CHAPTER VII.

MORALS OF THE QUAKER COMMUNITY.

From the first the members found themselves subjected to a clear, simple

standard of morals. Its dominion was unbroken for one hundred years, and

came to an end with the Division of the Meeting; though that event was a

result as much as a cause of its termination. For one hundred years a

local ethical code prevailed. While they lived apart the Quakers in

their community life rejoiced in the unbroken sway of a communal code of

morals, the obedience to which made for survival and economic success.

When, with better roads to Poughkeepsie and to Fredericksburgh,

newcomers began to invade the community; when in 1849 the railroad came

to the neighborhood, immersing the Quakers in the world economy, the

Quaker code was insufficient, retarded rather than assisted survival,

and rather forbade than encouraged success. It therefore lost its force.

Only in a few individuals has it survived.

The residents of the Hill, from their earliest settlement in 1728 to the

time of the Division in 1828, knew no other government than that of the

Meeting. They accepted no other authority, hoped for public good through

no other agency, even read no other literature, than that of the Quaker

Monthly Meeting of the Oblong. The religious Meeting House was also the

City Hall, State House, and Legislature for the patriotism, as it was

the focus of the worship and doctrinal activity of this population. This

cannot be stated too strongly, for there was no limit to its effect. It

explains many things otherwise diverse and unexplained.

During all the periods of war the Quakers showed their separateness by

refusing to pay taxes, lest they contribute to the support of armies. In

the Revolution, the Meeting exercised unflinching discipline, for the

purpose of keeping members out of the patriot armies, and punished with

equal vigor those who paid for the privilege of exemption from military

duty and those who enlisted in the ranks. In every act of the discipline

of the Quaker Community appears the purpose of the Meeting, namely, to

keep its members to itself and away from all other moral and spiritual

control. This will appear in definite illustrations below.

The standard of morals which the Meeting thus upheld with jealous care

was a simple one, and logically derived from the distinctive doctrine of

the Society of Friends. That the Spirit of God dwells in every man was

their belief,[11] and from 1650, when Fox was called "a Quaker" before

Justice Bennett at Derby, England, to the Division in 1830, they applied

this doctrine in practical, rather than in metaphysical ways. They were

a moral, rather than a theological people. It will appear in this

chapter that only when the moral grip of the Meeting was broken in a

division did doctrinal questions come to discussion on the Hill.

The moral bearing of the one cardinal doctrine of Quakerism is well

expressed in the following quotation from a Friend qualified to speak

with authority:

"The Friends have been consistent in all their peculiarities with one

central principle, the presence and inspiration of the Divine Spirit in

the human soul. This has been the reason for their opposition to

slavery. They felt, You cannot hold in slavery GOD! And God is in this

black man's life, therefore you cannot enslave God in him. So you must

not inflict capital punishment upon this man in whom is God.

"The same argument dignified woman, who was made the equal of man. The

same argument applies to the impossibility of war. You cannot think of

God fighting against God. The Quaker had no sentimental idea of

suffering; but he believed that you cannot take life, in which is God.

"The same argument applied to weights and measures; the Quakers early

demanded that they be officially sealed. So they believed in only one

standard of truth, rather than one for conversation and one for a court

of justice. No oaths were necessary for those who spoke for God all the

time."[12]

In this belief one sees the principle on which were selected the reforms

in which the Quaker Preacher was interested. "He appears to have had ...

his mind strongly influenced to an active protest against the evils of

slavery, war, capital punishment and intemperance."[13] Each of these

reforms was inspired by reverence for human life, which was thought to

be desecrated or abused.

This simple code expressed itself in abstinence from practices believed

to defile the body. Members of the Meeting early adopted a strict rule

against the use of intoxicating liquors. It is said of the ancestors of

Richard Osborn that: "Of these six generations not a man has ever been

known to use spirituous liquors, or tobacco, to indulge in profanity, or

to be guilty of a dishonest action."[14]

A sense of personal degradation underlay their opposition to poverty

among members. There is record of an order of the Meeting, in 1775, for

the purchase of a cow "to loan to Joseph ----." The practice thus early

observed has since then been unbroken. The member of the community who

comes to want is at this day taken care of by popular subscription.

