CHAPTER IV.

THE PRINCIPLE OF THE SOVEREIGNTY OF THE PEOPLE IN AMERICA.

It predominates over the whole of Society in America.--Application

made of this Principle by the Americans even before their

Revolution.--Development given to it by that Revolution.--Gradual and

irresistible Extension of the elective Qualification.

Whenever the political laws of the United States are to be discussed,

it is with the doctrine of the sovereignty of the people that we must

begin.

The principle of the sovereignty of the people, which is to be found,

more or less, at the bottom of almost all human institutions, generally

remains concealed from view. It is obeyed without being recognised, or

if for a moment it be brought to light, it is hastily cast back into the

gloom of the sanctuary.

"The will of the nation" is one of those expressions which have been

most profusely abused by the wily and the despotic of every age. To the

eyes of some it has been represented by the venal suffrages of a few of

the satellites of power; to others, by the votes of a timid minority;

and some have even discovered it in the silence of a people, on the

supposition that the fact of submission established the right of

command.

In America, the principle of the sovereignty of the people is not either

barren or concealed, as it is with some other nations; it is recognised

by the customs and proclaimed by the laws; it spreads freely, and

arrives without impediment at its most remote consequences. If there

be a country in the world where the doctrine of the sovereignty of

the people can be fairly appreciated, where it can be studied in its

application to the affairs of society, and where its dangers and its

advantages may be foreseen, that country is assuredly America.

I have already observed that, from their origin, the sovereignty of

the people was the fundamental principle of the greater number of the

British colonies in America. It was far, however, from then exercising

as much influence on the government of society as it now does. Two

obstacles, the one external, the other internal, checked its invasive

progress.

It could not ostensibly disclose itself in the laws of the colonies,

which were still constrained to obey the mother country; it was

therefore obliged to spread secretly, and to gain ground in the

provincial assemblies, and especially in the townships.

American society was not yet prepared to adopt it with all its

consequences. The intelligence of New England, and the wealth of the

country to the south of the Hudson (as I have shown in the preceding

chapter), long exercised a sort of aristocratic influence, which tended

to limit the exercise of social authority within the hands of a few. The

public functionaries were not universally elected, and the citizens were

not all of them electors. The electoral franchise was everywhere placed

within certain limits, and made dependant on a certain qualification,

which was exceedingly low in the north, and more considerable in the

south.

The American revolution broke out, and the doctrine of the sovereignty

of the people, which had been nurtured in the townships, took possession

of the state; every class was enlisted in its cause; battles were

fought, and victories obtained for it; until it became the law of laws.

A scarcely less rapid change was effected in the interior of society,

where the law of descent completed the abolition of local influences.

At the very time when this consequence of the laws and of the revolution

became apparent to every eye, victory was irrevocably pronounced in

favor of the democratic cause. All power was, in fact, in its hands, and

resistance was no longer possible. The higher orders submitted without

a murmur and without a struggle to an evil which was thenceforth

inevitable. The ordinary fate of falling powers awaited them; each

of their several members followed his own interest; and as it was

impossible to wring the power from the hands of a people which they

did not detest sufficiently to brave, their only aim was to secure its

good-will at any price. The most democratic laws were consequently voted

by the very men whose interests they impaired; and thus, although the

higher classes did not excite the passions of the people against their

order, they accelerated the triumph of the new state of things; so

that, by a singular change, the democratic impulse was found to be most

irresistible in the very states where the aristocracy had the firmest

hold.

The state of Maryland, which had been founded by men of rank, was the

first to proclaim universal suffrage,[61] and to introduce the most

democratic forms into the conduct of its government.

When a nation modifies the elective qualification, it may easily be

foreseen that sooner or later that qualification will be entirely

abolished. There is no more invariable rule in the history of society:

the farther electoral rights are extended, the more is felt the need of

extending them; for after each concession the strength of the democracy

increases, and its demands increase with its strength. The ambition of

those who are below the appointed rate is irritated in exact proportion

to the great number of those who are above it. The exception at last

becomes the rule, concession follows concession, and no stop can be made

short of universal suffrage.

At the present day the principle of the sovereignty of the people has

acquired, in the United States, all the practical development which the

imagination can conceive. It is unencumbered by those fictions which

have been thrown over it in other countries, and it appears in every

possible form according to the exigency of the occasion. Sometimes the

laws are made by the people in a body, as at Athens; and sometimes its

representatives, chosen by universal suffrage, transact business in its

name, and almost under its immediate control.

In some countries a power exists which, though it is in a degree foreign

to the social body, directs it, and forces it to pursue a certain track.

In others the ruling force is divided, being partly within and partly

without the ranks of the people. But nothing of the kind is to be seen

in the United States; there society governs itself for itself. All power

centres in its bosom; and scarcely an individual is to be met with

who would venture to conceive, or, still more, to express, the idea of

seeking it elsewhere. The nation participates in the making of its laws

by the choice of its legislators, and in the execution of them by the

choice of the agents of the executive government; it may almost be said

to govern itself, so feeble and so restricted is the share left to the

administration, so little do the authorities forget their popular origin

and the power from which they emanate.[62]

* * * * *

Notes:

[61] See the amendments made to the constitution of Maryland in 1801 and

1809.

[62] See Appendix H.

American Institutions and Their Influence · 第 4 / 21 章