks: "This part of

surgery has been abandoned to men of vulgar and uncultivated minds, for

which reason it has fallen into undeserved contempt."

[Illustration: 0084]

Avenzoar, born in 1113, of a Spanish family which had many illustrious

scions, was instructed in medicine by his father, and ultimately

achieved great celebrity throughout Spain and Africa; for a time he

lived at the court of the Prince of Seville, loaded with honors and

presents, and finally was made Vizier. Among other works he wrote

a treatise on renal diseases, in which he outlined the treatment of

calculus and described an operation therefor. He died in 1161.

Averroës (as he is generally known, though his Arabic name was Aben

Roschd) was born A.D. 1166, in Cordova, where{065} his father held

official position. After being grounded in philosophy, mathematics, and

other sciences he became a pupil in medicine under Avenzoar. The greater

part of his life wras passed in Seville, where he was greatly esteemed

and finally knighted. In 1195 he was called to the court of the King

of Spain and Morocco, in Cordova, where he received the highest honors,

only, however, through some misunderstanding, to be disgraced; but he

soon afterward recovered his former position and dignities. He wrote

extensively not only on medicine, but on philosophy, his writings taking

throughout a more or less dialectic character. He died in 1198, and

from him descended a number of physicians who achieved more or less

reputation.

_Maimonides_ was born in Cordova, A.D. 1135. He early devoted himself

to the Talmud, and in his extended travels visited Jerusalem; he even

founded a school of philosophy in the East, which, however, had only a

brief existence. He died in 1204. He ranked higher in philosophy than

in medical art, and seems to have been imbued with the methods of his

teacher, Averroës, and is generally regarded as a theorist rather than

as a practical physician, although he wrote more or less on medical

topics, and is particularly remembered for an essay upon poisons. He was

about the last of the Arabians who deserves special mention.

During the period which was nearing its close at the time of the death

of Maimonides, the Arabs embraced with much ardor the study of medicine,

and translated into their language nearly all the treasures that had

been amassed by the Greeks; indeed, the preservation of many of the

great writings which would otherwise have been lost is due solely

to this fact. Strange to say, however, the Arabians neglected Latin

authors, and apparently possessed no knowledge of Celsus or Coelius

Aurelianus. As religious prejudices prohibited dissections, they were

obliged{066} to rely solely upon the anatomical descriptions of Galen,

and succeeded in increasing the errors of the original by inaccurate

translations. So far as originality of observation goes, the Arabians

were in most respects behind the Greeks; nevertheless, they were the

first to differentiate eruptive fevers, to which the latter paid little

or no attention. The Arabian school also supplied the knowledge of

purgatives, such as cassia and manna, which replaced the drastics

employed by the ancients; also the mode of preparation of syrups,

tinctures, distilled waters, pomades, and plasters.

While the Arabians were gradually rising by their power, intelligence,

and renown, the Greeks were declining in inverse ratio; the genius,

courage, and ancient virtues of the latter grew weaker and weaker, until

they seemed on the verge of extinction. In the medical history of these

centuries, in all Europe not under Moslem rule, there was but one man

entitled to mention as an author in medicine,--viz., John Actuarius,

the son of one Zacharia. He lived at the close of the thirteenth and the

beginning of the fourteenth century; was employed at Constantinople,

his surname being the honorary title of the court-physicians. He is more

commonly known as Zacharia. Of his life we know little, save that he

wrote several volumes, for the most part abridgments or commentaries on

the doctrine of Galen. He laid great stress on the theory of critical

days, and sustained his views by astronomical hypotheses most

ingeniously combined. His was the first Greek work in which were

mentioned the remedies introduced by the Arabians, yet he has not a word

to say of variola, measles, spina ventosa, and other affections fully

described by Arabic authors. He held remarkable views concerning

the nature of man, whom he supposed to be formed by the union of

two contrary substances,--the soul and the body; described somewhat

elaborately an imaginary plexus of veins connected with the

digestive{067} organs, through which the animal spirits were elaborated

and purified; also, and quite methodically, for his age, he explained

the functions of the animal economy and the etiology of disease.

