CHAPTER I

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HOME UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

OF MODERN KNOWLEDGE

THE LITERATURE OF THE

OLD TESTAMENT

BY

GEORGE FOOT MOORE, M.A., D.D., LL.D.

LONDON

WILLIAMS & NORGATE

HENRY HOLT & Co., NEW YORK

CANADA: WM. BRIGGS, TORONTO

INDIA: R. & T. WASHBOURNE, LTD.

[Illustration:

HOME

UNIVERSITY

LIBRARY

OF

MODERN KNOWLEDGE

_Editors_:

HERBERT FISHER, M.A., F.B.A., LL.D.

PROF. GILBERT MURRAY, D.LITT., LL.D., F.B.A.

PROF. J. ARTHUR THOMSON, M.A., LL.D.

PROF. WILLIAM T. BREWSTER, M.A.

(COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY, U.S.A.)

NEW YORK

HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY]

[Illustration:

THE

LITERATURE

OF THE

OLD TESTAMENT

BY

GEORGE FOOT MOORE

M.A., D.D., LL.D.

Professor in Harvard University; Editor of the

Harvard Theological Review; Author

of "Commentary on Judges," etc.

LONDON

WILLIAMS AND NORGATE]

The following volumes of kindred interest have already been published

in the Home University Library:--

VOL. 56.--THE MAKING OF THE NEW TESTAMENT. By PROF. B. W.

BACON, LL.D., D.D.Vol.

VOL. 68.--COMPARATIVE RELIGION. By PRINCIPAL J. ESTLIN

CARPENTER, D.Litt.

VOL. 15.--MOHAMMEDANISM. By PROF. D. S. MARGOLIOUTH, M.A.,

D.Litt.

VOL. 47.--BUDDHISM. By MRS. RHYS DAVIDS, M.A.

VOL. 54.--ETHICS. By G. E. MOORE, M.A.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER PAGE

I THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT 7

II THE OLD TESTAMENT AS A NATIONAL

LITERATURE 25

III THE PENTATEUCH 29

IV CHARACTER OF THE SOURCES. GENESIS 33

V EXODUS, LEVITICUS, NUMBERS 47

VI DEUTERONOMY 58

VII AGE OF THE SOURCES. COMPOSITION OF THE

PENTATEUCH 65

VIII JOSHUA 73

IX JUDGES 81

X SAMUEL 91

XI KINGS 100

XII CHRONICLES 118

XIII EZRA AND NEHEMIAH 128

XIV STORY BOOKS: ESTHER, RUTH, JONAH 134

XV THE PROPHETS 144

XVI ISAIAH 147

XVII JEREMIAH 164

XVIII EZEKIEL 174

XIX DANIEL 180

XX MINOR PROPHETS 190

XXI PSALMS. LAMENTATIONS 218

XXII PROVERBS 231

XXIII JOB 235

XXIV ECCLESIASTES. SONG OF SONGS 243

BIBLIOGRAPHY 251

INDEX 253

THE LITERATURE

OF

THE OLD TESTAMENT

CHAPTER I

THE CANON OF THE OLD TESTAMENT

The early Christians received the Sacred Books of the Jews as inspired

Scripture containing a divine revelation and clothed with divine

authority, and till well on in the first century of the Christian era

the name Scriptures was applied exclusively to these books. In time,

as they came to attach the same authority to the Epistles and Gospels,

and to call them, too, Scriptures (2 Pet. iii. 16), they distinguished

the Christian writings as the Scriptures of the new dispensation, or,

as they called it, the "new covenant," from the Scriptures of the "old

covenant" (2 Cor. iii. 6, 14), the Bible of the Jews. The Greek word

for covenant (_diathéké_) was rendered in the early Latin translation

by _testamentum_, and the two bodies of Scripture themselves were

called the Old Testament and the New Testament respectively.

The Scriptures of the Jews were written in Hebrew, the older language

of the people; but a few chapters in Ezra and Daniel are in Aramaic,

which gradually replaced Hebrew as the vernacular of Palestine from

the fifth century B.C. The Sacred Books comprise the Law, that is, the

Five Books of Moses; the Prophets, under which name are included the

older historical books (Joshua, Judges, Samuel, Kings) as well as what

we call the Prophets (Isaiah, Jeremiah, Ezekiel, and the Twelve, i.e.