Through the early century the Meeting accomplished this end, sometimes

by formal, sometimes by informal methods. In the later years of the

nineteenth century it was accomplished by special funds to which

everybody gave. Thus simply was poverty forestalled. The family assisted

soon came to self-support again. No debt was incurred, and no obligation

remained to be discharged; but every member of the Meeting and of the

community felt obliged to give and was glad to give to this anti-poverty

fund. The basis of it seems to have been respect for human embodiments

of the Divine Spirit.

This ideal of personality, divinely indwelt, created a sense of personal

duty, even in opposition to all men. In the years of anti-slavery

agitation David Irish and his sister "made their protest against slavery

by abstaining as far as possible from slave-made products; and together

they made maple, to take the place of cane sugar, and used nothing but

linen and woolen clothing (largely homespun)."[15] This later Quaker,

possessed of the spirit of the community of his fathers, shows his inner

conflict with the ideals of a competitive age in the expression "so far

as possible." It was not as practicable in 1855 to "abstain from

slave-made products," as it would have been in the year 1755.

The hospitality of the neighborhood expressed this simple code. It was

the custom to entertain the traveler in any house to which he might

come. It would have been wrong to exclude him; he was welcomed with a

dignified and formal respect by these old Friends, because entertainment

of guests in those days was a vital reality, as well as a religious

practice. These settlers in the wild forests believed that in every

wayfarer was a divine voice, a possible message from heaven. They also

treated every traveler as a possible object of their "preachments," and

spared not to "testify" to him of their peculiar beliefs and "leadings."

It was the Friends' method of propagating their gospel to send men and

women on journeys, without pay, to distant states and provinces. This

religious touring was not peculiar to them, but it was made by them an

official agency of great power in evangelizing the Colonies.

As an itinerant Friend, Woolman, the anti-slavery apostle, came to the

Hill in 176-. So Paul Osborn joined himself to a party of Friends

"travelling on truth's account," and with them visited the Carolinas, in

the years before the Revolution. The same pioneer left in his will

directions for the entertainment of such travellers upon his estate

forever.[16]

This religious itinerating was a part of the economic life of those days

as well; for the Friends never separated the one from the other.

Wherever they went they "testified," and to every place they came with

shrewd appreciation of its value as a place of settlement. Says James

Wood: "Each Quaker home as it was settled became a resting-place for

those who followed, for it was a cardinal principle of Quaker

hospitality to keep open house for all fellow-members, under all

circumstances."[17]

The development of the hospitality that was a part of the religion of

the Quakers would be itself a sufficient study. It has furnished some of

the most interesting chapters of the history of the Hill. It is now

completely transformed, through the pressure of competitive economic

life; and, with undiminished activities, has become a means of revenue

in "the keeping of boarders." Seven of the old Quaker homes, in the

period of the Mixed Community, took on the aspect of small hotels. For

this business the Quakers have a preparation in their history and

traditions. They have an inbred genius for hospitality. They have also a

thrift and capacity for "management" which have made their efforts

successful. One is impressed in their houses by a union of abundance

with economy, impossible to imitate.

Like other American pioneer neighborhoods, of a religious type, the

Quaker community at Oblong had a history in the matter of sexual

morality. The relations of the sexes offered to the Friends a field in

which their favorite doctrine of the indwelling divine spirit produced

moral harvests. The records of Oblong Meeting are filled with cases of

moral discipline. There is scarcely a meeting in whose minutes some case

is not mentioned, either its initial, intermediate or final stages. No

family was exempt from this experience. The best families furnished the

culprits as often as they supplied the committees to investigate and to

condemn.

The regular method of procedure in marriage will best exhibit the moral

standards of the time. When a couple would marry, they indicated to the

Meeting their intention; and a committee was at once appointed to

investigate their "clearness." That is, these two must be free of other

engagements, and must be free of debt or other incumbrance of such sort

as would render marriage impossible or unadvisable. At the next monthly

meeting the report of the committee advanced the case one stage; and if

they were found "clear of all others," another committee was appointed

"to see that the marriage was orderly performed."