While the clouds that befogged the study of medicine in the Empire of

the East thus grew heavier and heavier, we must not be blind to the

melancholy spectacle concerning the provinces composing the Empire

of the West. Barbarians in swarms, from the forests of Germany and

Scandinavia, had swept its various portions, pillaging, destroying, and

reducing to slavery its inhabitants. In southern Europe everything was

changed. Each generation witnessed some new and unheard-of invader, who

demanded his share of booty and renown and left a track of desolation

behind him. There was a brief period of order when Charlemagne reunited

under one dominion these divers races and seemed to have resuscitated

the Western Empire; but no sooner was he dead than its elements, being

devoid of affinity, broke apart. Former vassals, no longer restrained by

the firm hand of the emperor, made common warfare against his successors

and against each other, and for several ages there was nothing but a

succession of wars and invasions. Feudalism gave some sort of character

to this military anarchy by affording repose and, in a measure, security

for those who had hitherto been trampled under foot; but learning

and the sciences fell into complete neglect, and it was with great

difficulty that a very small number of men found within the pale of the

church a limited protection that enabled them to devote themselves

to the study of medicine and ecclesiastical law. Near the end of the

eleventh century, however, the enthusiasm of the crusades whetted anew

the turbulent appetite of the Christian barons, and led these lords of

western Europe, with their belligerent spirits, to the East, as a result

of which people hitherto oppressed could breathe more freely. A few

States recovered their{068} independence; some semblance of law was

established; municipal institutions were organized, and establishments

consecrated to public use were founded and multiplied; finally, in

the course of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, the cloud which

covered the face of Roman Catholic Europe was in some measure dispersed,

and men of talent and even genius began to appear upon the scene;

everything about them being so obscure, they shone like stars in

the firmament. In letters, for instance, there were Dante, Petrarch,

Boccaccio; in mathematics, Leonard, of Pisa, the first in Europe to

understand and employ figures and algebraic characters, although Cuvier

has claimed this distinction for Gerbert, a Benedictine monk of the

tenth century, who subsequently became Pope Sylvester II. At this time,

although in scholastic estimation medicine, theology, and philosophy

alone were fit to entertain the human mind, the natural sciences were

not without occasional representatives. Roger Bacon was three

centuries in advance of scientific reform, and endeavored to introduce

experimental philosophy, and so fully convinced some of his auditors

that they subscribed £2000 sterling to provide for the expense of

his experiments; this was money most happily employed, since it made

possible a number of important discoveries. It is said that Bacon

knew the properties of convex and concave lenses, and was the first to

conceive of the microscope and telescope; his astronomical knowledge led

him to demand a reform in the calendar, which Gregory XIII carried out

three centuries later; he had knowledge of gunpowder and its effects,

and was, in fact, the wizard of his day; but his boldness and

originality drew upon him the enmity of the church, by which he was

persecuted and finally condemned to imprisonment for life upon a diet of

bread and water, although he was ultimately released, in 1266, by Pope

Clement IV. He wrote extensively, but only fragments of his works

exist, since the friars believed{069} them tainted with witchcraft and

prevented their publication.

Before and during the time of Roger Bacon the philosophers were divided

into two parties, which engaged in very unseemly and unphilosophic

strife. One was termed the _Realist_, and believed, with Plato, that

ideas are self-existent and independent of the mind,--in other words,

veritable entities; the other, the _Nominalist_, held, with Aristotle,

that general ideas are pure abstractions formed by the mind with the

aid of sensations received from without, without which they could never

exist,--that is, if a being could be imagined without sensibilities and

the power of sensation, such being would be destitute of ideas. These

two parties kept up a very active warfare, and enlisted the aid of both

civil and ecclesiastical authorities, the result being persecution of

each other, and that general unsatisfactory conflict into which theology

and metaphysical speculation always force those who indulge in them.

Now, regarding the condition of medical affairs in the Empire of the

West: Down to the seventh century, in Rome, there were court-archiaters

who were attached to the retinues of the nobles, and in each large city

popular archiaters formed a college charged with sanitary matters, the

instruction and examination of candidates, and gratuitous services to

the poor. Although there is little definite information available, it

is probable that after the ruin of Alexandria much the same medical

organization obtained in those provinces as continued under the Greek

Empire at Constantinople. Under Arab sway we know very little of what

rules or regulations governed instruction in medicine and its practice;

and, so soon as one of these countries fell under the rule of the

Turks, all scientific institutions seem to have decayed or been

discontinued,--or, as Renouard states it: "If we may judge by what still

exists to-day in this unfortunate country (Turkey), consumed by the

power of ignorance{070} and despotism, the most complete anarchy

followed all older organizations."

