(1802-1894)
[Illustration: Louis Kossuth.]
Louis Kossuth was born at Monok, in Zemplin, one of the northern
counties of Hungary, April 21, 1802. His family was ancient, but
impoverished; his father served in the Austrian army during the wars
against Napoleon; his mother is represented to have been a woman of
extraordinary force of mind and character. Kossuth thus adds another
to the long list of great men who seem to have inherited their
genius from their mothers. As a boy he was remarkable for the
winning gentleness of his disposition, and for an earnest
enthusiasm, which gave promise of future eminence, could he but
break the bonds imposed by low birth and iron fortune. A young
clergyman was attracted by the character of the boy, and voluntarily
took upon himself the office of his tutor, and thus first opened
before his mind visions of a broader world than that of the
miserable village of his residence. But these serene days of power
expanding under genial guidance soon passed away. His father died,
his tutor was translated to another post, and the walls of his
prison-house seemed again to close upon the boy. But by the aid of
members of his family, themselves in humble circumstances, he was
enabled to attend such schools as the district furnished. Little
worth knowing was taught there; but among that little was the Latin
language; and through that door the young dreamer was introduced
into the broad domains of history, where, abandoning the mean
present, he could range at will through the immortal past.
In times of peace the law offers to an aspiring youth the readiest
means of ascent from a low degree to lofty stations. Kossuth,
therefore, when just entering upon manhood, made his way to Pesth,
the capital, to study the legal profession. Here he entered the
office of a notary, and began gradually to make himself known by his
liberal opinions and the fervid eloquence with which he set forth
and maintained them; and men began to see in him the promise of a
powerful public writer, orator, and debater.
The man and the hour were alike preparing. In 1825, the year before
Kossuth arrived at Pesth, the critical state of her Italian
possessions compelled Austria to provide extraordinary revenues. The
Hungarian Diet was then assembled, after an interval of thirteen
years. This Diet at once demanded certain measures of reform before
they would make the desired pecuniary grants. The court was obliged
to concede these demands. Kossuth, having completed his legal
studies, and finding no favorable opening in the capital, returned,
in 1830, to his native district, and commenced the practice of the
law, with marked success. He also began to make his way toward
public life by his assiduous attendance and intelligent action in
the local assemblies. A new Diet was assembled in 1832, and he
received a commission as the representative in the Diet of a magnate
who was absent. As proxy for an absentee he was only charged, by the
Hungarian Constitution, with a very subordinate part, his functions
being more those of a counsel than of a delegate. This, however, was
a post much sought for by young and aspiring lawyers, as giving them
an opportunity of mastering legal forms, displaying their abilities,
and forming advantageous connections.
This Diet renewed the Liberal struggle with increased vigor. By far
the best talent of Hungary was ranged upon the Liberal side. Kossuth
early made himself known as a debater, and gradually won his way
upward, and became associated with the leading men of the Liberal
party, many of whom were among the proudest and richest of the
Hungarian magnates. He soon undertook to publish a report of the
debates and proceedings of the Diet. This attempt was opposed by the
Palatine, and a law hunted up which forbade the "printing and
publishing" of these reports. He, for a while, evaded the law by
having his sheet lithographed. It increased in its development of
democratic tendencies, and in popularity, until finally the
lithographic press was seized by Government. Kossuth, determined not
to be baffled, still issued his journal, every copy being written
out by scribes, of whom he employed a large number. To avoid seizure
at the post-office, they were circulated through the local
authorities, who were almost invariably on the Liberal side. His
periodical penetrated into every part of the kingdom, and men saw
with wonder a young and almost unknown public writer boldly pitting
himself against Metternich and the whole Austrian cabinet. Kossuth
might well, at this period, declare that he "felt within himself
something nameless."
In the succeeding Diets the Opposition grew still more determined.
Kossuth, though twice admonished by Government, still continued his
journal; and no longer confined himself to simple reports of the
proceedings of the Diet, but added political remarks of the keenest
satire and most bitter denunciation. He was aware that his course
was a perilous one. He was once found by a friend walking in deep
reverie in the fortress of Buda, and in reply to a question as to
the subject of his meditations, he said, "I was looking at the
casemates, for I fear that I shall soon be quartered there."
Government finally determined to use arguments more cogent than
discussion could furnish. Baron Wesselenyi, the leader of the
Liberal party, was arrested, together with a number of his
adherents, among whom Kossuth was of too much note to be overlooked.
Kossuth became at once sanctified in the popular mind as a martyr.