Minor Prophets); a third group, of less homogeneous character, had no

more distinctive name than the "Scriptures"; it included Ruth, Psalms,

Job, Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Song of Songs, Lamentations, Daniel,

Esther, Ezra-Nehemiah, and Chronicles. The Minor Prophets counted as

one book; and the division of Samuel, Kings, Ezra-Nehemiah, and

Chronicles each into two books was made later, and perhaps only in

Christian copies of the Bible. There are, consequently, according to

the Jewish enumeration twenty-four books in the Bible, while in the

English Old Testament, by subdivision, we count the same books as

thirty-nine.

The order of the books in the Pentateuch and "Former Prophets"

(Joshua-Kings) is fixed by the historical sequence, and therefore

constant; among the "Latter Prophets" Jeremiah was sometimes put

first, immediately following the end of Kings, with which it was so

closely connected. In the third group there was no such obvious

principle of arrangement, and consequently there were different

opinions about the proper order; that which is given above follows the

oldest deliverance on the subject, and puts them in what the rabbis

doubtless supposed to be a chronological series. So long as the books

were written on separate rolls of papyrus, the question of order was

theoretical rather than practical; and even when manuscripts were

written in codex form (on folded leaves stitched together like our

books), no uniformity was attained.

At the beginning of the Christian era, lessons from the Law were

regularly read in the synagogues on the sabbath (the Pentateuch being

so divided that it was read through consecutively once in three

years), and a second lesson was chosen from the Prophets. The title of

these books to be regarded as Sacred Scripture was thus established by

long-standing liturgical use, and was, indeed, beyond question. Nor

was there any question about the inspiration of most of the books in

the third group, the "Scriptures." There was a controversy, however,

over Ecclesiastes and the Song of Songs; some teachers of the

strictest school denied that either of them was inspired, while others

accepted only one of them. The question was voted on in a council of

rabbis held at Jamnia about the beginning of the second century of our

era, and the majority decided for the inspiration of both books. There

were also, even down to the third century, Jewish scholars who did

not acknowledge Esther as Sacred Scripture. On the other hand, some

were inclined to include among the Sacred Books the Proverbs of Ben

Sira, which stand in the English Bible among the Apocrypha under the

title Ecclesiasticus.

It is thus evident that, while there was agreement in general, there

was, down to the second century A.D., no authoritative list of the

"Scriptures," and that about some of the books there were conflicting

opinions among the learned of the most orthodox stamp. An interesting

confirmation of this is the fact that in the first half of that

century it was thought necessary to make a formal deliverance that the

"Gospel and other writings of the heretics" are not Sacred Scripture.

There are other indications that in that generation Jewish

Christianity had a dangerous attraction for some even in rabbinical

circles, and there was evidently ground for apprehension that the

inspiration which the Christians claimed for the Scriptures of the New

Covenant might impose upon well-meaning but uninstructed Jews. In the

same connection it was decided, further, that Ben Sira (Ecclesiasticus)

was not Holy Scripture, and that no books written from his time on (about

200 B.C.) were inspired, in accordance with the theory, found also in

Josephus, that inspiration ceased in the age of Ezra and Nehemiah.

By such decisions, recognizing the inspiration of books that had been

challenged and excluding others for which inspiration had been

claimed, the canon of the Scriptures, that is, the authoritative list

of Sacred Books, was defined. The oldest catalogue we have, containing

the titles of all the books, dates probably from the latter part of

the second century, and is not concerned with the point of

canonicity--which it takes for granted--but with the proper order of

the Prophets and the Scriptures.

The Jews had for centuries been widely distributed through the lands

that had been included in the kingdoms of Alexander's successors.

There were large numbers in Babylonia and the neighbouring provinces

of the Parthian empire, and still more in the countries around the

eastern end of the Mediterranean, in Syria and Asia Minor, in Egypt

and Cyrene. In Alexandria the Jews had a whole quarter of the city to

themselves, and Philo estimates their numbers in Egypt in his time

(ca. A.D. 40) at a million.

