CHAPTER V

RENTAP

With this chapter commences the history of the life of the present

Rajah, in itself an epitome of the history of the raj, who in 1852, at

the age of twenty-three, obtained two years' leave of absence to try his

fortunes in Borneo at the invitation of his uncle the Rajah. He arrived

at Kuching on July 21, 1852, at the commencement of a new era in the

history of Sarawak. Hitherto the raj extended only as far as the

Samarahan river, and within this little state order had been established

and peace reigned. Without, it had been freed from its enemies, the

result being an increasing trade which brought prosperity. But the Rajah

could not leave incomplete the work that he had undertaken and begun,

and these benefits had to be more fully extended to the neighbouring

districts, which were shortly to be added to the raj. This could be done

only by first reducing to order the turbulent and restless Sea-Dayaks

and Malays who inhabited these districts. Sarawak, too, had now been

left to fight its own battles alone, and to surmount the additional

troubles that had been thrown across its path by the blind and weak

policy of the British Government that should have been its protector. In

the severe trials that followed, and which had to be faced unhelped, the

Rajah found that assistance which he so much needed in the able and

devoted support of his nephews, the Tuan Besar, and, more notably, the

Tuan Muda, for so the present Rajah was entitled by the datus on his

arrival.[187] On the expiration of his leave the Tuan Muda finally

quitted the Navy, and Sarawak became the scene of his life-work; he was

to become the Rajah's right-hand man, and, a few years later, his

trusted deputy.

Charles Anthoni Johnson, the Tuan Muda, was the second son of the Rev.

Francis Charles Johnson, and was born on June 3, 1829, at Berrow

Vicarage, near Burnham, Somersetshire. Educated in Crewkerne Grammar

School for a few years only, he was withdrawn at the age of a little

over twelve, and entered the Navy on January 18, 1842, as a volunteer of

the first class, under his uncle, Commander Willes Johnson of the sloop

_Wolverine_. He served on this ship until June, 1844, gaining two steps

as midshipman in that year, when he was transferred to the _Dido_,

Captain the Hon. Henry Keppel. He rejoined the _Wolverine_, serving

under Commander John Dalrymple Hay,[188] until his transfer to the

_Mæander_, Captain the Hon. H. Keppel, in November, 1847, as

sub-lieutenant. He joined the _St. Vincent_ in 1848, and in June the

next year was promoted to be senior mate of the _Terrible_. He became

lieutenant in 1852. He served mostly on the China station; and the only

active service he saw was with Keppel's expedition and Sir Thomas

Cochrane's squadron in Borneo waters, as we have already recorded.

The Tuan Muda was appointed to Lundu in January, 1853, but he had not

been there long before news arrived of the death of Mr. Lee, the

Resident at Lingga. The circumstances were these: Ever since the severe

lesson taught the Saribas and Sekrangs in 1849, the piratical tribes had

been divided into two parties: one that was content to submit to the

Government of Sarawak, and abandon its former lawless practices, and the

other, consisting of the irreconcilables, the wild and fiery bloods, who

loved slaughter and rapine above everything, and who could not be

prevailed upon to beat their spears into ploughshares. At their head

stood a peculiarly daring and turbulent Dayak chief called Rentap; and

these had retreated farther up the country to the head-waters of the

Saribas. There Rentap had established a strong stockade on Sadok, a

mountain ridge, up the Sungei (River) Lang, which was regarded as an

impregnable fastness, for access could not be obtained to it by boat, on

account of the rapids, and the country that would have to be traversed

by an expedition was covered with dense jungles, and broken up by rugged

limestone chains of hills.

The Sekrang pirates could no longer shoot down to the sea in their war

prahus, for the forts of Sekrang and Lingga commanded the river,

consequently they exerted their mischievous energies in attacking the

peaceful Dayaks in their districts, and they were especially irate

against those of their own tribe who had submitted to the white man's

rule.

Sekrang station under the able management of Mr. Brereton had made great

advances, and around the fort a Malay town had sprung up, and there

Chinese traders had also established themselves. Mr. Brereton was ably

supported by two of the best and most capable Malay chiefs, Pangiran

Matali,[189] a Bruni of rank, and Abang Aing,[190] a Matu Melanau, who

had long been settled in the Batang Lupar with his father the Laksamana

Menudin, and who had the good fortune to have for a helpmate an upright

and determined woman, Dayang Kota; she was strong in council, and so

trustworthy that when Mr. Brereton and the chiefs were away she was

often left in charge of the fort.

The fort at Lingga had been built in 1852 to protect that river against

marauding bands of Saribas, and had been placed in charge of Mr. Alan

Lee.

Brereton and Lee were both men of independent means, who had joined the

Rajah to assist him in his great work, and who never drew a penny from

the Sarawak Government. The former was hot and impetuous; both were men

of noble and generous natures.

The position of Mr. Lee at Lingga was fairly safe. He had been for a

short time coadjutor with Brereton at Sekrang; at Lingga he had plenty

of Malays, and only friendly Dayaks, the Balaus, about him. But Mr.

Brereton was in a more dangerous position, a single Englishman among

many thousand natives but partially reclaimed in hardly five years, and

all passionately attached to their ancestral custom of head-hunting. It

is true he had about him a number of Malays, and on an emergency might

call in the assistance of those Dayaks of the Sekrang tribe who

professed allegiance, but many of these were waverers, and on a few only

could any reliance be placed.

Early in 1853, reports reached Brereton that Rentap, at the head of a

war party, was on his way down the river to attack his fort, and force

an opening to the sea, so that again he might pursue his piratical

expeditions along the coast; and Brereton sent a message to Lee at

Lingga to come to his assistance.

The request was at once complied with, and, thinking the case urgent,

Lee hurried up the river with a scratch party, insufficiently armed; but

he left orders that a large force was to follow with all possible speed.

On reaching Sekrang, Lee learned that the force under Rentap was

approaching, and he strongly urged Brereton to stand solely on the

defensive, and not to attack the enemy till his auxiliaries had arrived.

Brereton, however, had built a small stockade a few miles above Sekrang

fort, and to this he insisted on going, and was accompanied by Lee. On

the morning after reaching it, a few boats of the Sekrang pirates were

seen descending the river and approaching the stockade. A gun was fired

to signal them to desist, but as this was disregarded, a charge of grape

was poured into them, throwing them apparently into confusion.

Unfortunately, the Malays in the fort were not to be restrained, and

Brereton was for at once dashing forth to attack the enemy in the open

on the river. Lee saw the injudiciousness of such a proceeding. He was

convinced that the two prahus had been sent forward tentatively, and

that the main body of the enemy was concealed behind the point of land

farther up. He expostulated with Brereton, who taunted him with a lack

of courage, and then left the fort with his Malays, and in their boats

they ran in upon the main fleet that was lurking in an upper reach, and

which now swung down, assisted by the ebb-tide, on Brereton's light

prahus.

Lee, nettled at the taunt, and seeing the peril in which his friend and

fellow-officer had so inconsiderately placed himself, at once left the

fort and hastened to his assistance.

The small boats in which were the Malay garrison were being swamped by

the heavy bangkongs or war prahus of the Sekrangs filled with armed men.

Brereton's boat upset, and with difficulty he reached the bank. Lee

refused to retreat, and calling out, "Save yourselves, I must stand,"

dashed on. His boat was boarded by the enemy; he fought with

desperation, but was overpowered and fell into the water with his head

nearly severed from his shoulders. Meanwhile the force of the current

had carried the fleet under the guns of the stockade, and these opened

fire upon it, and compelled Rentap reluctantly to withdraw and abandon

his undertaking.[191] He was followed up and attacked by the Sekrang

Dayak chief Gasing, who, acting on his own initiative, burnt twenty

villages belonging to Rentap's followers.