Liberal subscriptions were raised through the country for the
benefit of his mother and sisters, whom he had supported by his
exertions, and who were now left without protection. Wesselenyi
became blind in prison; Lovassi, an intimate friend of Kossuth, lost
his reason; and Kossuth himself, as was certified by his physicians,
was in imminent risk of falling a victim to a serious disease. The
rigor of his confinement was mitigated; he was allowed books,
newspapers, and writing materials, and suffered to walk daily upon
the bastions of the fortress, in charge of an officer. Among those
who were inspired with admiration for his political efforts, and
with sympathy for his fate, was Teresa Mezlenyi, the young daughter
of a nobleman. She sent him books, and corresponded with him during
his imprisonment; and they were married in 1841, soon after his
liberation.
In the second year of Kossuth's imprisonment Austria again needed
Hungarian assistance. The threatening aspect of affairs in the East,
growing out of the relations between Turkey and Egypt, determined
all the great powers to increase their armaments. A demand was made
upon the Hungarian Diet for an additional levy of 18,000 troops. A
large body of delegates was chosen pledged to oppose this grant
except upon condition of certain concessions, among which was a
general amnesty, with a special reference to the cases of Wesselenyi
and Kossuth. The more sagacious of the Conservative party advised
Government to liberate all the prisoners, with the exception of
Kossuth; and to do this before the meeting of the Diet, in order
that their liberation might not be made a condition of granting the
levy, which must be the occasion of great excitement. The cabinet
temporized and did nothing. The Diet was opened, and the contest was
waged during six months. The Opposition had a majority of two in the
Chamber of Deputies, but were in a meagre minority in the Chamber of
Magnates. But Metternich and the cabinet grew alarmed at the
struggle, and were eager to obtain the grant of men, and to close
the refractory Diet. In 1840 a royal rescript suddenly made its
appearance, granting the amnesty, accompanied also with conciliatory
remarks, and the demands of the Government for men and money were at
once complied with.
Kossuth issued from prison, in 1840, bearing in his debilitated
frame, his pallid face, and glassy eyes, traces of severe
sufferings, both of mind and body. He repaired for a time to a
watering-place among the mountains to recruit his shattered health.
His imprisonment had done more for his influence than he could have
effected if at liberty. The visitors at the watering-place treated
with silent respect the man who moved about among them in
dressing-gown and slippers, and whose slow steps, and languid
features, disfigured with yellow spots, proclaimed him an invalid.
Abundant subscriptions had been made for his benefit and that of his
family, and he now stood on an equality with the proudest magnates.
These had so often used the name of the "Martyr of the Liberty of
the Press," in pointing their speeches, that they now had no choice
but to accept the popular verdict as their own.
Soon after his liberation, Kossuth came forward as the principal
editor of the _Pesth Gazette_ (_Pesthi Hirlap_), which a bookseller
who enjoyed the protection of the Government had received permission
to establish. The name of the editor was now sufficient to electrify
the country; and Kossuth at once stood forth as the advocate of the
rights of the lower and middle classes against the inordinate
privileges and immunities enjoyed by the magnates. But when he went
to the extent of demanding that the house-tax should be paid by all
classes in the community, not even excepting the highest nobility, a
party was raised up against him among the nobles, who established a
paper to combat so disorganizing a doctrine. This party, backed by
the influence of the Government, succeeded in defeating the election
of Kossuth as member from Pesth for the Diet of 1843. He was,
however, very active in the local assembly of the capital.
Kossuth was not altogether without support among the higher nobles.
The blind old Wesselenyi traversed the country, advocating rural
freedom and the abolition of the urbarial burdens. Among his
supporters at this period, also, was Count Louis Batthyanyi, one of
the most considerable of the Magyar magnates, subsequently President
of the Hungarian Ministry, and the most illustrious martyr of the
Hungarian cause. Aided by his powerful support, Kossuth was again
brought forward, in 1847, as one of the two candidates from Pesth.
The Government party, aware that they were in a decided minority,
limited their efforts to an attempt to defeat the election of
Kossuth. This they endeavored to effect by stratagem, but failed
utterly.
Kossuth no sooner took his seat in the Diet than the foremost place
was at once conceded to him. At the opening of the session he moved
an address to the king, concluding with the petition that "liberal
institutions, similar to those of the Hungarian Constitution, might
be accorded to all the hereditary states, that thus might be created
a united Austrian monarchy, based upon broad and constitutional
principles." During the early months of the session Kossuth showed
himself a most accomplished parliamentary orator and debater; and
carried on a series of attacks upon the policy of the Austrian
cabinet, which for skill and power have few parallels in the annals
of parliamentary warfare. Those form a very inadequate conception of
its scope and power, whose ideas of the eloquence of Kossuth are
derived solely from the impassioned and exclamatory harangues which
he flung out during the war. These were addressed to men wrought up
to the utmost tension, and can be judged fairly only by men in a
state of high excitement. He adapted his matter and manner to the
occasion and the audience. Some of his speeches are marked by a
stringency of logic worthy of Webster or Calhoun; but it was what
all eloquence of a high order must ever be--"logic red-hot."
