CHAPTER V.

BERTHELIER AND THE YOUTH OF GENEVA AROUSED BY THE BISHOP’S VIOLENCE.

(1515-1517.)

The bishop, the humble servant of the duke, prepared to act according

to his instructions. Charles had set a trustee over him, who allowed

him only what was absolutely necessary for his bare maintenance.

One day, when an eminent citizen asked him a favour, John of Savoy

exclaimed: ‘I have only my crozier and my mitre, the property belongs

to the duke. He is bishop and abbot.’ ... ‘For,’ adds the chronicler,

‘the duke being very rapacious, John was forced to give the rein to his

Highness’s extortioners.’ They imposed excessive fines; where in the

inferior courts the penalty should not exceed sixty sols, they exacted

fifty livres. No prince ever made such efforts to suppress revolt as

the bastard to foment it. He was almost brave in his devices for losing

his principality, but it was the result of servility. He deprived

the syndics of their judicial functions; he threw men into prison to

avenge private or imaginary offences. The people began to murmur: ‘A

singular shepherd this!’ they said. ‘He is not satisfied with shearing

his flock, but tears and worries them with his dogs.’ The partisans of

Savoy were delighted. By one of these exploits the bastard very nearly

revolutionised Geneva.[85]

Claude Vandel was one of the most respected citizens of Geneva. A

distinguished lawyer, a man of noble character and spotless integrity,

of retiring and respectful manners, but also of great courage, he

protected at his own expense the weak and poor against the violence

of the great. A citizen having been unjustly prosecuted by a bishop’s

officer, Vandel undertook his defence and so enraged the prelate that

he swore to be revenged on him. But how was he to begin? The people

respected Vandel; his ancestors had filled the highest offices in the

State; his wife, Mie du Fresnoir, belonged to a good family allied to

the Chatillons and other Savoyard houses of the best blood. Moreover

Vandel possessed four sons, united by the closest affection, full of

veneration for their father, and all destined one day to be called to

important duties. Robert, the eldest, was a syndic; Thomas, a canon,

procurator-fiscal, and one of the first priests that embraced the

Reformation; of the two youngest, who were still youths, Hugo was

afterwards the representative of the republic in Switzerland, and Peter

captain-general. It was known at the bishop’s palace that Vandel’s sons

would not permit a hand to be laid upon their father; and that even the

people would take up his defence. Nevertheless it was decided to make

the Genevans bend under the yoke of absolute authority. Thomas, who was

then incumbent of Morges, hurried to Geneva on hearing of the design

that threatened his father. He was a man of most decided character,

and ‘handled the sword better than his breviary.’ When they learned

what were the bishop’s intentions, his brothers and he had felt in

their hearts one of those sudden and unlooked-for impulses that proceed

from the noblest of affections, and they swore to make their bodies a

rampart for their father. The bishop and his courtiers had recourse to

stratagem. Vandel was in the country, Robert and Thomas keeping guard

beside him. A rumour was set afloat that the bishop’s bailiffs would

come at nightfall and seize the lawyer. Consequently, ‘before night

came on,’ Robert and Thomas went out to watch for the men who were to

carry off their father. But these, instead of leaving at the appointed

hour, had started earlier and hidden themselves near the house. As soon

as it was dark they left their hiding-place, and while Vandel’s sons

and friends were looking for them in another direction, they seized

the republican Claude, bound him, took him into the city by a secret

postern, and conducted him along a subterranean passage to the bishop’s

prison.[86]

The next morning, Vandel’s sons ran in great distress to their friends

and appealed to the people whom they met. They represented that the

syndics alone had the right of trial in criminal matters, and that by

arresting their father the bishop had trampled the franchises of the

city under foot. The people were excited, the council assembled; the

syndics went to the bishop and called upon him to let Vandel go, or

else hand over to them, his lawful judges, the papers in his case.

‘My council,’ the bishop answered, ‘will examine whether this _arrest_

is contrary to your liberties, in which case I will amend what is to be

amended.’ Even the episcopal council decided for Vandel’s discharge;

but the bastard obstinately refused.

The anger of the people now grew fiercer against the citizens who had

accepted the bishop’s pensions.