In southern Europe, however, things had not gone on quite so badly,

although at first barbarous invasion caused everywhere disorder and

confusion, and the Christian States of the Western Empire yet presented

after three or four centuries a chaotic condition of affairs. The

ecclesiastical schools, which were under the care of the church, still

pursued courses of literary and scientific instruction; in the time of

Charlemagne, for instance, the colleges of the cathedrals, and even some

of the monasteries, taught medicine in a very limited way under the

name of physics. Thus all the liberal professions--that of medicine

included--fell under the domination of the clergy, and priests, abbots,

and bishops became court-physicians. The monks of Mount Cassin, of the

order of St. Benoit, enjoyed for a long time a great reputation for

medical skill; and among these in the tenth century was an abbot named

Berthier Didier, who became Pope Victor III toward the close of the

eleventh century, and one Constantine, surnamed the African. Of

the ecclesiastics who from the ninth to the eleventh century were

distinguished by the knowledge of medicine, there were Hugues, abbot

of St. Denis, physician to the King of France; Didon, abbot of Sens;

Sigoal, abbot of Epernay; Archbishop Milo, etc. Even several religious

orders of women undertook, to a certain extent, the practice of

medicine, and Hildegarde, who was abbess of the convent of Rupertsburg,

near Bingen, is credited with having written a treatise on _Materia

Medica_.

From the ninth to the thirteenth century the Jews shared with the clergy

the monopoly of the healing art. Many of these studied under Arabian

physicians, and, though the canons of the church forbade them to in any

way minister to the ailments of Christians, they were still called upon

in time of need, and even in many instances had access to the palaces of

archbishops, cardinals, and popes.

The education{071} of Christian priests and infidel practitioners

embraced really very little, and consisted, for the most part, of

knowledge of a few symptoms and possession of a few receipts; books were

excessively rare and expensive, capable teachers lacking, and a good

medical education out of the question. There was no law nor public

regulation which concerned the practice of medicine, and any who desired

could enter upon it; while besides the priests and the Jews--which

latter stood at the top of the scale--there was a multitude of

charlatans of the lowest order, such as barbers, keepers of baths, and

even a few women. The morality of this vulgar herd was on a level with

its knowledge. I have said the practice of medicine was not regulated

by law, yet Theodoric, King of the Visigoths, enacted a statute that no

physician should bleed a woman of noble birth without the assistance

of a relative or domestic; that if a physician in treating a patient or

dressing a wound happened to harm a gentleman he should pay a forfeit of

one hundred sous, and if the patient died from the operation he should

be handed over to the relatives of the deceased, who could do with him

whatever they pleased; while if he crippled or caused the death of a

serf, he was to be held accountable only for the loss, and compelled

to supply another. This remained in force from the sixth to the twelfth

century, and was made to apply chiefly to the practice of surgery, which

had been abandoned to individuals of the lowest condition. The practice

of internal medicine was, for the principal part, the privilege of the

clergy, and it is not likely the secular power ever expected that

one protected with the title of priest should be handed over to the

relatives of the dead. It furthermore appears that the practice of

medicine as divorced from surgery led to such irregularities in the

manners and conduct of the clergy that from the twelfth century popes

and councils of the church repeatedly forbade the medical art to those

in holy orders or under vows; but that this prohibition{072} was often

violated is shown by the frequent reiteration of inhibitory laws. During

the twelfth century the secular authority was also affected by abuses.

Roger, founder of the kingdom of Sicily, one of the first Christian

princes of the Middle Ages, gave special attention thereto, and in 1140

proclaimed that every one who wished to practice medicine must present

himself before a magistrate and obtain authorization, under pain of

imprisonment and confiscation of goods. Other sovereigns followed this

example, and regulating ordinances were gradually established, which

ultimately led to the institution of medical faculties and university

degrees.

During the Middle Ages, in the Empire of the West, arose the School of

Salernum, which became so celebrated that, like that of Alexandria, it

deserves special mention. The modern city of Salerno is situated on the

Neapolitan Gulf, about thirty miles southeast of the city of Naples,

with a population of but a few thousand souls. The ancient city stood

upon a height in the rear of the present town, where the ruins of its

mediaeval citadel are still to be seen. It first appeared in history

194 B.C., when a Roman colony was founded, was a municipal town of

importance, and appears even at this early day to have been a health

resort, since Horace informs us he had been advised to substitute

its cool baths for the warm ones of Baiæ. During the stormy centuries

following the downfall of the Western Empire, Salerno successively

submitted to the sway of the Goths, Lombards, Franks, Saracens, and

Greeks, as the vicissitudes of Avar compelled. Under the Lombards it

became the residence of the Duke of Benevcntum, and, in 1075, when

taken by Robert Guiscard of Normandy, it fell to the crown of Naples,

in consequence of which in the fourteenth century, the heir apparent of

this kingdom took the title of Prince of Salernum.

