I am aware that in some of the speeches Judge Douglas has made, he has

spoken as if he did not know or think that the Supreme Court had decided

that a Territorial Legislature cannot exclude slavery. Precisely what the

Judge would say upon the subject--whether he would say definitely that he

does not understand they have so decided, or whether he would say he does

understand that the court have so decided,--I do not know; but I know

that in his speech at Springfield he spoke of it as a thing they had not

decided yet; and in his answer to me at Freeport, he spoke of it, so far,

again, as I can comprehend it, as a thing that had not yet been decided.

Now, I hold that if the Judge does entertain that view, I think that he

is not mistaken in so far as it can be said that the court has not

decided anything save the mere question of jurisdiction. I know the legal

arguments that can be made,--that after a court has decided that it cannot

take jurisdiction in a case, it then has decided all that is before it,

and that is the end of it. A plausible argument can be made in favor of

that proposition; but I know that Judge Douglas has said in one of his

speeches that the court went forward, like honest men as they were,

and decided all the points in the case. If any points are really

extra-judicially decided, because not necessarily before them, then this

one as to the power of the Territorial Legislature, to exclude slavery

is one of them, as also the one that the Missouri Compromise was null and

void. They are both extra-judicial, or neither is, according as the

court held that they had no jurisdiction in the case between the parties,

because of want of capacity of one party to maintain a suit in that court.

I want, if I have sufficient time, to show that the court did pass its

opinion; but that is the only thing actually done in the case. If they did

not decide, they showed what they were ready to decide whenever the matter

was before them. What is that opinion? After having argued that Congress

had no power to pass a law excluding slavery from a United States

Territory, they then used language to this effect: That inasmuch as

Congress itself could not exercise such a power, it followed as a matter

of course that it could not authorize a Territorial government to exercise

it; for the Territorial Legislature can do no more than Congress could

do. Thus it expressed its opinion emphatically against the power of a

Territorial Legislature to exclude slavery, leaving us in just as little

doubt on that point as upon any other point they really decided.

Now, my fellow-citizens, I will detain you only a little while longer; my

time is nearly out. I find a report of a speech made by Judge Douglas

at Joliet, since we last met at Freeport,--published, I believe, in the

Missouri Republican, on the 9th of this month, in which Judge Douglas

says:

"You know at Ottawa I read this platform, and asked him if he concurred in

each and all of the principles set forth in it. He would not answer these

questions. At last I said frankly, I wish you to answer them, because when

I get them up here where the color of your principles are a little darker

than in Egypt, I intend to trot you down to Jonesboro. The very notice

that I was going to take him down to Egypt made him tremble in his knees

so that he had to be carried from the platform. He laid up seven days, and

in the meantime held a consultation with his political physicians; they

had Lovejoy and Farnsworth and all the leaders of the Abolition party,

they consulted it all over, and at last Lincoln came to the conclusion

that he would answer, so he came up to Freeport last Friday."

Now, that statement altogether furnishes a subject for philosophical

contemplation. I have been treating it in that way, and I have really come

to the conclusion that I can explain it in no other way than by believing

the Judge is crazy. If he was in his right mind I cannot conceive how he

would have risked disgusting the four or five thousand of his own friends

who stood there and knew, as to my having been carried from the platform,

that there was not a word of truth in it.

[Judge DOUGLAS: Did n't they carry you off?]

There that question illustrates the character of this man Douglas exactly.

He smiles now, and says, "Did n't they carry you off?" but he said then

"he had to be carried off"; and he said it to convince the country that

he had so completely broken me down by his speech that I had to be carried

away. Now he seeks to dodge it, and asks, "Did n't they carry you off?"

Yes, they did. But, Judge Douglas, why didn't you tell the truth? I would

like to know why you did n't tell the truth about it. And then again "He

laid up seven days." He put this in print for the people of the country to

read as a serious document. I think if he had been in his sober senses he

would not have risked that barefacedness in the presence of thousands of

his own friends who knew that I made speeches within six of the seven days

at Henry, Marshall County, Augusta, Hancock County, and Macomb, McDonough

County, including all the necessary travel to meet him again at Freeport

at the end of the six days. Now I say there is no charitable way to look

at that statement, except to conclude that he is actually crazy. There is

another thing in that statement that alarmed me very greatly as he states

it, that he was going to "trot me down to Egypt." Thereby he would have

you infer that I would not come to Egypt unless he forced me--that I

could not be got here unless he, giant-like, had hauled me down here. That

statement he makes, too, in the teeth of the knowledge that I had made the

stipulation to come down here and that he himself had been very reluctant

to enter into the stipulation. More than all this: Judge Douglas, when

he made that statement, must have been crazy and wholly out of his sober

senses, or else he would have known that when he got me down here, that

promise--that windy promise--of his powers to annihilate me, would n't

amount to anything. Now, how little do I look like being carried away

trembling? Let the Judge go on; and after he is done with his half-hour, I

want you all, if I can't go home myself, to let me stay and rot here; and

if anything happens to the Judge, if I cannot carry him to the hotel and

put him to bed, let me stay here and rot. I say, then, here is something

extraordinary in this statement. I ask you if you know any other living

man who would make such a statement? I will ask my friend Casey, over

there, if he would do such a thing? Would he send that out and have his

men take it as the truth? Did the Judge talk of trotting me down to Egypt

to scare me to death? Why, I know this people better than he does. I was

raised just a little east of here. I am a part of this people. But the

Judge was raised farther north, and perhaps he has some horrid idea of

what this people might be induced to do. But really I have talked about

this matter perhaps longer than I ought, for it is no great thing; and yet

the smallest are often the most difficult things to deal with. The Judge

has set about seriously trying to make the impression that when we meet

at different places I am literally in his clutches--that I am a poor,

helpless, decrepit mouse, and that I can do nothing at all. This is one

of the ways he has taken to create that impression. I don't know any other

way to meet it except this. I don't want to quarrel with him--to call him

a liar; but when I come square up to him I don't know what else to call

him if I must tell the truth out. I want to be at peace, and reserve all

my fighting powers for necessary occasions. My time now is very nearly

out, and I give up the trifle that is left to the Judge, to let him set my

knees trembling again, if he can. set my knees trembling again, if he can.

The Papers and Writings of Abraham Lincoln — Volume 3: The Lincoln-Douglas Debates · 第 10 / 10 段