‘The bishop knows very well,’ they said, ‘that some of them prefer his

money to the liberties of the city. Why should he fear to infringe

our rights, when traitors have sold them to him?’ Thomas Vandel,

the priest, the most ardent of the family, hastened to Berthelier.

‘The irritation is general,’ he said, ‘and yet they hesitate. Nobody

dares bell the cat.’ Berthelier joined Vandel’s sons, and their bold

representations, as well as the murmurs of the people, aroused the

syndics. The day (June 29) was already far advanced; but that mattered

not, and at the unusual hour of eight in the evening the council met,

and ‘all the most eminent in the city to the number of about three

hundred,’ joined the assembly. The people gathered in crowds and filled

the hall.

Berthelier was present. He was still governor of Peney, the bishop’s

gift; and the latter made merry with his courtiers at having put ‘a

bone in his mouth to prevent his barking.’ There were some Genevans

who looked frowningly upon him, as if that great citizen had betrayed

his country. But Berthelier was calm, his countenance determined:

he was prepared to strike the first blow. The syndics described the

illegal act of the bishop; the sons of the prisoner called upon them

to avenge their father; and Berthelier exclaimed: ‘To maintain the

liberties of the city, we must act without fear; let us rescue the

citizen whom traitors have seized.’ John Taccon, captain-general, and

at the same time a pensioner of the bishop’s, stopped him: ‘Gently,’

said he, ‘if we do as you advise, certain inconveniences may follow.’

Berthelier in great excitement exclaimed: ‘Now the pensioners are

showing themselves!’ At these words Taccon could not contain himself:

‘It was you,’ he said, ‘yes, you, who showed me the way to take a

pension.’ On hearing this reproach Berthelier pulled out the bishop’s

letters appointing him governor of Peney, and which he had brought with

him to the council, and tore them in pieces before the meeting, saying:

‘Since I showed you the way to take them, look, I now show you the way

to resign them.’ These words acted like an electric shock. A cry of ‘No

more pensions!’ was raised on all sides. All the pensioners declared

themselves ready to tear up their letters-patent like Berthelier. The

commotion was very great. ‘Toll the bell for the general council,’

cried some. ‘No, no,’ said the more prudent, ‘it would be the signal

for a general outbreak, and the people would right themselves.’[87]

Something however must be done. A portion of the assembly went off to

the bishop’s palace, and began to shout for the prelate: ‘Release the

prisoner!’ But the bishop did not appear; the doors and windows of

the palace remained closely barred. The irritation grew general. ‘As

the bishop will not show himself,’ they said, ‘we must assemble the

people.’ Upon this John Bernard, whose three sons played an important

part in the Reformation, ran off to the tower of St. Pierre to ring

the bell for the general council. But the priests, anticipating what

would happen, had fastened the belfry door. Bernard did not renounce

his purpose: he caught up a huge hammer and was beginning to batter

the door, when some citizens came up and stopped him. They had just

learned that the bastard did not appear because, dreading the fury of

the people, he had left Geneva in great haste. One thought consoled

the bishop in all his terror: ‘Surely here is an argument that will

convince the sacred college: my people are in revolt!’ But the

episcopal council thought differently: Vandel’s arrest was illegal, and

they restored him to liberty. From that hour the bishop’s hatred grew

more deadly against those who would not bend to his tyranny.[88]

The energy displayed by the citizens showed the bastard what he would

have to expect if he laid hands on their independence. His creatures

resolved therefore to set to work in another way: to enervate this

proud and resolute people, and with that view to encourage superstition

and profligacy in Geneva. Superstition would prevent the citizens from

thinking about truth and reform, while profligacy would make them

forget their dignity, their rights, and their dearest liberties.

At the commencement of 1517--the year when the Reformation began in

Germany--a bare-footed friar, named Thomas, came and preached at

Geneva in _Italian_, and the people who did not understand a word

listened to him with admiration. The Virgin Mary, the saints, and the

departed were his ordinary theme. Bonivard shrugged his shoulders,

saying: ‘He is a mere idiot with his cock-and-bull stories!’ The friar

proceeded next to work miracles; sick persons were brought to him

after service; he blessed them right and left, and many returned home

cured. ‘What do you say to that?’ triumphantly asked some bigots of

the sceptical prior. ‘Why, _imaginatio facit casum_, it is the effect

of imagination,’ he replied. ‘The fools believe so firmly that he will

heal them, that the cure follows; but it does not last long, and many

return worse than they came.’ The honourable councillors, befooled like

the rest, sent the friar ‘princely presents.’