In cities like Alexandria, where Greek was the common speech of a

population recruited from many races, the Jews soon exchanged their

mother tongue for the cosmopolitan language. The ancient Hebrew of

their Sacred Books was unintelligible, not only to the masses, but

even to most of the educated, who had learned in the schools of Greek

rhetoricians and philosophers rather than at the feet of the rabbis.

If the knowledge of the holy Law by which the distinctive Jewish life

was regulated was not to be lost altogether, the Scriptures must be

translated into Greek. The Pentateuch was doubtless translated

first--legend attributes the initiative to King Ptolemy Philadelphus

(285-246 B.C.); then other books, by different hands and at different

times and places. To some of the books, as to Daniel and Esther,

additions were made in the translation which were not accepted by the

Palestinian Jews.

Besides the books which were finally included in the Jewish canon,

there were various others, written in Hebrew or Aramaic after the

pattern of the several forms of Biblical literature. History, for

example, is represented by 1 Maccabees, relating the struggle of the

Jews in Palestine for religious liberty and national independence in

the second century B.C.; the Proverbs of Solomon have a counterpart in

the Proverbs of Ben Sira, already mentioned; the Psalter, in the

so-called Psalms of Solomon; the story of Judith may be compared with

Esther; the visions of Daniel have their parallel in popular

apocalypses bearing the names of Enoch, Noah, Ezra, Baruch, and other

ancient worthies. These writings were sooner or later translated into

Greek, and some of them attained a wide circulation. The

Greek-speaking Jews, also, produced a religious literature, in part

imitating the familiar Biblical forms, as in the Wisdom of Solomon

and 2 Maccabees, in part cast in Greek moulds, as when prophecy

disguised itself in Sibylline Oracles, or the supremacy of reason over

the emotions was made the subject of a discourse after the pattern of

a Stoic diatribe (4 Maccabees).

The influence of Greek culture on many of these writers was not

confined to language and literary form; they lived in an atmosphere of

Greek thought--the popular philosophy, in which Platonic and Stoic

elements were fused or confused--and a few had a more academic

acquaintance with the Greek thinkers. But, under all this, they were

Jews to the core, devoted to the religion of their fathers, of the

superiority of which they were the more convinced by the spectacle of

heathenism about them: Judaism was the only true religion, its

Scriptures the one divine revelation. The Law and the Prophets had the

same precedence as in the Palestinian synagogue. Of the other

Scriptures there was no authoritative and exclusive list, and among

books read solely for private edification it is not likely that a very

sharp line was drawn; but, on the whole, the practice of the

Greek-speaking Jews does not seem to have been materially different

from that of their countrymen in Palestine.

Outside of Palestine, Christianity was spread by Greek-speaking Jews

who had embraced the new Messianic faith, and their converts in the

fields of their missionary labours, both Jews and Gentiles, spoke

Greek, either as their mother tongue or as the language of common

intercourse. The church, therefore, took over the Jewish Scriptures in

the existing translations: the Christian Old Testament was from the

beginning the Greek Bible, not the Hebrew. They received also from the

Greek-speaking Jews the belief in the divine inspiration of the

translators, by virtue of which the same infallible authority attached

to the version of the Seventy which belonged to the Hebrew original.

In their desire to possess every word of God, they gathered up the

religious books which they found in the hands of the Jews, without

inquiring curiously whether the Jews included them in the narrower

category of Sacred Scriptures or not; and they discovered no reason in

the books themselves why Esther, for example, should be inspired and

Judith not; or why Ecclesiastes, with its scepticism about the destiny

of the soul, should be divinely revealed, and the Wisdom of Solomon,

with its eloquent defence of immortality, a purely human production;

or, again, why the Proverbs of Solomon were Scripture, and the

Proverbs of Ben Sira (Ecclesiasticus) nothing but profane wisdom.

