LOST SIGHT OF LAND.—REFLECTIONS.—ARGUMENT AGAINST THE ENGLISH MINISTERS.

10.—This day we cleared the Channel, and lost sight of land. We had now

entered upon the dreary unknown course to which fate had doomed us.

Again my agonies were renewed; again the dear connexions I had abandoned

resumed their influence over my heart. I indulged in the luxuriance of

grief, and found a miserable satisfaction in its excess. “Objects of all

my affections,” I exclaimed, “friends of my heart, for whom alone I

live, reflect that I am proving myself worthy of you. Let that thought

support you also; and, oh! forget me not.”

Meanwhile we advanced in our course, and were soon to be out of Europe.

Thus, in less than six weeks, had the Emperor abdicated his throne, and

placed himself in the hands of the English, who were now hurrying him to

a barren rock in the midst of a vast ocean! This is certainly no

ordinary instance of the chances of fortune, and no common trial of the

firmness of the mind. Yet will posterity be better able to judge of

these three leading circumstances than we of the present day. They will

have to pronounce on a clear horizon; whereas we are enveloped in

clouds.

Scarcely had Napoleon descended from his throne, when those who

witnessed the misfortunes of the nation, which followed, regarded his

sacrifice as a capital error. When they heard of his being a prisoner at

Plymouth, they censured his magnanimity; there was not a single

incident, even to his suffering himself to be sent to St. Helena, which

they did not make a subject of reproach. But such is the tendency of

vulgar minds: never judging except on what they see at the moment! It

is, however, impossible to judge of one resolution without considering,

not only the evils which unavoidably attend it, but those which a

contrary determination might have produced.

By abdicating, Napoleon rallied all the friends of their country round

one point—that of its safety! He left France demanding, before all

nations, nothing but the sacred rights of national independence; he took

from the Allies every pretext to ravage and dismember our territory; he

destroyed all idea of his personal ambition; terminating his career as

the martyr of a cause of which he had been the hero. If all the

advantages which might have been derived from his genius and talents as

a citizen were not obtained, it is to be imputed to the weakness and

treachery of the transitory Government by which he was succeeded. When

he arrived at Rochefort, and the commander of the frigates refused to

sail, ought he to have abandoned the fruits of his abdication? Should he

have returned to the interior, and placed himself at the head of mere

bands, when he had renounced armies? or, ought he to have desperately

encouraged a civil war which would lead to no beneficial result, but

only serve to ruin the remaining pillars, the future hopes, of the

country? In this state of affairs, he formed a most magnanimous

resolution, worthy of his life, and a complete refutation of the

calumnies that for twenty years had been so ridiculously accumulated on

his head. But what will history say of those Ministers of a liberal

nation, the guardians and depositaries of popular rights—ever ardent in

encouraging a Coriolanus, having only chains for a Camillus?

As to the reproach of suffering himself to be transported to St. Helena,

it would be a disgrace to answer such a charge. To contend with an

adversary in the cabin of a ship—kill some one with his own hand—or

attempt to set fire to the powder-magazine, would have been, at best,

the act of a Buccaneer. Dignity in misfortune, submission to necessity,

have also their glory: it is that which becomes great men overwhelmed by

adversity.