During the Middle Ages here flourished a medical school, important not

alone because of its celebrity at the time, but{073} for its effect upon

the medical history of the future. Its origin is obscure, though it has

been ascribed to Charlemagne in 802; again, its founding has been held

to be the work of fugitives from Alexandria when that city was captured

by the Saracens, 640 A.D.; some attribute it to the Benedictine order of

monks, others to Saracens, etc. The foundation by Alexandrian fugitives

is probably conjectural, yet it must be admitted there is some evidence

of knowledge of Arabian medicine in Salernum as early as this. Be the

origin what it may, it is certain that the Benedictine monks exercised

a very important influence upon this school, and there is considerable

reason to think that it was really originated by them. Their monastery

of Monte Casino was located about fifty miles the other side of Naples,

occupying the site of an ancient temple of Apollo; the rules of the

order enjoined the care of the sick and treatment by prayer, and St.

Benedict himself was credited with performing miraculous cures. The

rules which forbade public instruction were gradually discarded, for

in the ninth century Abbot Bertharius wrote two books on the art of

healing, and by the tenth century Monte Casino had acquired great

reputation as a medical school, and was sought by medically-inclined

monks from all quarters. A little later (1022) King Henry II, of

Bavaria, Emperor of Germany, is said to have been cut for stone by St.

Benedict himself, who appeared in ghostly form and operated with such

skill that on awaking the royal patient found the calculus in his hand,

and only the cicatrix of the wound through which it had been removed.

Of course, the grateful emperor could do no less than richly endow the

monastery, and bestow upon it additional privileges.

Desiderius, the Benedictine abbot from 1058 to 1086, and in the eleventh

century promoted to the papal chair under the title of Victor III, was

distinguished for his attainments in medicine and in music, and founded

a new hospital in connection with the monastery; he also composed

four{074} books detailing the miraculous cures wrought by his patron

saint. It was really within this monastery that Constantine the African,

one of the most learned men and the most famous Christian physician of

his time, compiled his numerous medical treatises.

About Constantine there is much of romance. He was born in Carthage in

1018 and died in 1085. He visited all the prominent schools of his day

in Egypt, Bagdad, Babylon, and even India, and for thirty-nine years

pursued the various branches of knowledge away from home. Returning to

Carthage, misunderstood and feared, he was accused of practicing sorcery

and compelled to fly to save his life. Disguised as a beggar he escaped

to Salernum, which had been recently captured by Robert Guiscard, and on

the recommendation of some royal visitor, who had known him at another

court, he was made private secretary to Guiscard. His new duties soon

became irkscme, however, and he retired to a cloister to devote himself

to literary labors. These, for the most part, were translations of Greek

and Arabic writings, often made _verbatim_ and without credit. Whatever

may be said about this lack of honesty, and the barbaric nature of his

Latin, credit must be given him for reviving the study of Hippocrates

and Galen in France; and he is generally credited with being the first

to introduce into Europe knowledge of Arabian medicine.

From Monte Casino the Benedictines at an early day spread to Salernum,

where, by the middle of the tenth century, three monasteries were

established, in all of which were kept holy relics. It now appears that,

although there may have been some previous institution of learning at

this point, and possibly even medical teachers, the real organization of

a regular school of medicine was due to the Benedictines. In the annals

of Naples of the middle of the ninth century the names of Salernian

physicians are mentioned; and it is known that toward the close of the

tenth century{075} Archbishop Verdun visited Salernum for relief from

vesical calculus, and there died.

The earliest medical writings of this school which have been preserved

are found in the _Compendium Salernitanum_, discovered in manuscript

form in 1837; and among the more prominent authors quoted are:

Petronius, who wrote about 1035; Gariopontus, who wrote about 1040;

Bartholomæus, Ferrarius, and Affiacius,--the latter a disciple of

Constantius Africanus.