Controversies in the second century made the Christian apologists

aware that the Jews did not acknowledge the authority of some of the

books from which their opponents adduced proof-texts, and this

practical concern, rather than purely learned interest, led to the

drawing up of lists of books which were accepted by the Jews as Sacred

Scripture. The oldest of these lists which has come down to us was

made by Melito, Bishop of Sardes, about A.D. 170; it contains the

books of the Jewish canon enumerated above (p. 8), with the noteworthy

exception of Esther, about which, as we have seen, Jewish opinion was

divided. Christian catalogues of the Jewish Old Testament long show an

uncertainty about the right of this book to a place in the canon.

Meanwhile the church had, in its worship and in religious instruction,

established a use and tradition of its own. The Wisdom of Jesus, son

of Sirach, was appropriated for the moral instruction of youth and of

converts, as is shown by the title it bears in the Greek Bible,

Ecclesiasticus, that is, "The Church Book," and other writings not

included in the Jewish canon were highly esteemed in the church. About

A.D. 240, Julius Africanus, Bishop of Emmaus in Palestine, addressed a

critical letter to Origen on the story of Susanna and the Elders in

the Book of Daniel. This story, he said, was not found in the Hebrew

Daniel, and was not acknowledged by the Jews. He proved by internal

evidence that it was not translated from the Hebrew, the language in

which the Scriptures of the Old Testament were inspired, but

originally composed in Greek, and he raised various historical

objections to the tale: it ought not, therefore, to be quoted as

Sacred Scripture. In his answer, Origen, the greatest Biblical scholar

of his age, argued that if the story of Susanna was to be set aside on

the ground that it was not accepted by the Jews, other books, such as

Judith and Tobit, would have to be rejected also. He appeals to the

prescriptive usage of the church itself, which had always used these

books and read them with edification. This immemorial tradition was

authority enough for Christians; there was no reason why the church

should prune its Bible to please the Jews or adapt itself to their

opinions about what was and what was not inspired Scripture; he

reminds his correspondent of the law, "Thou shalt not remove the

ancient landmarks which those before thee have set."

This way of looking at the matter, as might be expected, prevailed in

the church. Lists of the books of the Jewish Bible were handed down,

and scholars were well aware that the Christian Old Testament

contained several books not received by the Jews. By the more critical

of the Greek Fathers these books are not cited with the same authority

for the establishment of doctrine as the books of the Hebrew Bible.

Thus, Athanasius, at the end of a list of the canonical Scriptures of

the Old and New Testaments (A.D. 365), adds: "There are, besides

these, other books, not, indeed, included in the canon, but

prescribed by the Fathers to be read by those who come to the church

and wish to be taught the doctrine of religion, namely, the Wisdom of

Solomon, and the Wisdom of Sirach, Esther, Judith, Tobit, and the

Teaching of the Twelve Apostles." But this learned reserve had no

effect on the liturgical or practical use of the church. The question

of the inspiration and authority of the supernumerary books of the Old

Testament was not decided by any council speaking in the name of the

catholic church; nor was it ever thus determined exactly what these

supernumerary books were, though several local synods made lists of

them.

The Latin Church received its Bible from the Greeks, and the Latin

translations of the Old Testament made from the Greek included, as a

matter of course, the books which the church accepted and the

synagogue rejected. About the beginning of the fifth century, Jerome

undertook a new Latin translation direct from the Hebrew. He lived for

many years at Bethlehem, and had learned Hebrew from Jewish teachers,

whose assistance he employed also in the work of translation. In some

of the prefaces to this translation (which was published in parts),

and in other places in his writings, Jerome gives a catalogue of the

books of the Hebrew Bible, corresponding to the contents of our

English Old Testament, and expressly excludes all others from the

class of canonical Scriptures: "Whatever is not included in this list

is to be classed as apocrypha. Therefore Wisdom (commonly entitled 'of

Solomon'), and the Book of Jesus son of Sirach, and Judith and Tobit

... are not in the canon." The word "apocrypha," literally "secret, or

esoteric, writings," had been used generally for the books of

heretical sects, or suspected of being such, and, more broadly, of

writings which the church repudiated as not only uninspired but

harmful, the reading of which it often forbade. It was, therefore, a

very radical word that Jerome uttered when he applied this name to

books which the church had always regarded as godly and edifying.