When the news of this disaster reached Kuching, the Tuan Muda was

recalled from Lundu and ordered to replace Lee at Lingga, and he arrived

there in June, 1853. A stronger fort was now built there, and the Malays

living at Banting were ordered to move down. He was succeeded at Lundu

by Mr. Charles Grant.[192]

Lingga, which is just at the mouth of the river of that name that flows

into the Batang Lupar about sixteen miles above its mouth, is seated on

a mud bank; the land for miles around is a dismal swamp, and is the most

dreary station in the State. It is, however, a healthy place, and

another redeeming point is the fine expanse of water which forms the

estuary of the Bantag Lupar, stretching from Lingga, where it is three

miles broad, straight to the mouth.

The Dayak population of the Lingga river was then about 5000, all

Balaus, whom the Tuan Muda found to be "braver than most Dayaks, and

true-hearted." From the first, they and the Seboyaus, a relative tribe,

residing some at Seboyau, below Lingga, but most at Lundu, had sided

with the Rajah against their direst foes, the Saribas; and these pages

record many great services rendered by them. Besides these Dayaks there

was a considerable number of Malays, and the latter increased, for

Lingga became to them a place of refuge.

Indra Lila[193] had been the chief here since his forced departure from

the Rejang (see footnote, p. 16). He had died a few months before, and

had been succeeded by his brother, Lila Pelawan,[193] who died a

centenarian in 1897. There was another brother, Lila Wangsa,[193] who

had joined the piratical Saribas Malays. Lila Pelawan was only the

nominal chief of the river, for it was really ruled by two despotic old

Malay ladies of rank, Dang Isa and Dang Ajar. These sisters claimed all

the land as their inheritance, and all the dwellers thereon as their

slaves. Though they were cruel and tyrannical in their methods, these

masterful old ladies had the redeeming point of being brave, and,

attired in men's clothing, with sword and spear, had often led the men

in resisting the attacks of the Saribas. Dang Ajar was the most

troublesome. It was she with whom the Kayan chief, Akam Nipa, had fallen

in love, and a pity it was that his threat to abduct her was frustrated

by the flight of the Malays from Ngmah. Though professing a strong

regard for the Tuan Muda, whom they honoured by styling him their son,

they feared and hated him, for they saw that he would soon deprive them

of all power to do evil, and to prevent this they even attempted to

resort to poison. This was the method by which they were commonly

reputed to have removed Indra Lila out of their way, as they would

certainly have done to his little son, so as to acquire his inheritance,

had not the Tuan Muda taken him under his protection. This lad was Abang

Abdul Gani, who became the Tuan Muda's constant follower for years, and

who afterwards gained for himself the reputation of being one of the

bravest and most honest of the Government Malay officials.

As they themselves foresaw, the power of these two old ladies was soon

brought to an end, and they retired into seclusion to solace themselves

with religion.

In August, 1853, the Rajah went to Bruni, where he found that his power

and his popularity had not waned, though discarded by the British

Government, and discredited by his own countrymen, and though he arrived

in a small merchant ship instead of in one of her Majesty's men-of-war.

He stayed some time in Bruni, and was warmly received by the new Sultan,

Abdul Mumin, for Omar Ali had departed to answer for his sins, "and was

fully and firmly reinstated as their friend and adviser." Those

districts outside Sarawak, namely the Sadong, Batang Lupar, Saribas, and

Kalaka rivers and their tributaries, with a coast-line of some

seventy-five miles, in area about three times the size of the raj, were

now incorporated with it by a cession granted by the Sultan, the Rajah

agreeing to pay the Sultan half of any surplus revenues that might

accrue. We may note here for convenience that this was altered

afterwards in 1861, when the territories as far as Kedurong point were

ceded, thereby giving the State a further coast-line of 180 miles, and

the rivers Rejang, Oya, Muka, Tatau, and Bintulu. For this additional

cession and that of 1853 a fixed yearly sum was to be paid to the Sultan

as compensation for loss of revenue; and these cessions, having been

made subsequent to the treaty of 1847, contain a clause to the effect

that none of the districts ceded by them may be transferred by the Rajah

or his successors to any other government, company or persons without

the sanction of the British Government, but the Sultan's sanction is not

required. In the event of the cession money not being paid for three

consecutive years, the districts ceded would revert to the Sultan;

otherwise the sovereign and territorial rights over these districts are

absolutely invested in the Rajahs of Sarawak, the Sultan having reserved

no rights or power whatever over them. The cessions subsequently

obtained by the present Rajah, which will be noted in their proper

places, were granted on the same terms.

In December, the Rajah arrived at Lingga on his way to Sekrang and

farther up the river, with the object of opening up communication with

the turbulent members of the Dayak tribes in the interior, under Rentap

and Bulan. These chiefs were men of very different character, and headed

native bodies of like diversity.

Rentap was an active, crafty, and determined man, rootedly opposed to

the interference of Europeans and the putting down of piracy and

head-hunting. On the other hand, Bulan was the figure-head of a party

that hesitated, uncertain which direction affairs would take, and

watching to see which way the cat jumped. Bulan and his faction would

not engage in active hostility against the Rajah's government, unless

they saw that the tide of affairs was setting strong against it. But

also they would not profess friendship, or lend help against the

turbulent party.

The Tuan Muda attended the Rajah to Sekrang, and several meetings were

contrived with the leaders of the two factions, but with no satisfactory

results. In April, 1854, owing to the representations of Mr. Brereton,

an expedition was organised against a chief called Apai[194] Dendang at

Dandi, on the backbone or watershed between the Saribas and the Sekrang

river, a hotbed of mischief, whence several incursions had been made

into the pacified country, with the usual results of rapine and murder.

The Tuan Muda brought up a contingent from Lingga, and this, united with

a force from Kuching, proceeded up the Sekrang, passing troublesome and

dangerous rapids, till the point Lipat was reached, where the boats had

to be left. The backbone of hills was at some considerable distance, and

to reach it much thorny jungle had to be traversed. After a day's march

inland it was arranged that the Europeans and the Sarawak Malay

contingent should remain behind, and that a fighting division of Dayaks

should be sent forward under their chiefs to attack Dandi, which

consisted of one long Dayak house. The plan adopted was not the most

judicious, and the result was disappointing. We will describe what

followed in the Tuan Muda's own words.

Late in the afternoon of the third day, when we anxiously awaited

the return of the advanced division, our outposts first of all

descried two or three small parties of Dayaks evidently of our

force, wending their way slowly over hill and dale. On their nearer

approach, we plainly saw wounded men carried by them. Whispers

spread—gradually and quietly at first, but they soon became more

distinct—that our party had failed. In the evening the chiefs

arrived and came forward to report progress, looking haggard, thin,

and exhausted. The story was as follows—they had walked at a fast

pace the whole of the first day over the steepest hills, sometimes

without any path, and the guides at a nonplus for the proper

direction; from morning till night they scarcely halted, under a

scorching sun; and parched with thirst without any hope of water. At

night, by moonlight, they pushed on again, until they nearly fell

from exhaustion, when they slept in any position with their arms on.

About 3 A.M. they again advanced, and, at the opening of dawn, the

most active Dayaks, reaching the enemy's house, advanced upon it

without order, and as the leaders were mounting the ladder, they

were struck off one after another by hundreds of men inside, dressed

in fighting costumes, and headed by the whole of the Saribas tribe,

men heretofore on every occasion on land, victorious. Our poor

leaders had to retire to guard their wounded and dying, while the

enemy were yelling, cheering, and beating gongs; and even their

women, dressed in their best clothes, were clapping their hands, and

urging their sweethearts to the encounter.