The preaching of Peter the Hermit, which marked the close of the

eleventh century, was followed by an outburst of crusading enthusiasm

that quickly converted Europe into a vast camp, and Salernum, being

situated upon the highroad to the East, was benefited in no small degree

and its reputation as a medical school materially enhanced; likewise its

teachers gained in experience as regards military surgery. In this way

it became a favorite resort for crusaders when disabled, wounded, or

diseased. Robert of Normandy, son of the conqueror, returning from the

Holy Land, remained here for some time with a poisoned wound in the arm,

received in 1097 at the siege of Jerusalem, and it was decided it could

be healed only by sucking out the poison, a process deemed dangerous to

the operator. History declares that Robert's wife, daughter of Goeffrey,

Earl of Conversana, being denied permission, took advantage of her

husband's unconsciousness during sleep to withdraw the poison, when the

wound speedily healed. At the time of the departure of Robert, hastened

by the death of his brother William, John of Milan, the then chief of

the medical school, presented him with the famous _Regimen Sanitatis

Salerni_, said to have been composed largely for Robert's benefit.

This was a Latin poem that enjoyed most unexampled popularity for many

generations, and was the _vade mecum_ of well-educated physicians for

centuries. It is said to have passed through two hundred and forty

different editions, and that more than one hundred manuscript{076}

copies are to-day to be found in various European libraries. The latest

English version was published by Professor Ordronaux in 1871. A sample

is here submitted:--

"Salerno's school in conclave high unites

To counsel England's king, and thus indites:

If thou to health and vigor would'st attain,

Shun mighty cares; all anger deem profane;

From heavy suppers and much wine abstain;

Nor trivial count it after pompous fare

To rise from table and to take the air.

Shun idle noonday slumbers, nor delay

The urgent calls of nature to obey.

These rules if thou wilt follow to the end,

Thy life to greater length thou may'st extend."

During the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the glory of the School of

Salerno reached its zenith; it was the most famous school of medicine in

Europe, and was fostered by various kings. The celebrated Jew, Benjamin

of Tudela, traveling from Spain to India, visited Salernum in 1164, and

called it the "principal university of Christendom." Early in the

twelfth century flourished Cophon, Archimatheus, and Nicholas, surnamed

Præpositus, all of whom were distinguished teachers. The latter

published a work known as _Antidotarium_, which was for several

centuries the standard pharmacopoeia, and which contained a table

of weights that corresponded very closely to those of the modern

apothecary. The younger Cophon, who has been confounded with his father

(as both seem to have written extensively), wrote two treatises,--one on

the anatomy of the hog, the other entitled _Ars Medendi_. The first is

interesting as the only anatomical treatise of this school which has

been preserved, and is an index of the degradation of anatomical science

of that time.

The names of John and Matthew Platearius are of frequent occurrence

in the records of this school, and have given rise to considerable

confusion; the former is supposed to have{077} been the husband of

Trotula, a female physician, of whom I shall have more to say later.

Bernard the Provincial, who seems to have escaped the notice of most

historians, wrote about 1155, and his commentary offers much interesting

information concerning the therapeutics of the day; he formulated a

large number of recipes to enable the sick to escape the omnipotence of

the apothecaries, and recommended wine for the delicate stomachs of the

more exalted of the clergy, and, inasmuch as these stomachs did not

bear medicine well, he directed, in accordance with the practice of

Archbishop Æfanus, that emetics should be prescribed _after_ meals, when

their action is less injurious and more agreeable; he advised young men

and women tormented with love which they could not gratify to tie

their hands behind their backs and drink water from a vessel in which

a red-hot iron had been cooled. Indeed, his work is full of curious

information and advice, and is not without therapeutic interest.

A name which figures largely in the history of this school is that of

Magister Salernus, about which there is great uncertainty; it is not

positively known whether this refers to a particular person or is a

generic name covering various individuals. The name has been mentioned

as that of one of the four reputed founders of the school; it is

positive that there are certain treatises which bear this name, which

give an appearance of authenticity to it as an individual title.

In the latter half of the twelfth century lived John of St. Paul, one

of the teachers of Gilbert the Englishman; also Musandinus, who left a

curious treatise on dietetics; and Urso, who wrote on the pulse and on

the urine. Here in 1190 resided and studied a certain Alcadinus, from

Syracuse, whose knowledge of philosophy and medicine was such that he

acquired great reputation, and was made a professor; he even composed

Latin medical poems.

Just at the close of this century flourished Ægidius, who studied{078}

at Salernum, and also at Montpellier, where a school of medicine had

been founded in 1180; he was physician to Philip Augustus, of France,

and became professor in the University of Paris. Three treatises, all

in Latin hexameter, are ascribed to him. A contemporary was Johanes

Rogerus, of Palermo, a graduate of Salernum and author of several

works.