When the English Ministers found themselves in possession of Napoleon’s

person, passion had much more influence over them than justice or

policy. They neglected the triumph of their laws, denied the rights of

hospitality, disregarded their own honour, and compromised that of their

country. They determined to exile their guest in the midst of the ocean,

to keep him prisoner on a rock, two thousand leagues from Europe, and

far from all communion with mankind. It seemed that they wished to trust

to the anguish of exile, the fatigues of a long voyage, privations of

every kind, and the corroding influence of a burning climate, for

effecting that which they feared to perform themselves. In order,

however, to gain over the public voice, to make it appear that their

conduct was indispensably necessary, the newspapers were instigated to

irritate the passions of the multitude, by reviving former calumnies and

falsehoods; while the Ministers, on their side, represented their own

determination as an engagement entered into with their allies. We

presented ourselves at the moment of popular effervescence, just as

every thing which could render us odious had been brought forward. The

public journals were full of the most virulent declamations; maliciously

raking up every act and expression of the previous struggle of twenty

years that could wound the national pride, or rekindle its hatred. Yet,

when all England hurried to the south to see us, during our stay at

Plymouth, the conduct and sentiments of the multitudes who came were

enough to convince us that this factitious irritation would disappear of

itself. Hence we were led to hope, on our departure, that the British

people would daily grow more impartial in a cause to which they were no

longer parties; that the current of public opinion would eventually turn

against Ministers; and that we had thus ensured them formidable attacks

and a terrible responsibility for a future day.

THE EMPEROR’S MODE OF LIVING ON BOARD

THE NORTHUMBERLAND.

11th—14th. Our course was shaped across the Bay of Biscay, and double

Cape Finisterre. The wind was fair, though light; and the heat

excessive: nothing could be more monotonous than the time we now passed.

The Emperor breakfasted in his own cabin at irregular hours; we took our

breakfast at ten o’clock, in the French style, while the English

continued to breakfast in their own way at eight.

The Emperor sent for one of us every morning to know what was going on,

the distance run, the state of the wind, and other particulars connected

with our progress. He read much, dressed towards four o’clock, and then

came into the general cabin; here he played at chess with one of the

party: at five o’clock the Admiral, having come out of his cabin a few

minutes before, announced that dinner was on the table.

It is well known that Napoleon was scarcely ever more than fifteen

minutes at his dinner; here the two courses alone occupied from an hour

to an hour and a half: this was to him a most serious annoyance, though

he never mentioned it; his features, gestures, and manner, always

evinced perfect indifference. Neither the new system of cookery, the

difference nor quality of the dishes, ever met with his censure or

approbation; he never expressed any wish or objection on the subject. He

was attended by his two valets, who stood behind his chair. At first the

Admiral was in the habit of offering to help the Emperor; but the

acknowledgment of Napoleon was expressed so coldly that this practice

was discontinued. The Admiral continued very attentive, but thenceforth

only pointed out to the servants what was preferable; they alone

attended to these matters, to which the Emperor seemed totally

indifferent, neither seeing, noticing, nor seeking, any thing. He was

generally silent, remaining in the midst of conversation as if totally

unacquainted with the language, though it was French. If he spoke, it

was to ask some technical or scientific question, and to address a few

words to those whom the Admiral occasionally asked to dinner. I was the

person to whom the Emperor generally addressed his questions, in order

to translate them.

I need scarcely observe that the English are accustomed to remain a long

time at table after the dessert, drinking and conversing: the Emperor,

already tired by the tedious dinner, could never have endured this

custom, and he rose, therefore from the first day, immediately after

coffee had been handed round, and went out on deck followed by the Grand

Marshal and myself. This disconcerted the Admiral, who took occasion to

express his surprise to his officers; but Madame Bertrand, whose

maternal language is English, warmly replied—“Do not forget, Admiral,

that your guest is a man who has governed a large portion of the world,

and that kings once contended for the honour of being admitted to his

table.” “Very true,” rejoined the Admiral; and this officer, who

possesses good sense, a becoming pliability of manners, and sometimes

much elegance, did his utmost from that moment to accommodate the

Emperor in his habits. He shortened the time of sitting at table,

ordering coffee for Napoleon and those who accompanied him, even before

the rest of the company had finished their dinner. The moment Napoleon

had taken his coffee, he left the cabin; upon which every body rose till

he had quitted the room, and then continued to take their wine for

another hour.

The Emperor remained walking on deck till dark, attended by the Grand

Marshal and myself. This became a regular practice, and was seldom

omitted. On returning to the after-cabin, he sat down to play

_vingt-et-un_ with us, and generally retired in about half an hour.

Memoirs of the life, exile, and conversations of the Emperor Napoleon. (Vol. I) · 第 34 / 75 题