As the sun rose, some of the strongest of the Malay force came up

within shot, and took up quarters behind trees and opened fire upon

the house. This stopped the cheering within, but in no way daunted

the enemy. About an hour after, our elderly chiefs came up, viewed

the house of the enemy, sat down on the hillside in a sheltered

position, and were so exhausted that children might have hacked

their heads off. They stopped all advance of their party, and while

the oldest chiefs were suffering severely from fatigue, a palaver

was opened, the result being that some of the enemy came down, mixed

with our people, then partook of sirih and betel-nut in a friendly

manner, and promised to show our party the nearest way back, and

provide them with provisions for their journey. On their part they

engaged to be answerable for the payment of a "death fine" for the

men they had killed some months previously.

News that a large expedition had been organised against Dandi had

reached Apai Dendang before the departure of the force from Sekrang, and

he had summoned to his assistance all the bravest men of the Saribas

tribe, and the principal leaders of every head-hunting expedition for

some time past; nevertheless he was unwilling to drive matters to an

extremity, having a wholesome dread of the white men. This rendered him

ready to treat and buy off the expedition with a promise of indemnity

for murders recently committed.

A fatal want of discretion had been shown in the whole affair, no

trustworthy guides had been engaged, no inquiry made as to whether the

Saribas were coming up to the succour of Apai Dendang, no English

leaders were sent forward with the rabble of assailants, and that rabble

had attacked in straggling detachments, when exhausted with hard

marching and with thirst.

We returned home with feelings that can be better imagined than

described. The Dayaks said that the omens had been bad from the

outset; the Malays said if they had only been there, the result

would have been different; and the Europeans said—nothing.

In August, 1854, the Rajah arrived at Lingga with a large force which

had been collected at Kuching, and proceeded to Sekrang, taking with him

the Tuan Muda; The Tuan Besar, together with other European officers,

who had come with the Rajah, also lent their aid. The object was to

attack Rentap in his fastness in Sungei Lang. The whole force numbered

7000 Malays and Dayaks. To prevent the Saribas from sending their

fighting men to the assistance of Rentap, the Datu Temanggong was

despatched with a flotilla up that river to menace their villages and to

hold the Saribas warriors in check. Mr. Steele[195] was to lead another

party up the Kanowit to threaten the Dayaks of that river and its

branches the Kajulau and Entabai, with a rear attack should they cross

over to the Saribas. Mr. Steele had been thrice attacked at Kanowit

fort, but now he could muster fifteen hundred men and take the

offensive, and, though possibly he would have to do no fighting, his

force would deter the Kajulaus from sending aid to Rentap. The

expedition was thoroughly well thought out.

The Rajah, with the main body, leaving the Sekrang fort, ascended the

river for about thirty miles to a place called Entaban. The heavy prahus

were brought thus far with great difficulty, owing to the rapids, and

beyond that point it was impossible to proceed in them. Accordingly a

stockade was erected, and the Tuan Besar was placed in command of the

expedition by land to Sungei Lang, with his brother, the Tuan Muda, Mr.

Crookshank, Mr. Brereton, and four other English officers to assist. The

Rajah's health would not admit of his undertaking the arduous march. He

remained behind with a strong force to protect the flotilla.

Although the heavy war boats could ascend no farther, it was possible

for part of the force to continue the ascent of the river in light

boats, and this was done, the Europeans and Malays marching.

To continue the narrative from the Tuan Muda's description:—

We had Dayak guides, and could not have proceeded without them. Our

land force consisted mostly of Malays, and numbered about 500 men—

the Sekrang Dayaks were in their boats. About 4 P.M. we halted on

the brink of the river and prepared to spend the night with a

stockade around. This was in the enemy's country, although there

were many people living near who were neither the one thing nor the

other. The following morning we proceeded again in the same order,

but before mid-day many of our party were quite exhausted, and there

was really no road to follow but the muddy banks of the river, so we

halted, and after our mid-day meal it was decided that we were all

to crowd in with the floating force. And thus we pushed on, but in a

most comfortless condition with regard to space. We spent the night

at Tabbat, and fortified ourselves here also. My subsequent

experience of the localities has proved that we should never have

reached our destination on foot, keeping company with the boats. On

the fourth day we spied the enemy's position, situated on a hill

cleared of all old jungle and showing recent preparations of defence

around their dwellings. Our heavy armament consisted of 4- and

3-pounder guns and rocket tubes.

The enemy showed no opposition outside, and after marching about

four miles, we arrived at a hill in their vicinity. It was a fiery

hot morning without a cloud, and the hills, though low, were very

precipitous. The Europeans kept near the guns, to assist in their

progress up the steeps, and when we were mounting the last rising

ground on which the enemy was fortified, we found some of the

leaders of our force had foolishly advanced too near, and a few had

been killed and wounded, and were now being carried to the rear. The

enemy had two long houses on the ridge of a hill, surrounded by

steep ground excepting at the end. Here high stakes were driven into

the earth, and around all a firm and thick stockade. The 4-pounder

gun was mounted after considerable delay, and, when the rocket tube

was in place, we opened fire on one end, while the 3-pounder played

away on the other. The enemy answered our fire pretty briskly with

their lelahs.[196] We could see the men rushing to and fro covered

with their shields, also parties dancing to the music of the gongs.

Some of their voices we heard distinctly, saying they would never

succumb to the tight-breeched men (white men) or to any other

strangers. Mr. Crookshank (at considerable risk) took charge of the

rockets, which were of ancient make, and a few that were fired

entered the fort and did great execution, but the majority whizzed

round and round and sometimes lodged in the ground among our own

party; we were all more afraid of these missiles than anything the

enemy could produce. Early in the afternoon there was a commotion

among the enemy, and we could discern women and children leaving on

the opposite side of the hill, but the men stood fast and kept their

posts.

Our old Penglima[197] was biding his time, for he yet knew that he

might lead, but others would not follow. He worked steadily and

quietly, amid many jeers from some of our own native party, who

asked why the warrior did not make an advance: his reply between his

teeth was—"Your words are more than your deeds." As the sun drew

near to the horizon, the Penglima moved up to the enemy's stockade,

silently opened the palisade, and, after a moment's peep, jumped in,

followed by others, who gave a loud cheer and drew their swords. The

enemy, finding a lodgment had been made inside, immediately took to

their heels and fled down the hill. We followed in close to the

leaders; the entrance was so narrow that many received contusions

when passing through. About fifty or sixty of the enemy were tearing

away over the open ground, covering their bodies with their shields.

These were followed by all the defenders of the stockade, who rolled

down the side of the hill, a living wave, bearing away with them their

chief Rentap, who had been wounded. The stockade was taken, and within

its defences the victors passed the night, whilst the enemy fled

precipitately to a second and still stronger fastness on the summit of

the mountain Sadok, which loomed in the distance. One of the most

curious and significant features of the conflict was that, whilst it was

in progress, the hills and every commanding position around were crowded

with Dayaks, the adherents of Bulan, as well as others, who watched it

with lively interest, taking no part on one side or the other, but

waiting to see to which side the scale would incline. Had the attacking

force met with discomfiture, these men would have fallen on it and

harassed the party as it retreated.

If, after the defeat of Rentap and the capture of the stockade in the

Lang, they did not tender allegiance to the Government, it was because

the expedition retired immediately after having achieved its first

success, and, therefore, it gave the waverers no permanent assurance of

protection against Rentap's resentment.

To have crushed Rentap, it would have been necessary to have pursued him

to his second stronghold at Sadok, but this was not done. Captain Brooke

in command doubtless saw the expediency of following up a routed foe,

but Dayak warriors are wont to rest content with a single victory, and,

that gained, to become uncontrollably impatient to return home; besides,

the force was in too disturbed a state to undertake any organised

attack; accordingly, after making a circuit of devastation, it returned.

The result was that Rentap continued to give trouble for seven years.