Early in the thirteenth century flourished Roger of Parma, one of the

most distinguished of the alumni of this school and the earliest

pioneer in modern surgery; his work on this topic, familiarly known as

_Rogeriana_, enjoyed the greatest reputation in its day, and was for

a long time the surgical text-book of Italy; his predilection for

poultices and moist dressings in the treatment of wounds, abscesses,

and ulcers became, in the hands of his successors, the distinguishing

feature of the surgery of Salernum in opposition to the school at

Bologna, where Hugo Di Lucca and Theo-doric (his great rival) contended

for the superiority of the dry treatment. Roger was also the first to

use the term _seton_, and to give practical demonstration to this means

of derivation.

Roland of Parma, a pupil of Roger, and a surgeon of great distinction,

became professor at Bologna, and wrote a treatise on surgery, which was,

for the most part, a commentary on the works of his master. The treatise

of Roger and that of Roland furnished the basis for a work entitled _The

Treatise of the Four Masters_, supposed to have been written about

1270, and manuscripts of which have been long known in various European

libraries. It is divided into four books, displays no little surgical

ability, and from its title would appear to have been the joint

composition of four teachers; indeed, it was long attributed to

Archimatheus, Platearius, Petro Cellus, and Affiacius, though it is now

pretty generally understood to be the product of but a single pen and

its author most likely a Frenchman. The ascription of authorship to four

masters was probably for the purpose{079} of increasing its weight and

authority, and it constituted a reliable exposition of the surgery of

Salernum in its day. It is quoted quite freely by Guy de Chauliac,

who was the restorer of French surgery in the fourteenth century, and

occasionally by later writers.

Another of the distinguished Salernian physicians of the thirteenth

century, one highly esteemed by Frederick II, was John of Procida, who

also was active in producing--if not the real author of--the massacre of

the Sicilian Vespers, A.D. 1282. In a dispute concerning the question of

the two Sicilies he embraced the cause of Prince Manfred, for which he

was banished by Charles of Anjou, and took refuge at the court of Peter

III, of Arragon, by whom he was created a baron; and he was influential

in persuading the latter to assert his claim to the throne of Sicily.

By various intrigues at different courts he succeeded in organizing an

alliance, which betrayed its existence in this massacre, and finally

resulted in the overthrow of the French in Sicily and the transfer

of the island to the crown of Spain. He was author of at least two

treatises devoted to medicine and philosophy.

Other writers of the School of Salernum were: a learned Jew of

Agrigentum known as "Farragus," Matthew Sylvaticus, Graphæus, and

Cappola. About the middle of the fifteenth century flourished Saladino,

famous as an authority on materia medica.

It is of no small interest that now, for the first time in history,

women began to figure somewhat prominently as writers, practitioners,

and even teachers of medicine. About the middle of the eleventh century

appeared a work, entitled _De Midierium Passionibus_, attributed to the

before-mentioned Trotula, wife of John Platearius, which has descended

even to these days. There is nothing in the work to indicate the name

or sex of the author, who is invariably spoken of in the third person;

consequently Trotula's connection therewith has often been disputed.

It mentions{080} a certain "_aqua mirabilis_" composed largely of

brandy, which spirit is said to have first been employed medicinally by

Thaddeus of Florence, who died in 1295; there is also an account of a

patient who _wore spectacles!_ The diseases of women and children are

also largely dealt with. The work is undoubtedly an anonymous production

of the eleventh century, disfigured by additions of a later day, and

ascribed to Trotula, perhaps, because of the celebrity that attached

to her; at all events, it is the earliest work ascribed to a female

physician, and thus possesses special claims to interest.

Later we read of Sichelguada, wife of Robert Guiscard and a graduate of

Salernum, who endeavored to poison her step-son, Bohemond, in order to

secure the succession of her own child. This infamous plot was furthered

by some of the Salernian physicians, and thwarted only by the prompt

action of Guiscard, who swore he would slay his wife with his own sword

should the malady of Bohemond prove fatal.