Now came the French Revolution of February, 1848. The news of it
reached Vienna on March 1st, and was received at Presburg on the 2d.
On the following day Kossuth delivered his famous speech on the
finances and the state of the monarchy generally, concluding with a
proposed "Address to the Throne," urging a series of reformatory
measures. Among the foremost of these was the emancipation of the
country from feudal burdens--the proprietors of the soil to be
indemnified by the state; equalizing taxation; a faithful
administration of the revenue to be satisfactorily guaranteed; the
further development of the representative system; and the
establishment of a government representing the voice of, and
responsible to, the nation. The speech produced an effect almost
without parallel in the annals of debate. Not a word was uttered in
reply, and the motion was unanimously carried. On March 13th took
place the revolution in Vienna which overthrew the Metternich cabinet.
On the 15th the constitution granted by the emperor to all the nations
within the empire was solemnly proclaimed amid the wildest transports
of joy. Henceforth there were to be no more Germans or Sclavonians,
Magyars or Italians; strangers embraced and kissed each other in the
streets, for all the heterogeneous races of the empire were now
brothers: as likewise were all the nations of the earth at Anacharsis
Klootz's "Feast of Pikes" in Paris on that 14th day of July in the
year of grace 1790--and yet, notwithstanding, came the "Reign of
Terror."
Among the demands made by the Hungarian Diet was that of a separate
and responsible ministry for Hungary. The Palatine, Archduke
Stephen, to whom the conduct of affairs in Hungary had been
intrusted, persuaded the emperor to accede to this demand, and on
the following day Batthyanyi, who, with Kossuth and a deputation of
delegates of the Diet was in Vienna, was named President of the
Hungarian ministry. It was, however, understood that Kossuth was the
life and soul of the new ministry.
Kossuth assumed the Department of Finance, then, as long before and
now, the post of difficulty under Austrian administration. The Diet,
meanwhile, went on to consummate the series of reforms which Kossuth
had so long and steadfastly advocated.
Up to this time there had been, indeed, a vigorous and decided
opposition, but no insurrection. The true cause of the Hungarian war
was the hostility of the Austrian Government to the whole series of
reformatory measures which had been effected through the
instrumentality of Kossuth; but its immediate occasion was the
jealousy which sprung up among the Servian and Croatian dependencies
of Hungary against the Hungarian ministry. This soon broke out into
an open revolt, headed by Baron Jellachich, who had just been
appointed Ban, or Lord, of Croatia. How far the Serbs and Croats had
occasion for jealousy is of little consequence to our present
purpose to inquire; though we may say, in passing, that the
proceedings of the Magyars toward the other Hungarian races was
marked by a far more just and generous feeling and conduct than
could have been possibly expected. But however the case may have
been, as between the Magyars and Croats, as between the Hungarians
and Austria, the hostile course of the latter is without excuse or
palliation. The emperor had solemnly sanctioned the action of the
Diet, and did as solemnly denounce the proceedings of Jellachich. On
May 29th the Ban was summoned to present himself at Innsprück to
answer for his conduct, and as he did not make his appearance, an
imperial manifesto was issued on June 10th depriving him of all his
dignities, and commanding the authorities at once to break off all
intercourse with him. He, however, still continued his operations,
and levied an army for the invasion of Hungary, and a fierce and
bloody war of races broke out, marked on both sides by the most
fearful atrocities.
The Hungarian Diet was opened on July 5th, when the Palatine,
Archduke Stephen, in the name of the king, solemnly denounced the
conduct of the insurgent Croats. A few days after, Kossuth, in a
speech in the Diet, set forth the perilous state of affairs, and
concluded by asking for authority to raise an army of 200,000 men,
and a large amount of money. These proposals were adopted by
acclamation, the enthusiasm in the Diet rendering any debate
impossible and superfluous.
The Imperial forces having been victorious in Italy, and one
pressing danger being thus averted from the empire, the Austrian
cabinet began openly to display its hostility to the Hungarian
movement. Jellachich repaired to Innsprück, and was openly
acknowledged by the court, and the decree of deposition was revoked.
Early in September Hungary and Austria stood in an attitude of
undisguised hostility. On the 5th of that month Kossuth, though
enfeebled by illness, was carried to the hall of the Diet, where he
delivered a speech, declaring that so formidable were the dangers
that surrounded the nation, that the ministers might soon be forced
to call upon the Diet to name a dictator, clothed with unlimited
powers, to save the country; but before taking this final step they
would recommend a last appeal to the Imperial Government. A large
deputation was thereupon despatched to the emperor, to lay before
him the demands of the Hungarian nation. No satisfactory answer was
returned, and the deputation left the imperial presence in silence.