Brereton died of dysentery, brought on by exposure, shortly after this

expedition, and the Tuan Muda was placed in charge of the Batang Lupar

in October, 1854. The district was in a very disturbed state, and to

establish order by putting an end to intertribal feuds and promiscuous

head-hunting required an unceasing watch being kept on all, and

necessitated many punitive expeditions being made. The Tuan Muda had but

a handful of fortmen, for there was no money to spend; not more than £30

per mensem being allowed even so late as 1860 for the upkeep of the

district, and it must have been less then. Little support could be

expected from the capital. On the Kajulau expedition the Tuan Muda could

muster no more than 100 antiquated muskets and a few rifles, which

included twelve flint and six percussion muskets, all that could be

spared from Kuching. There was much to be done, but there was deficiency

of means to do the work. The Rajah's advice to him was: "to encourage

the good, intimidate the bad, and confirm the wavering." The

difficulties were so many, and the means at hand so limited, that the

position would have been hopeless except to a man of great tact,

patience, daring, and untiring activity, able to bear all the

responsibility, all the anxiety, and all the work upon his own

shoulders. It must be borne in mind that Kuching was some 125 miles

away, that those were the days when there were no steamers, and that

during the north-east monsoon navigation was dangerous to boats. How the

Tuan Muda succeeded will be told in this record of his career; here it

will be sufficient to say, quoting the late Rajah, "that he was the

right man in the right place, and that we are all children in Dayak

management compared to him."

In 1856, the Tuan Muda writes (in _Ten Years in Sarawak_):—

We are almost daily having alarms in one place or another; sometimes

on water and sometimes on land. And upon one side of the whole

length of the river, the inhabitants dare not farm or live, fearing

attacks from the interior of Sekrang and Saribas. Small parties make

their foraging excursions and run away with a head here and there,

and are far distant before we can follow them up.

Intertribal feuds, which had been more or less dropped in the common

cause of piracy—and the plethora of heads it afforded—had now broken out

again, and were growing in intensity. Besides these troubles in the

Batang Lupar and Saribas, the Dayaks of the Rejang living on the Serikei

and Kajulau rivers were giving considerable trouble. These Dayaks had

moved over from the Sekrang and Saribas and were hand-in-glove with

Rentap's rebels. They were open and declared enemies of the Government.

The Kajulau was considered to be the centre of the enemy's country, and

also to be inaccessible to attack. Confident in their impunity, they

were becoming a terror to the peaceable inhabitants of the Rejang delta,

so the Tuan Muda determined to attack them, and organised an expedition—

the first to act independently of Kuching assistance, except for the

loan of the dozen old muskets above mentioned.

On June 6, 1856, the force, comprising a few Malays, and some 3000

Dayaks, started. To take the enemy by surprise the Tuan Muda decided to

go up the Kalaka and march overland. Though the Malays of this river had

suffered severely at the hands of the Kajulaus, they at first refused to

accompany the expedition, regarding the difficulties as insuperable, and

the danger as overwhelming. The result was that half the Malay force the

Tuan Muda had brought with him were intimidated, and began to cry off;

but Abang Aing restored their confidence, and shamed the Kalakas into

accompanying the expedition. On the 14th, after having encountered great

difficulties in passing the rapids, the force reached the Budu stream,

and here the boats were left, but as there were enemies ahead and

enemies to the right (the Saribas) a strong stockade was erected and

garrisoned, to serve as a base and to guard the rear. Near this base

were two long Dayak houses, and in one of them was staying a notorious

Saribas Dayak chief named Saji. As the people were not declared enemies,

though very doubtful friends, Saji could not be touched, but he remained

a danger to be reckoned with, and against whom precautions had to be

taken, for as soon as the expedition started overland he would be able

to follow it with hundreds of men. But Saji was cautious. He preferred

to wait to make his attack till the return of the expedition, when it

would be easier to surprise, for, if not defeated, it would probably be

disorganised. The march commenced on the 16th. The bala formed in three

columns with the Malays in the centre, and at evening the tawaks (gongs)

of the enemy could be heard in the distance sounding the alarm. But it

was not until the 18th, after a tedious march over hilly land, that the

verge of the enemy's country was reached. At 3 P.M. a sharp encounter

took place, and the enemy were driven off, leaving a few dead on the

field, and several long houses that had been abandoned in haste were

entered and plundered. One of these houses the Tuan Muda occupied; and,

finding that the enemy, taken by surprise, attempted no attack and

offered no organised resistance, the force was divided up and despatched

in different directions under their own leaders to burn and destroy.

Here an episode occurred which nearly proved disastrous. On the

afternoon of the 19th, an attack was expected, and the house occupied by

the Tuan Muda was greatly crowded with warriors to defend it. At 7

o'clock it was observed that the posts supporting the house were sloping

considerably, and it was found that this had been caused by the Dayaks

having stowed away in it overmuch of their heavy plunder, such as brass

guns, jars, and gongs, and hundreds had gone up into the house, though

by custom they ought to have remained without on the ground. A collapse

would have meant the loss of many lives, and would have been taken

advantage of by the watchful enemy. Upon the insistence of Abang Aing,

the Tuan Muda left the house, and the Malays were directed to turn the

Dayaks out instantly. But this was by no means easy to be done; indeed

the Dayaks resisted being made to evacuate the house and leave their

plunder there.

Whilst the Tuan Muda was sitting out in the moonlight, a sudden din and

the sounds of strife arose from the house. Men came flying down the

ladder, and others hurried up it. Then three Balau Dayak chiefs begged

the Tuan Muda to go up immediately. Against the protests of Abang Aing,

with sword and gun in hand, he ascended, and found Dayaks and Malays in

a heated and dangerous condition, opposed to one another with drawn

swords in their hands. Planting himself between the antagonists, the

Tuan Muda ordered silence, and cocking his double-barrelled gun and

placing the muzzle within two inches of the leading Dayak's head, he

ordered him to leave the house. Amidst a dead silence the chief went,

followed by the Tuan Muda, the Dayaks edging away and making a path for

them along the verandah to the ladder. Thus ended the disturbance, and

by the morrow it was forgotten. It was arrested just in time to prevent

a desperate encounter between the Malays and Dayaks, which would have

been taken up by the other Dayak factions—for in the bala were Dayaks of

different tribes, only held together by the controlling influence of

their white chief—and there would have been fighting among themselves.

The enemy, taking advantage of this, would have fallen upon and routed

them, and the survivors flying to regain the boats would have been cut

off by Saji and his Saribas. The power of the Government among the

Sea-Dayaks would have been broken completely, and it would have taken

many years to recover it, a calamity which was averted by the bold and

prompt action of the Tuan Muda, and his personal power over Malays and

Dayaks alike.

On the 20th, the attacking parties returned after having destroyed

twenty-five villages, and having secured an immense amount of plunder.

There were but few killed on either side; the enemy had given way,

cowed, and had offered but little resistance.

Thus was a severe lesson administered to the Sea-Dayaks, which they

never forgot, and it showed them that they could and would be treated

even as they had so long treated others with impunity.

"There is no way," wrote the Tuan Muda, "but burning them out of

house and home—dreadful as this may appear. The women too must

suffer, for they are the principal inciters of these bloody

exploits.[198] An attack on a Dayak force, the destruction of the

whole of it, with the lives of the men, is no permanent advancement

towards cessation of head-taking. But the burning down of a village,

loss of goods, old relics, such as heads, arms, and jars,[199] and

putting the inhabitants, male and female, to excessive

inconvenience—all this fills them with fear and makes them think of

the consequences of taking the heads of strangers. These inland

abodes have been and are everlasting fastnesses in their

imagination. Besides, they always express very freely their opinion

of white men; 'they are powerful, having arms and ships at sea, but

it is only we Dayaks who can walk and fight on land and clamber

steep mountains.'"