Certain other female physicians of this period are mentioned, notably

Abella, who, in spite of the modesty that is supposed to hedge about

her sex, produced in Latin hexameter a work entitled _De Natura Seminis

Hominis_. Mercuriolus, in the fifteenth century, produced treatises

on the cure of wounds, pestilent fevers, and on the nails. The most

celebrated of all, however, appears to have been Calenda, who lived

during the reign of that notorious profligate, John II, of Naples

(1414-1435), and who was particularly distinguished for her personal

attractions. She graduated with great honor from the school at Salernum,

and soon after, in 1423, married a nobleman of the court, which

perhaps accounts for the fact that she never exercised the privilege

of authorship. A little later, Marguerite, of Sicily or Naples, also a

Salernian graduate, acquired an extended professional reputation, and

was licensed to-practice by Ladislaus, King of Poland.

Daremberg{081} informs us that there were numerous female physicians

at Salernum, much sought after because of their talents, and, moreover,

highly esteemed by the professors of the school, who freely quoted the

writings of their fair pupils and contemporaries; further, that they

employed ointments in paralyses; fumigations, vapors, and antimony for

coughs; and lotions of aloe and rose-water for swellings of the face;

they combined scientific knowledge with facetious playfulness in a

manner peculiar to the sex, in that they tendered unsuspecting beaux

bouquets of roses doctored with powdered euphorbium, and hugely enjoyed

the forced sternutations of their victims.

It will thus be seen what a wide-spread and long-continued influence

the school of Salernum exerted. At first physics and philosophy were the

principal branches taught, but later the other sciences were cultivated.

The Emperor Frederick II united the different schools of the city into

a university,--a term, however, that, as then applied, appears to

have corresponded to what in the nineteenth century is understood by

_corporation_. The emperor likewise published several decrees which

revised the duties and privileges of practitioners of medicine and

surgery in his kingdom, and, in 1224, ordered that no person should

practice within the two Sicilies until examined by the faculty of the

university and licensed at the royal hands; further, practitioners

were compelled to devote at least one year to the study of anatomy. The

faculty at this time consisted of ten professors, whose salary probably

depended upon the number of pupils. A candidate for graduation was

required to present proof of majority, of legitimacy of birth, and of

proper duration of preliminary study, and then was examined publicly in

the _Synopsis_ of Galen, the _Aphorisms_ of Hippocrates, or the Canon of

Avicenna. On passing he swore to conform to all the regulations hitherto

observed in medicine, to give gratuitous treatment to the poor, and to

expose all apothecaries detected{082} in adulterating drugs. A book was

then placed in his hands, a ring upon his finger, and a laurel crown

upon his head, when he was "dismissed with a kiss." The degree conferred

was that of "_Magister_"--the modern title of Doctor being at that

period employed almost exclusively to designate a public teacher or

professor.

But the watchfulness of King Frederick was not confined alone to

the regulation of medical study within his kingdom. The number of

professional visits, and the recompense therefor, were fixed by law.

Every physician was compelled to visit his patients twice daily, and

even once at night as well, if summoned, and for this attendance was

permitted a daily fee equivalent to fourteen cents for patients within

the city, while for calls without the city the largest legal charge was

one dollar and thirteen cents, provided he paid his own expenses.

The earlier teachings and practice of Salernum were a curious mixture

of methodism, dogmatism, and superstition. The latter may be better

understood when it is recalled that the practice of medicine for an

extended period was confined almost exclusively to ecclesiastics, who by

their very education were prone to superstition and upheld the efficacy

of charms and relics, and the active intervention of saints and martyrs

as well as the myrmidons of evil; hence arose many of the conflicts and

absurd notions peculiar to the period. The prevalence of the doctrine

of medical methodism was due to the character of the writings most

accessible to students of that day,--such as those of Ccelius Aurelianus

and others; and it is curious that Celsus, the most elegant of medical

authors, was never popular among medical monks. The Hellenic language

having almost disappeared from Italy by the sixth century, the works of

the Greek authors had become a sealed book to a vast majority, even of

the better educated; hence the purer sources of medical knowledge

were not available. Although the school of Salernum, at a later date,

prided{083} itself upon its devotion to the "Father of Medicine,"

the Hippocratic writings were not known at this period; and, when

Constantine the African, by the translation of Arabian works, introduced

a new element into the Salernian school, he ingrafted upon its medical

teaching a form of doctrine which found a congenial atmosphere, in which

it throve vigorously, while, a century later, the translations of Gerard

of Cremona gave a stronger impulse to the growth of Hippocratic medicine

than to Hippocratic doctrine.