As superstition did not suffice, entertainments and debauchery were

added. Duke Philibert the Fair, who visited Geneva in 1498 with his

bastard brother René, had already employed this means of subduing the

Genevans. ‘Go,’ said he to his noblest lords, ‘and win over all these

shopkeepers and mechanics by being on the most familiar footing with

them.’ The Savoyard nobles, affably accosting the Genevans, used to

sit down with them in the taverns, drink, laugh, and sing with them,

bewildering the simple by their high-flown language and ‘grand airs.’

They concealed their subtle treachery under fine phrases; and throwing

off all shame, they even permitted looks and gestures of abominable

lewdness, infecting the hearts with impurity, and corrupting the young.

The priests, far from opposing this depravity, were the first to give

way to it. A shameful wantonness engendered criminal excesses which

would have brought ruin on those who indulged in them and on the city

itself. Effrontery stalked in the streets. The strangers who stopped in

Geneva exclaimed:--‘It is indeed a city sunk to the eyes in pleasure.

Church, nobles, and people are devoted to every kind of excess. You

see nothing but sports, dances, masquerades, feasts, lewdness, and

consequently, strife and contention. Abundance has generated insolence,

and assuredly Geneva deserves to be visited with the scourge of

God.’[89]

Philip Berthelier, a man of indomitable courage, untiring activity,

enthusiastic for independence and the ancient rights of liberty, but

infected with the general disease, now put the plan he had conceived

into execution, and resolved to turn against Savoy the dissolute habits

with which she had endowed his country. He took part in all their

feasts, banquets, and debaucheries; drank, laughed, and sang with the

youth of Geneva. There was not an entertainment at which he was not

present: ‘_Bonus civis, malus homo_, a good citizen, but a bad man,’

they said of him. ‘Yes, _malus homo_,’ he replied; ‘but since good

citizens will not risk their comforts in an enterprise of which they

despair, I must save liberty by means of madmen.’ He employed his

practical understanding and profound sagacity in winning men over,[90]

and he attained the end he had set before him. The assemblies of the

Genevan youth immediately changed in character. Philibert the Fair

had made them a school of slavery; Philibert Berthelier made them a

school of liberty. Those who opposed the usurpations of the Savoyard

princes, boldly held their meetings at these joyous and noisy feasts.

The great citizen, as if he had been invested with some magic charm,

had entirely changed the Genevan mind, and, holding it in his hand,

made it do whatever he pleased. Sarcasms were heaped upon the bishop

and the duke’s partisans, and every jest was greeted with loud bursts

of laughter and applause. If any episcopal officer committed an

illegality, information was given to these strange parliaments, and

these redressors of wrong undertook to see the victim righted. When the

Savoyard party put themselves without the law, the Genevan party did

the same, and the war began.

Had Berthelier taken the right course? Could the independence of Geneva

be established on such a foundation? Certainly not; true liberty

cannot exist without justice, and consequently without a moral change

that comes from God. So long as ‘young Geneva’ loved diversion above

everything, the bishop and the duke might yet lay hands upon her. Such

was the love of pleasure in the majority of these youths, that they

would seize the bait with eager impetuosity if it were only dropped

with sufficient skill. ‘They felt that the hook was killing them,’ said

a writer of the sixteenth century; but they had not strength to pull

it out. This strength was to come from on high. The human mind, so

inconstant and so weak, found in God’s Word the power it needed, and

which the light of the fifteenth century could never have given them.

The Reformation was necessary to liberty, because it was necessary to

morality. When the protestant idea declined in some countries, as in

France for instance, the human mind lost its energy also, profligacy

once more overran society; and that highly endowed nation, after having

caught a glimpse of a magnificent dawn, fell back into the thick night

of the traditional power of Rome and the despotism of the Valois and

Bourbons. Liberty has never been firmly established except among a

people where the Word of God reigns.[91]

History of the Reformation in Europe in the Time of Calvin. Vol. 1 (of 8) · 第 5 / 30 章