On the 21st, the march home was commenced, the leaders in the advance

becoming now the rearmost. These were the most trusted and bravest

chiefs; conspicuous among them was Pangiran Matali. Their instructions

were positive—to keep a sharp look-out for the enemy, and to permit no

one to lag behind. Most of the Dayaks were heavily laden with plunder,

and the enemy was hovering about their track in the hope of cutting off

the stragglers.

On the return to the stockade:

A delicious bathe, and some wine and water were the first things to

have. Then a lounge in the boat in thin clothing, with that

exhilarating feeling of lightness which one experiences after a

Turkish bath. During my enjoyment in the satisfaction that our

trials were well-nigh over, a rush was heard with tumultuous yells,

and armed people were dashing back over the path by which we had

come. I soon learnt that "Iron Anchor"[200] and Pangiran Matali had

been attacked in the rear, and within five minutes two Dayaks rushed

to my boat carrying a head yet gory and dripping. The yells and

cheers were deafening, and it was some time before I could get the

particulars of what had happened. After the noise had somewhat

subsided "Iron Anchor" and the Pangiran came to me and told me that

as they were marching and bringing up the rear, about three miles

off, a party of Dayaks came down the hill close to them. The

Pangiran hailed and asked them who they were; the answer was, "We

are of one bala (force)." Our party hailed again and then fired. Two

of the strangers fell dead, the others took to flight. On

Sandom[201] following them up, he saw Saji with a large party fully

armed for the purpose of making an onslaught on our rear. The

Pangiran fortunately could recognize the Dayak tribes, and well knew

their craft and different costumes. Our party escaped unhurt, and

Saji, who had, I subsequently was told, vaunted that he would get

forty of our heads, mine amongst the number, ran for his life,

leaving two dead behind him.

In February, 1857, the Tuan Muda received the startling news that the

Chinese had risen and fallen upon Kuching. He was told that the Rajah

had been killed, along with Mr. Crookshank and many other Europeans.

Before ten minutes had passed, Sekrang fort was crowded with armed men

breathing vengeance, and within an hour, boats had been launched and the

Tuan Muda with Abang Aing had started. Below Lingga next morning they

met the vessel bearing the English refugees—the Bishop, his family, and

others, and from them the Tuan Muda learnt the glad tidings of the

Rajah's safety. Knowing that his force would be sufficient to crush the

rebels and re-establish the Rajah's rule, he pushed on with his mind now

more at ease. He arrived at Kuching to find the town in ruins, but the

Rajah in charge again on board the Borneo Company's steamer _Sir James

Brooke_. As a full account of the insurrection and of the subsequent

events will be found in the following chapter, we will now return to the

subject of this one to preserve a continuous record of the events that

led to the downfall of Rentap.

On the afternoon of the Tuan Muda's return from Kuching, after an

arduous time driving the Chinese rebels over the border, he received

information that the notorious Saji was out with a head-hunting party

along the coast. Prompt action was necessary, and the Tuan Muda by

sunset had started in his war-boat, leaving Abang Aing and the Malays to

follow. Whilst waiting inside the mouth of the Ludam, a little stream

half-way between the mouths of the Batang Lupar and Saribas, for his

Malay and Dayak contingents, a boat dashed past towards the Saribas.

This the Tuan Muda subsequently learnt was Saji, who off Lingga had

fallen in with a small boat containing a man, his wife, and their

daughter. Feigning friendliness Saji approached, and when near enough

attacked the little party. The man escaped by taking to the water, his

wife was cut down and her head taken, and the girl was captured. When

passing the Ludam Saji had noticed the Tuan Muda's boat-flag over the

bank, the tide being high, and he sat with his drawn sword across the

girl's throat prepared to take her life immediately if she attempted to

call out, or should any notice be taken of them. On being joined by the

Malays and the Balau Dayaks the coast was patrolled, and the Saribas was

searched for some way up, but the head-hunters had retired.

Sadok, Rentap's stronghold, was regarded by the Dayaks as impregnable.

Since the destruction of the stockaded village at Sungei Lang, he had

strengthened his position there. In legend and song the Dayaks

represented this place as a mountain so inaccessible, and so protected

by magic, that no enemy would ever dare to assail it. Rentap had

gathered about him all the disaffected Sekrang Dayaks and some of the

Saribas of the interior, who offered him aid so long as he occupied this

eyrie, which stood as an unapproachable nucleus and basis far removed

from danger, and to which they might all retire in case of need from the

rule of the white man, that thwarted their head-hunting and marauding

propensities. Rentap was entitled the Inland Rajah, and was the centre

of all opposition to the rule of the Rajah of Sarawak. His fortification

was near 5000 feet above the sea, with precipitous approaches on almost

every side.

The Tuan Muda had obtained permission to undertake another expedition

against this stronghold. His intention was to pass over the mountain,

lay waste the country at the head of the Saribas, and, after so cutting

off Rentap's supplies and reinforcements, to attempt the chief's

position on his return.

In the Saribas, which was still a hornet's nest, affairs were coming to

a head. The Dayaks were about to retire into the interior with the Datu

Patinggi of Saribas, who, together with the Laksamana, was encouraging

the Dayaks to continue in their evil courses. But for the Malays, and

even amongst them there were many inclined to a life of peace, though

these were in a minority, the Dayaks of the lower Saribas would have

submitted to the Government, and amongst the latter the Rajah could now

count many adherents; but the power of the evilly disposed Malay chiefs,

headed by the Patinggi, and of the Dayak chiefs, headed by Rentap, was

dominant in the Saribas. To check them the Rajah took a large force to

that river, and went at the time that the Tuan Muda was starting on his

expedition, so as to disguise the object of the latter's preparations,

by leading the people to suppose that his intention was to support the

Rajah; and to be at hand to attack the Saribas Dayaks in rear should

they muster in force to assist Rentap. The Tuan Besar at the same time

went to the Rejang, to hold the Dayaks of that river in check.

The Tuan Muda took no Europeans with him, fearing that the fatigue of

the difficult overland march might knock them up, and cause them to

become encumbrances; his force consisted of 3500 Dayaks, and 500 Malays,

all willing volunteers, though many conceived the task to be beyond

their powers; but where he went they were ready to follow, confident

that under his direction they would be well led.

The expedition started on June 2, 1857, a little over three months after

the Chinese insurrection, and left Sekrang in drizzling rain; throughout

it encountered miserable weather, which damped the ardour of the force.

The Malays especially cannot endure wet, a few days' exposure brings on

fever and ague, and the cold, to which the Dayaks would be exposed on

the mountain, was likely to so numb them as to render them useless.

Old Sandom was once more the guide. He had his personal wrong to avenge,

as we have already stated. "Iron Anchor" and Pangiran Matali were again

the leaders.

On June 5, the boats were drawn up at Sungei Antu, on a little island of

rubble and brushwood, upon which a stockade was erected, and where the

flotilla was to be left. Forty men, well armed, were deputed to take

charge of the boats and baggage in this extemporised fort, whilst the

rest moved overland in the direction of the mountain. On the 7th of

June, a height, the bold ridge on which the enemy had established

himself, came in sight, with a succession of hills intervening like a

chopping sea turned to rock. It was resolved to push on that day to

Rapu, the northern termination of the mountain, and there to establish a

stockade from which parties might descend and devastate the country of

the hostile Saribas, on which Rentap had to depend for supplies. But it

was not found possible to do in one day what was determined. The

mountain was indeed reached, but ascended only by some of the advance

party of Dayaks, who could not be restrained, and who scrambled up the

side to the summit of the hogs-back, to be driven back with great loss,

not of lives only, but of confidence and courage as well. The bulk of

the force was constrained to bivouac in rain and cold on the mountain

flank.