On their return they plucked from their caps the plumes of the
united colors of Austria and Hungary, and replaced them with red
feathers, and hoisted a flag of the same color on the steamer which
conveyed them to Pesth. Their report produced the most intense
agitation in the Diet and at the capital, but it was finally
resolved to make one more attempt for a pacific settlement of the
question. In order that no obstacle might be interposed by their
presence, Kossuth and his colleagues resigned, and a new ministry
was appointed. A deputation was sent to the National Assembly at
Vienna, which refused to receive it. Jellachich had in the meantime
entered Hungary with a large army, not as yet, however, openly
sanctioned by imperial authority. The Diet, seeing the imminent
peril of the country, conferred dictatorial powers upon Kossuth. The
Palatine resigned his post and left the kingdom. The emperor
appointed Count Lemberg to take the entire command of the Hungarian
army. The Diet declared the appointment illegal, and the count,
arriving at Pesth without escort, was slain in the streets of the
capital by the populace, in a sudden outbreak. The emperor forthwith
placed the kingdom under martial law, giving the supreme civil and
military power to Jellachich. The Diet at once revolted, declared
itself permanent, and appointed Kossuth Governor, and President of
the Committee of Safety.
There was now but one course left for the Hungarians: to maintain by
force of arms the position they had assumed. We cannot detail the
events of the war which followed, but merely touch upon the most
salient points. Jellachich was speedily driven out of Hungary toward
Vienna. In October the Austrian forces were concentrated, under
command of Windischgrätz, to the number of 120,000 veterans, and
were put on the march for Hungary. To oppose them the only forces
under the command of the new government of Hungary were 20,000
regular infantry, 7,000 cavalry, and 14,000 recruits, who received
the name of Honveds, or "protectors of home." Of all the movements
that followed, Kossuth was the soul and chief. His burning and
passionate appeals stirred up the souls of the peasants, and sent
them by thousands to the camp. He kindled enthusiasm, he organized
that enthusiasm, and transformed those raw recruits into soldiers
more than a match for the veteran troops of Austria. Though himself
not a soldier, he discovered and drew about him soldiers and
generals of a high order. The result was that Windischgrätz was
driven back from Hungary, and of the 120,000 troops which he led
into that kingdom in October, one-half were killed, disabled, or
taken prisoners at the end of April. The state of the war on May 1st
may be gathered from the imperial manifesto of that date, which
announced that "the insurrection in Hungary had grown to such an
extent" that the Imperial Government "had been induced to appeal to
the assistance of his majesty the Czar of all the Russias, who
generously and readily granted it to a most satisfactory extent."
The issue of the contest could no longer be doubtful when the
immense weight of Russia was thrown into the scale. In modern
warfare there is a limit beyond which devotion and enthusiasm cannot
supply the place of numbers and material force. And that limit was
overpassed when Russia and Austria were pitted against Hungary.
On May 1st the Russian intervention was announced. On August 11th
Kossuth resigned his dictatorship into the hands of Görgey, who, two
days after, in effect closed the war by surrendering to the
Russians.
The Hungarian war thus lasted a little more than eleven months,
during which time there was but one ruling and directing spirit, and
that was Kossuth, to whose immediate career we now return.
Nothing remained for him and his companions but flight. They gained
the Turkish frontier, and threw themselves on the hospitality of the
sultan, who promised them a safe asylum. Russia and Austria demanded
that the fugitives should be given up; but being supported by France
and England, the sultan arranged a compromise by which they were
detained in Asia Minor as prisoners. Kossuth was released in 1851,
and made a tour of the United States, agitating in favor of Hungary.
He never returned to his native land, but lived an exile for over
forty years. For a while he struggled desperately to help the
Hungarians; then, finding that the universal progress of liberal
ideas was doing more for them than he ever could, he resigned
himself to a peaceful life devoted to literature and science. He
died at Turin, March 20, 1894, reverenced by all the world, and
mourned by his countrymen with tumultuous demonstrations as their
national hero.
Kossuth occupies a position peculiarly his own, whether we regard
the circumstances of his rise, or the feelings which have followed
him in his fall. Born in the middle ranks of life, he raised himself
by sheer force of intellect to the loftiest place among the proudest
nobles on earth, without ever deserting or being deserted by the
class from which he sprung. He effected a sweeping reform without
appealing to any sordid or sanguinary motive. No soldier himself, he
transformed a country into a camp, and a nation into an army. He
transmuted his words into batteries, and his thoughts into soldiers.
Without ever having looked upon a stricken field, he organized the
most complete system of resistance to despotism that the history of
revolutions has furnished. It failed, but only failed where nothing
could have succeeded.