Jerome himself did not consistently maintain the position which would

make the Jewish Bible the canon of the Christian church. At the

request of certain bishops he translated Judith and Tobit, noting in

the prefaces that the Jews exclude these books from the canon and put

them among the apocrypha, but significantly adding in the one case

that he thinks it better to oppose the judgment of the Pharisees and

obey the commands of the bishops, in the other pleading not only the

demand of a bishop but the fact that the Nicene Council had included

Judith among the Sacred Books.[1] In another preface he describes

Ecclesiasticus and the Wisdom of Solomon as books which the church

reads "for the edification of the people, not for proving the

doctrines of the church"--a definition which accords with the attitude

of many of the Greek Fathers. Jerome thus halts between two opinions:

in relegating to the apocrypha everything that is not in the Hebrew

Bible he speaks as a critic; in recognizing the books found in the

Christian Old Testament, but not in the Hebrew, as useful and

edifying, though of inferior authority for doctrinal purposes, he,

like Origen, takes the ground of the practical churchman. The

mediating position is more clearly defined by Rufinus, who, after

giving a catalogue of the books of the Hebrew Bible, adds: "There are

other books, which older authors called not 'canonical' but

'ecclesiastical,' such as the Wisdom of Solomon, and the so-called

Wisdom of the Son of Sirach, named by the Latins Ecclesiasticus; to

the same class belong Tobit, Judith and the Books of the Maccabees."

[1] The Nicene Council made no formal deliverance on the subject of

the canon, and upon what Jerome's appeal to its authority rests is

unknown.

The great influence of Augustine was thrown wholly on the side of

ecclesiastical tradition; he even remonstrated with Jerome for

translating the Old Testament from the Hebrew and thus disturbing the

minds of the faithful, instead of revising the Old Latin version after

the Greek. In his treatise on Christian Doctrine (ii. 8; written in

A.D. 397) he includes among the canonical books of the Old Testament,

Judith, Tobit, 1 and 2 Maccabees, Ecclesiasticus, and the Wisdom of

Solomon; African provincial synods at Hippo (A.D. 393) and Carthage

(A.D. 397) pronounced themselves in the same sense.

The Syriac-speaking churches, whose Old Testament was translated from

the Hebrew, originally recognized those books only which were found in

the Jewish Bible; it appears, indeed, that the earliest Syriac version

did not extend to Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah, but did include

Sirach. Under the influence of the Greek Church, those branches of the

Syrian Church which remained in communion with it gradually added to

their Bible translations of the other books from the Greek; but the

Nestorians, in whose schools Biblical criticism moved more freely than

in the Catholic Church, continued to reject them, or to accord them,

together with several of the books commonly reckoned canonical

(Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah, Judith, 1 and 2 Maccabees, Job,

Ecclesiasticus, Wisdom), only qualified authority.

Throughout the Middle Ages learned authors repeated the conflicting

utterances of the Fathers concerning the canon, without being

disturbed by their inconsistency; in practice, the Old Testament

comprised all the books that were usually found in copies of the Greek

or Latin Bible, without regard to the fine distinctions of "canonical"

and "ecclesiastical." The immemorial usage of the church had more

weight than the opinions of scholars. With this concurred the fact

that from the fourth century on the Bible was copied in collective

codices, on folded sheets of parchment or vellum like our books, not

in separate rolls, and thus the canon of the Old Testament became, not

a mere list of Sacred Books, but a physical unity, in which the books

of the Jewish Bible were intermingled with those which the Jews did

not accept.

The question assumed a new significance at the Reformation. In

rejecting the authority of ecclesiastical tradition and the

prescriptive usage of the church and making the Scriptures the only

rule of faith and practice, the Reformers were under the necessity of

deciding what books were inspired Scripture, containing the Word of

God revealed to men, clothed with divine authority, demanding

unqualified faith, and a means of grace to believers. Obviously they

could not logically acknowledge books whose place in the Bible had no

other warrant than that the church had accepted them from very early

times; nothing short of the authority of the New Testament itself

would suffice, and they found in the New Testament no quotations from

these books. To the Jews, St. Paul said, were committed the oracles of

God; it was the Jewish Scriptures to which Jesus and the Apostles

appealed.