The last hundred yards were almost perpendicular, and when mounting

I had to pull myself up with one hand by the stunted trees; added to

this, there was a declivity of thousands of feet on each side. In

ascending this part not more than twenty men were with me. My best

fort-man was wounded by a spear, and to assist him many of the

others had left me. And now I must give credit to the Lingga people,

for they were close at hand. I was within about five yards of the

enemy, who were pitching spears from behind some wood on the brow of

the hill, while we were underneath, and the spears went flying over

my head and struck some of our party in the rear. Here I stood

propped up against a tree, and poured thirty rounds from my smooth

bore as fast as I could load. After this I tried to ascend, but the

Linggas literally collared me. The enemy were quieted, so here we

sat on the side of this hill, at an angle of 80°, the whole night. A

few cross sticks were placed for me to sit on. One man held a shield

at my back.

When morning broke the Tuan Muda and his followers succeeded in reaching

the summit of the mountain, and could look along the brow to the

opposite end, where stood the stronghold of the redoubtable Rentap, to

which the enemy had retired. Several of the attacking force had been

killed or wounded on the previous day, and over a hundred had rolled

down the steep sides, and in so doing lost arms and ammunition.

The "Iron Anchor" maintained his position manfully, and well merited his

name.

On that day, June 8, the force proceeded to stockade the position gained

at the Rapu end of the mountain, confronting that occupied by the

fortress of Rentap, which was not above four hundred yards off. This

latter was a formidable stockade of iron-wood, impervious to rifle

shots, with precipices to the right and left; and the stockade was

commanded by the high-placed houses inside, from which volleys could be

poured on an attacking army, that must advance in a narrow file along

the backbone of rock leading to it. Indeed, to assail the fort from the

northern extremity seemed doomed to failure, the few men leading could

be picked off and would roll down the declivities on this side or that,

or encumber the path by which those behind were pressing on, and expose

them also to be shot down, for the enemy possessed muskets, cannon, and

also a swivel captured when Lee was killed.

During the eight days they remained on the hill it rained incessantly,

and the force suffered severely from cold, finding little shelter in

their leaking huts, the earth floors of which were soon converted into

pools of mire. On the 9th, thinking that the force in advancing towards

Rentap's fortification, had left its rear unguarded, a body of the enemy

that had marched to Rentap's assistance made an attack on the camp, but

they soon found out their mistake, and were easily beaten off. The next

day a division of Dayaks and Malays proceeded against Rentap's allies,

whom they drove back, and whose houses they plundered and burnt. On the

following days other parties were sent out to do the enemy as much harm

as possible, and to deter them from joining Rentap's party in the

stockade, or harassing the main assailing force. In the meantime the

Tuan Muda had attempted to get his men to storm the fortress at night,

promising to lead the way himself; but they would not face the risk,

though later on they consented to attack the place in force. Three days

were spent in constructing portable screens of laths and bamboos, under

the cover of which parties could progress along the dangerous ridge and

make an attempt to set fire to the stockade. At mid-day on the 15th the

attack commenced.

I took up my position with a rifle, and watched for movements among

the enemy, but the active work I left to Aing, who, drawn sword in

hand, superintended with much activity. The sounds were deafening,

and the fellows carried the wood and materials under the fire of

Rentap's guns. At 4 P.M. my party had attained to within six or

seven yards from the outer fort, and the scene was truly exciting.

Our enemies evidently were not numerous. They threw stones from the

inside which fell on the heads of our fellows, and used muskets,

together with a swivel. At half-past five our leader, crouching

under the moving stockade, called for fire, and the wood collected

was in considerable quantities. At this juncture Aing fell, wounded

by a musket shot. Then evening set in, and we were obliged to return

to our quarters. The enemy yelled in triumph at our departure.

The wood collected had been so saturated with rain that it refused to

kindle.

As I lay down to rest at night, I gave up all thought of gaining

Rentap's fortress, but resolved to see what could be done elsewhere.

When I rose the last morning, the enemy was yelling, and my first

desire was to get about a hundred of the strongest young fellows

together, command myself, and proceed to Atui, where there were

three long houses of enemies, about six hours' walk distant. This I

promised to do in three days, when I would return here and march

back with the whole force. I could obtain no volunteers; some said

they were sick, others out of provisions, and I was obliged to bow

to circumstances, and at eight o'clock our party began to descend

the mountain.

The retreat was conducted without serious molestation by the enemy, but,

on reaching Antu, it was found that owing to the rain a freshet had come

down, the river rising twelve feet, and had swept the stockade away and

carried off over seventy of the boats. The discouragement was great, and

the return down the river was not effected without some annoyance from

the enemy, who hid in the jungle and fired on the party as, in

overcrowded boats, it descended the Sekrang. None were thus killed, but

some were drowned.

Thus ended the first expedition against Sadok. It had done something,

though no serious damage, but it exalted the confidence of Rentap in the

impregnability of his stronghold. Practically it had been a failure, and

so it was felt to be among Malays and Dayaks generally. The unrest in

the country became more accentuated, and the daring of the Saribas

increased.

In April, 1858, the Tuan Muda says:

I had for many months been tormented by the affairs in Saribas,

which had been for generations the hotbed of head-hunters and piracy

in every shape. The people were becoming more audacious, and I found

it had been to no purpose holding communication with even the

Malays, who, a few days ago, refused to receive a letter, and

declared they intended shortly to ascend the river and live with the

Dayaks, and eat pork as they did. It was evident that a crisis was

approaching which would require resolute action, or our _prestige_

would be injured in this quarter. This we could by no means afford

to lose, as stoppage of all trade and communication on the coast

would inevitably ensue.

A fleet of forty Saribas pirates' vessels was known to be ready to

descend the river for a foray on the coast under Saji and another

notorious Dayak chief, Lintong;[202] and was only detained till the boat

of the former was ready at Paku, forty miles from the mouth. No time was

to be lost to prevent this force from reaching the sea, and the Tuan

Muda sent to Kuching for aid. Meantime he manned his big boat with sixty

men, and a 3-pounder was placed in her bows. Thus equipped, he sped to

Lingga, where he fortunately found the small gunboat schooner, the

_Jolly Bachelor_, commanded by John Channon.[203] He now started up the

Saribas river with a picked crew, and with numerous native boats

following. The flotilla advanced as far as the mouth of the Padi river,

on which was the village of Saji. Here they anchored, and a 6-pounder

gun was pointed up the Saribas in case the enemy's forty war-boats

should come down. Thence a party was detailed inland to attack Saji and

his pestilent horde. This was done. The enemy was driven back with loss,

and their houses destroyed. A more dreaded enemy than the Saribas now

assailed the expedition, and that was cholera. In consternation the

force began to break up and return home. The Tuan Muda resolved on

constructing a fort and establishing a government on the river, and for

that purpose retired down to Betong, a site he had selected as most

suitable for a station.

Whilst engaged in collecting materials for the fort, the reinforcements

from Kuching arrived under the charge of young Mr. J. B.

Cruickshank,[204] but too late to be of any use. The cholera prevented

any further action being taken; but the time was usefully spent in

completing the fort. Leaving Cruickshank in charge, the Tuan Muda

returned to Sekrang, and while there heard that the Saribas were again

in motion for a coast raid, their destination being unknown.

This was led by the redoubtable Linggir again. The Tuan Muda at once

sent orders for the Balau Dayaks to muster and intercept the force. The

order was promptly carried out, and Linggir's bala was defeated with a

loss of fourteen men, Linggir himself having another very narrow escape.

But other parties were out, and the Tuan Muda himself set forth for the

Saribas to intercept some of these marauders. Here he was joined by Mr.

Watson[205] on his way to take charge of the new fort—a welcome addition

for the reinforcement of that establishment.