From the _Commentary of the Four Masters_ we learn that Salernian

practitioners recognized the diagnostic importance of nausea, vomiting,

and the flow of blood from the ears in injuries to the head; that

they resorted to the trepan for depressed fractures and the relief of

intracranial extravasation; that hernia cerebri was treated by pressure

and caustics; that ligatures, both above and below the opening, were

applied for the treatment of wounds of the carotid arteries and jugular

veins. It was advised to decline patients suffering from wounds of

the heart, lungs, diaphragm, stomach, or liver, in order to avoid the

disgrace of losing them; and in penetrating wounds of the intestines and

in those complicated with protrusion of the wounded gut instruction was

given how to envelop them in the warm abdomen of a slaughtered animal

until natural color and temperature were restored, and then to insert a

cannula of alder-wood into the wounded intestine, which was to be neatly

closed and stitched; finally, the protrusion was to be carefully washed

with warm water and returned into the abdominal cavity, enlarging the

opening for this purpose, if necessary. Also was advised the extraction

of diseased teeth; and the operation of lithotomy was described with

considerable care. Compound fractures were to be treated with splints.

On the whole, this commentary of the alleged Four Masters is the most

interesting and ancient Salernian work which has been{084} preserved,

and is well worthy the attention of even modern surgeons.

Such was the school of Salernum in its prime, during the twelfth and

thirteenth centuries. My readers will not have failed to note how few

names have been mentioned which are prominent in medical history, and

how few improvements were made in medical art by those who have been

mentioned. One naturally inquires, then, what was the source of the

wide-spread fame of Salerno as a school, since it was distinguished

neither by notable discovery in science nor by celebrated teachers, and

the predominant element was doubtless one of obstinate conservatism and

unswerving devotion to ancient doctrines. Founded during the dark period

of the Middle Ages, at a time when ignorance, bigotry, and superstition

prevailed, it preserved, amidst the gloom that had settled upon Europe,

a few rays of that intellectual light which had shown so brightly in the

golden ages of Roman history. These rays, made more conspicuous by the

intellectual night which they barely illumined, were a beacon for

men who were groping for more light. Thus the name of Salernum became

synonymous with intellectual advancement in later ages. As the parent

and model of our modern university system, Salernum yet deserves, in a

measure, to enjoy the esteem of a numerous scholastic offspring. At a

time when priests were particularly active in passing off rudimentary

knowledge for the science of healing this school began to secure all

information possible from the laity for the progressive development of

medicine. It began, in other words, to hold aloof and then to break away

from the fetters of a fanatical church. Its decline, too, was as rapid

as its career had been brilliant. One very serious blow was struck

when, in 1224, Frederick II founded the University of Naples and forbade

Neapolitan subjects to seek instruction at any other university. The

next year a revolt in the city provoked the closure of the schools{085}

of Bologna, which were, however, opened again two years later. Within

a short time the universities of Naples, Montpellier, Padua, Paris, and

Bologna all entered into a contest for pre-eminence with a rivalry which

was not always generous. In 1224, it is said, the latter university had

no less than ten thousand students. Happily, however, the period of

the Renaissance proved to be one of emancipation from the fetters of

ignorance and superstition, making an appeal for liberty which the

conservatism of Salernum could not brook. Roger Bacon, in England;

Lanfranc and Guy de Chauliac, in France; Mondino, at Bologna, and

Savonarola, at Padua, found no rivals at Salernum to successfully

contest their fame. Thus this ancient school fell behind the age, and in

a short time sank into a mediocrity which was scarcely brightened by the

reflection of a departed glory. In 1342 Robert I renewed the decree of

Frederick II, which closed all the schools in his kingdom save those of

Naples, but excepted Salernum solely because of its antiquity and the

traditions of his predecessors. In 1413 King Ladislaus excepted the

Salernian alumni and professors from all taxes, duties, and tribute.

In the middle of the fourteenth century the poet Petrarch speaks of the

school as a memory of the past; but its last appearance was in 1748,

when a dispute at Paris relating to the rank of physicians and surgeons

was referred to Salerno's university for arbitration and final decision.

In 1811 a formal decree reduced this parent of all European universities

to a mere gymnasium or preparatory school; and now one may wander

through the streets of the modern town and among the ruins of its

ancient predecessor and seek in vain to trace some reminder of those who

were illustrious during some of the most terrible ages in the world's

history. No echo of tradition, no stone of ancient edifice, no library

preserving precious manuscripts, not even an edition of the old

Salernian regimen, in the whole city; in fact, none now so poor as to do

it reverence.

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