Naturally, therefore, Luther reverted to the position of Jerome: the

books found in the Hebrew Bible, and those only, were the Scriptures

of the Old Testament; whatever was more than these was to be reckoned

among the apocrypha. In the first complete printed edition of his

translation (1534), these books (Judith, Wisdom, Tobit, Sirach,

Baruch, 1 and 2 Maccabees, the Greek additions to Esther and Daniel,

the Prayer of Manasseh) stand between the Old Testament and the New,

with the title (after Jerome) "_Apocrypha_; that is, books that are

not equally esteemed with the Holy Scripture, but nevertheless are

profitable and good to read." The other Protestant versions, on the

Continent and in England, followed this example.

The attitude of Luther toward the Old Testament Apocrypha was

maintained by the Lutheran Churches, whose Confessions do not,

however, attempt a more exact definition of the value and authority of

the Apocrypha. The earlier Reformed (Calvinistic) Confessions take

substantially the same ground: the Ecclesiastical Books, or Apocrypha,

are useful, especially for moral instruction, but they have not the

same authority as the canonical books, and doctrines may not be

deduced from them alone. The Articles of the Church of England (1563;

English translation, 1571) agree on this point with the other Reformed

Confessions: after enumerating the canonical books "of whose authority

there was never any doubt in the Church," the Sixth Article continues:

"And the other books (as Hierome saith) the Church doth read for

example of life, and instruction of manners; but yet it doth not apply

them to establish any doctrine." A list of such books follows,

comprising those commonly printed in the English Bible under the title

Apocrypha.

A more radical position was represented by the Synod of Dort (1618)

and by the Westminster Assembly (1643). The latter declares: "The

books commonly called Apocrypha, not being of divine inspiration, are

no part of the canon of Scripture; and therefore are of no authority

in the church of God, nor to be otherwise approved, or made use of,

than other human writings."

In opposition to the Protestant limitation of the canon of the Old

Testament to the books of the Hebrew Bible, the Roman Church defined

its attitude more sharply. In the Fourth Session of the Council of

Trent (1546) it framed a "Decree concerning the Canonical Scripture,"

in which the books set apart by the Protestants as Apocrypha are

included with the rest. The complete contents of the Old Testament in

the Catholic Bible as thus defined are as follows: The Five Books of

Moses, that is, Genesis, Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, Deuteronomy;

Joshua, Judges, Ruth, four Books of Kings [Samuel, Kings], two Books

of Chronicles, 1 and 2 Esdras [Ezra, Nehemiah], Tobit, Judith, Esther,

Job, the Psalter of David, containing one hundred and fifty Psalms,

Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Song of Songs, Wisdom, Ecclesiasticus, Isaiah,

Jeremiah with Baruch, Ezekiel, Daniel, the Twelve Minor Prophets, two

Books of Maccabees, namely, the First and Second.... "If any man does

not accept as sacred and canonical these books, entire, with all their

parts, as they have customarily been read in the Catholic Church and

are contained in the ancient common Latin edition ... let him be

anathema!"

This decree not only affirms that all the books in question are Holy

and Canonical Scripture, but seems to put them all in one class, and

deliberately to exclude the ancient distinction between the books of

the Jewish Bible and the Ecclesiastical Books. Many of the Fathers

had, however, made such a distinction, and Catholic scholars, even

after Trent, thought it permissible to class the Ecclesiastical Books

(which Protestants call the Apocrypha) as "deuterocanonic," meaning

not thereby to imply that they are inferior in authority or

infallibility or dignity--for both classes owe their excellence to the

same Holy Spirit--but that they had attained recognition in the church

at a later time than the others. Individuals have sometimes gone

farther, and acknowledged a difference in authority: the

deuterocanonic books are useful for edification, but not for the proof

of doctrines--a position substantially the same as that of the Greek

Fathers and of moderate Protestants; but this is plainly against the

sense of the decree of Trent.

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