The Tuan Muda warned the Malay villagers at the mouth of the Saribas,

who were restless and desirous of encouraging the pirates, that they

would be held responsible should any pirate boats be suffered to pass,

and then returned to Sekrang to hasten preparations for an ascent of the

Saribas river with a large body of men to chastise the turbulent natives

who, led by Saji, had attacked Betong fort on July 14, 1858, and to

press on and again try conclusions with Rentap.

After some delay the Kuching force started, and reached the rendezvous

at the mouth of the Saribas river, but the Tuan Muda had been delayed,

waiting for his Dayaks, and it proceeded to Betong. The leading division

was a force from Kuching under the Tuan Besar, who commanded this

expedition. It passed on several days before the Tuan Muda with the main

force arrived at Betong fort, but was soon overtaken. The river was

found to have been purposely obstructed. Large trees standing low on the

banks had been felled so as to fall across, and, where narrow, block the

stream. And this had been done for several miles. They were not formed

into a boom, but left to lie where they fell. This is a favourite plan

of the Dayaks for hindering the progress of an enemy up stream.

Moreover, by cutting trees inclining to the river nearly through to the

breaking point, and then sustaining them by means of rattans, they can

in a moment sever these strings and let the trees fall on and crush the

leading boats. Some thirty-five years ago, a Dutch gunboat whilst

steaming up the Kapuas river was sunk in this manner, and her crew

slaughtered.

Notwithstanding the obstructions, the flotilla advanced, and the enemy

retired up stream. During five days' hard rowing, it progressed till it

reached Pengirit, just below the Langit river, and here the vanguard

fell in with the enemy under Saji. Saji gallantly attacked, and met the

fate he so richly deserved. "Saji's name and acts had been in my ears

for years past," wrote the Tuan Muda. "Many a bloody deed had been

perpetrated, and he always had boasted that the White Men's powder and

shot would take no effect on his body." So fell one of the most cruel

and treacherous head-hunters of those days.

At the mouth of the Langit river a stockade was erected. Here on a clear

night the moon was eclipsed. The Tuan Muda had seen by his almanack that

this would occur, and had announced to the host that it would take

place. If this had not been done a panic would have ensued, and the

natives would have insisted on leaving; but as it was, they conceived

that the phenomenon had been ordered by the white chief, to strike

terror into the hearts of their foes, as also to encourage them; they

were accordingly in good heart to advance.

They pushed on readily enough to Nanga Tiga,[206] the junction of three

rivers, one flowing from Sadok, one from the watershed where rises the

Kanowit river, and the third the main Saribas. Here the boats were to be

left, and a stout stockade was erected. Thence preparations were made to

advance up-country towards the Rejang. The Tuan Muda, with whom went

Cruickshank, was in command and led the van. Messrs. Steele and Fox[207]

were to take charge of the rear division. The whole party comprised 200

Malays and 2000 Dayaks.

From Nanga Tiga this party made for the head-waters of the Kajulau, to

lay waste the territory of the troublesome natives there. It may seem,

and it does seem at first sight, and to such as are not acquainted with

native warfare, a barbarous process to burn villages and destroy the

padi-fields with the crops on which the natives subsist. But, as already

said, it is the only way in which these savages can be brought to

submission. The women indeed suffer, but then they are the principal

instigators of all the attacks on inoffensive tribes. They rather than

the men were greedy after heads, and scoff at their husbands or

sweethearts as milksops if they remain at home, and do not go forth to

massacre and plunder. In fact, the destruction of their homes strikes

the women to the heart, and turns them into advocates of peace. Among

the Dayaks the women are a predominant power. The Dayaks are as

woman-ridden and as henpecked as are Englishmen. Moreover, the

destruction of native buildings is a more merciful proceeding than the

slaying of a number of men in battle.

After the return of this ravaging party, which had done a circuit of

thirty miles, a day was given to rest, and then the main body prepared

to march to Sadok; and this time the expedition was furnished with a

mortar that was expected to bring down Rentap's fortification. It was a

six-pounder and only a few inches long, and was carried by Dayaks slung

in a network of rattans.

Without opposition the host approached the fort of Sadok.

We met with no obstacles in mounting to the summit, which we reached

at a little past ten in the morning. Rentap's party were within his

wooden walls, and not a living being could be seen. Our force set to

collect wood, and within an hour a small stockade was erected, in

which our mortar was arranged; it was mounted within easy firing

distance of the enemy's fortress, and, under the superintendence of

Mr. John Channon, the firing commenced. The shells were thrown with

great precision, often lodging under the roof of the enemy's fort;

at other times bursting over it, and more than once, we heard them

burst in the middle inside. Not a word was spoken by them, and some

were under the impression that the place was deserted, when the

tapping of the old gong would recommence as blithe as ever. Fifty

rounds of shell were fired, besides hollow ones with full charges of

powder, all of which appeared to take no more effect than if we were

pitching pebbles at them. None of our party yet dared venture too

near, but some of the most energetic pushed on to another stockade,

within a few fathoms of the fort, when the enemy commenced firing,

but the shot did not penetrate the wood. Our young Dayaks advanced,

and two were immediately knocked over and others wounded. Other

parties also advanced, and an active scene ensued; some reached the

planking of the fortress, sheltering their heads with their shields,

showers of stones were thrown from the inside, and spears were

jabbed from a platform above. There was such a commotion for a few

minutes, that I made certain our party were effecting an entrance,

and, for the purpose of supporting them, I rushed out of our

stockade, followed by a few, but had not passed on over more than

four or five feet, before the enemy fired grape, wounding a fine

young Dayak behind me, whom I had just time enough to save from

falling down the precipice by seizing him by the hair, and passing

him on to others behind the stockade. My brother and I advanced a

few steps, but found our following was too inadequate for storming,

and many were already retreating. Volleys of stones were flying

round our heads, and as we retired again behind the stockade another

charge of grape poured into the wood now at our backs. The chiefs

had congregated to beg us to desist from making any further advance,

and I must admit that we only risked our lives needlessly. The

natives wisely observed, "We cannot pull these planks down with our

hands, we cannot climb over them, and our arms make no impression on

the enemy."

It was therefore resolved to abandon the attack. The retreat was begun

at once, Rentap's followers shouting after the party the mocking words,

'Bring all your fire-guns from England, we are not afraid of you,' and

discharging shot and spears and poisoned arrows. The enemy, yelling in

triumph, threatened the assailants as they retired down the hill, but

kept at a decent distance or hid behind cover for fear of the firearms.

Thus ended the second attempt on Sadok, again a failure. The mortar had

not answered its purpose, nothing but a cannon could effect a breach in

the solid palisading of the fortress. This venture was made in 1858, and

no further attack on Sadok was attempted till 1861. There were other

grave matters to engage the attention of the Rajah and his nephews, and

although the upper Saribas were continuously troublesome, and had to be

checked and reprisals made for their onslaughts on the peaceable Dayaks,

for three years no attempt could be undertaken to dislodge Rentap.

But in 1861, it was resolved finally to assault and humble him.

Meanwhile a good many of Rentap's followers had deserted him, and he was

no longer popular. His violence and wilfulness had alienated many, and

more had come to see that under the Sarawak Government the Dayaks who

submitted were contented and flourishing. He had moreover offended their

prejudices. He had descended from his eyrie, carried off a girl,

discarded his old wife, and elevated the young one to be Ranee of Sadok.

This was a grave violation of Dayak custom, and was resented

accordingly.

On September 16, 1861, an expedition under the command of the Tuan Muda

was ready to start up the Saribas river to dislodge Rentap. According to

the received axiom, a third time is lucky, and on this occasion success

was achieved.

The new expedition was to be better furnished than had been those which

preceded it, and was to take with it rockets, a 12-pounder gun, and a

6-pounder; a working party of twenty Chinamen to make roads and throw up

earthworks, a force of Sidi boys or negroes, daring fellows, ready to

storm the stockade, and numerous Malays and Dayaks. On October 20, the

expedition reached Nanga Tiga, the old position in 1858, and there once

more the boats were left, a stockade erected, and the 6-pounder mounted

in it. The land party then advanced over the same ground as before, the

guides leading the way, followed by the Chinese and the Sidi boys; the

Europeans being placed in the centre. Rain came down in torrents, as on

the former occasion, and a difficulty ensued in getting the Chinamen to

keep the powder dry.

On the 25th, the foot of Sadok was reached, whereupon two chiefs, the

brothers Loyoh and Nanang, came in and made their submission, but this

was accepted only after the payment of a fine of forty rusa jars worth

£400, which were to be retained for three years, and then returned to

the tribe, or their chiefs, should they remain loyal; and eventually

they were restored. Rentap got wind of this, and sent out a party who

set fire to Nanang's house, which was close to his on Sadok.

The gun was slung on a long pole, and sixty men were detailed to convey

it up the mountain, but this could be effected by the means of ropes

alone. No opposition was offered by Rentap, although four hours were

consumed in transporting the gun to the summit. At 4.30 A.M. of the

28th, it was in position, but as a dense mist had rolled down enveloping

the mountain top, nothing could be done with the gun till 7.30, when the

mist had cleared away; and then such a raging wind was blowing, that the

rockets could not be used. The gun was discharged, but, after the

seventeenth round, the carriage gave way; however, it had effected the

purpose for which it had been brought up, by tearing gaps in the

stockade of Rentap's fortress, and now, under cover of a volley of

musketry, the storming party rushed over the neck of rock, and dashed in

at the gaps that had been made. They found the fortress deserted by all

but the dead and dying. Rentap, perceiving that it was no longer

tenable, had fled with his men down the opposite end of the mountain. In

the fortress were found the arms captured when he fought with Brereton

and Lee, in 1853, and a large quantity of ammunition, which had been

supplied by Sherip Masahor; also, amongst others, a brass cannon taken

from a gunboat belonging to the Sultan of Pontianak that had been

captured by Rentap in 1837 off Mempawa, in sight of her consort, a Dutch

gunboat. In the afternoon of the same day, fuel was heaped about the

stockade and long houses; a gun was fired, and in ten minutes a column

of fire mounted and was carried in blazing streamers before the wind. As

the darkness settled down, the summit of Sadok was glowing and shooting

up tongues of flame like a volcano, visible for miles around, and

proclaiming unmistakably the end of Rentap's domination as Rajah of the

interior.

Rentap will not be noticed again. Broken, and deserted by all, he

retired to the Entabai branch of the Kanowit, where he died some years

later.

[Illustration:

ON THE WAR-PATH]

-----

Footnote 187:

This is now the established title of the second sons of the Rajahs.

Footnote 188:

Now the Right Hon. Sir John Dalrymple Hay, Bart., P.C.

Footnote 189:

Pangiran Matali (Muhammad Ali) was a brave man, honest and faithful.

He was a Government chief and magistrate, and his death, a few years

ago, was felt as a severe loss. He had a very thorough knowledge of

the Dayaks, and was a capable man in handling them. He was a prince by

birth of the royal blood of Bruni. He stands out as an example of what

such princes were capable of becoming under a just government.

Footnote 190:

Abang Aing was the head Government chief and native magistrate at

Sekrang, a post he held with distinction, noted for his fair and

impartial judgments, till his death, which took place in December,

1884. He and Pangiran Matali were the present Rajah's main supporters

and most trusted servants in the old troublesome days; and their names

stand foremost amongst those Malay chiefs who won an honourable place

in the annals of Sarawak for devotion to the cause of law and order.

Footnote 191:

S. St. John, in his _Life of Sir James Brooke_, says that Rentap took

Lee's head, but this was not the case.

Footnote 192:

Mr. C. Grant of Kilgraston, N.B., was a midshipman on the _Mæander_

when that ship brought the Rajah out from England. He became the

Rajah's private secretary in September, 1848. He retired in 1863.

Footnote 193:

These are titles of Sanskrit origin bestowed by the Sultan, the

meanings of which are somewhat obscure. The first probably means "the

revered Lord"; the third "high in eminence"; as regards the second,

Pelawan may mean the name of a place, otherwise it is untranslatable.

Footnote 194:

Apai = the father of.

Footnote 195:

As in the case of Mr. Lee, little has been recorded of Mr. H. Steele.

He did good service at the battle of Beting Maru, and probably joined

in 1848. He was selected by the Rajah to take charge of the fort at

Kanowit when it was built, and there he was murdered in 1859. He was a

noted linguist.

Footnote 196:

Brass cannon of Malay manufacture.

Footnote 197:

Seman was a Kalaka Malay living in Kuching, and had been made a

penglima by the Rajah for his courage and dash. His name still

survives in Kampong Penglima Seman—the village, or parish, of Penglima

Seman, within the township of Kuching.

Footnote 198:

The brutal and disgusting behaviour of the women on the arrival of a

fresh "trophy," to one who has witnessed it, would choke off any pity

for them.

Footnote 199:

These articles and other valuables, though a bitter loss, can be

replaced. But the destruction of their homes, rice-stores and standing

crops, household goods, cooking utensils and clothing, pigs, poultry,

and hunting dogs, boats and paddles, and farming implements are losses

that it takes two years to regain, and which reduces them for the time

to a condition of beggary.

Footnote 200:

Sauh Besi, a powerfully built Malay.

Footnote 201:

Sandom was the guide. He was a plucky Sekrang Dayak, and thirsted for

Rentap's blood in revenge for the murder of his brother, who had been

put to a cruel death by Rentap.

Footnote 202:

His _nom de guerre_, or _ensumbar_ in Dayak, was Mua-ari, literally

the Face of the Day. He was sometimes foe and sometimes friend, and

will be mentioned again. The _ensumbar_ is frequently, not always,

given to or adopted by warriors who have in some way or another gained

renown. Some writers have confused it with the _julok_, or nickname,

which refers to some bodily defect or peculiarity, and with names

given to children at birth, such as Tedong, the cobra; Bulan, the

moon; Matahari, the sun; Besi, iron. Malays are sometimes given a _nom

de guerre_, such as Sauh Besi, above mentioned, and Sherip Sahap was

known as Bujang Brani, the Brave Bachelor, which is also a Dayak

_ensumbar_; others are the White Hawk, the Hovering Hawk, the Torrent

of Blood, etc. The totem is unknown amongst the Sea-Dayaks.

Footnote 203:

John Channon, a merchant seaman, served the Government for many years.

Of him the Tuan Muda wrote in 1859: "John had been my companion for

many dreary months in the hot cabin of his vessel. He had charge of

the _Jolly_ for years, and many a creek and dangerous cranny had she

become acquainted with in our expeditions. His valuable services, as

well as steady and brave conduct, both on board and in the jungles,

cannot be too highly praised in the annals of Sarawak."

Footnote 204:

James Brooke Cruickshank, a godson of the Rajah. He joined in

February, 1856, when about fifteen years of age; and at this time was

stationed in the Sadong. He served for many years in the Dayak

countries; and ultimately became Resident of the 3rd Division. He

retired in 1875, and died in 1894.

Footnote 205:

Mr. W. C. Watson joined October, 1857, and resigned in 1869.

Footnote 206:

Nanga = the mouth of a river in Sea-Dayak; tiga = three.

Footnote 207:

Mr. C. Fox came to Sarawak from India in 1851, as master of the

Mission School; he shortly afterwards joined the Rajah.

[Illustration:

GOVERNMENT STATION, BAU (Gray's ridge).]

A History of Sarawak under Its Two White Rajahs 1839-1908 · 第 6 / 18 章