The parties on the day set appeared before the Meeting,[18] and in its

regular course, stood up and said the words of mutual agreement which

made them man and wife. A certificate was used, and to it the guests

signed their names. But no minister had official part in the ceremony.

It was their belief, to which they adhered with logical strictness, that

the divine spirit in each of the parties to a marriage made it sacred,

and that in marrying they spoke the will of the Spirit.

Entire continence was expected of every unmarried person, and the

strictest marital faithfulness of man and wife, because of the

sacredness of personal life. But in a pioneer society, through those

rough early decades, when for long times war was disturbing the serenity

of social life, the conduct of men and women, not mindful of propriety,

was determined by the strong, masterful passions of an out of door

people. Besides, the government of the Meeting was contrary to the

general opinion of the countryside, and the Meeting House members were

immersed in a population whose standards were looser, as well as

sanctioned by authorities not recognized by the Meeting. The result was

that in the first century of the Hill, 1728-1828, there were many

instances of sexual immorality, many accusations of married persons

untrue to their vows, and a resulting attention of the whole community

to this theme which we do not know to-day. Frankness of discussion of

these matters prevailed. The punishments inflicted, the public

confessions demanded, the condemnation of specific and detailed offences

read from the steps of the Meeting Houses, were all as far from present

day approval as the offences themselves from modern experience. The

writer is sure that, comparing the records of the Quaker Community with

his own knowledge of the annals of the Mixed Community, there were more

offences of this kind considered by the Monthly Meeting of Oblong in any

one year, 1728-1828, than were publicly known in a population of the

same extent in the ten years 1890-1900. The commonest of these offences

were simple cases of illicit relations between unmarried persons, or

between persons, one of whom was married; the offence often being

associated in the minds of the accusers with "going to frollicks." In

these, as in all cases, the Meeting received the complaint and appointed

a committee to investigate and to labor with the accused. On receiving

its report, if guilt was evidenced, the Meeting pressed the matter,

often increasing the size of the committee. It always demanded an

expression of repentance, and the restoration of right conduct, without

which no satisfaction was to be had. If the accused persons, being found

guilty, did not repent, they were in the end "disowned." The disownment

by the Meeting was a serious penalty. It diminished a man's business

opportunities, it shut the door of social life to him, and it

effectually forbade his marriage within the Meeting.

Its power is shown in a number of cases recorded in the minutes, in

which the ban of the Meeting had been laid upon some one, who was

compelled later to come to the Meeting, make a tardy acknowledgement,

and be restored, before he could proceed freely in some of the communal

activities controlled by the Meeting. Often the committee appointed by

the Meeting reported that they were not satisfied with the repentance

offered, seeing in it evidently more of policy than penitence. Usually

they received, in later visitations of the accused, sufficient tokens

of submission, and the Meeting was satisfied; but not always.

The most curious instance of the working out of this control exercised

by the Meeting, especially over the sexual relations, is in the marriage

of Joseph ---- with Elizabeth ----. The first act in the little drama

was the formal written statement of Joseph that he was sorry for "having

been familiar with his wife before his marriage to her." The Monthly

Meeting appointed a committee, as usual, after making record of this

"acknowledgment." After a month the committee reported that they had

visited Joseph, and found his repentance sincere; and another committee

was appointed to draw up a testimony against his former misconduct, to

which Joseph was required to subscribe; and in a later month to hear it

read from the steps of the Preparative Meeting in the neighborhood where

he lived--or perhaps in that in which the offence was best known. After

this had all been done, with patient detail, and reported and recorded,

a further month elapsed, and then announcement was made at the Meeting

of the intention of Joseph and Elizabeth to marry. The reader is

astonished, thinking that Joseph has already evidenced his loyalty to

his wife. A closer re-reading of the stages of the incident shows that

the wife mentioned in the original offence was now dead; but that the

offence was not dead. Joseph had to be restored to the Meeting before he

could marry Elizabeth, who was very evidently a devoted member. To win

his new wife, he had to make acknowledgment of the offence which

preceded his former marriage.

This incident illustrates the whole attitude of that community toward

these moralities. They were thought to be defilements of the body, the

temple of God. No change of outward condition could eliminate the

offence, which must be wiped out by repentance, public acknowledgment

and formal restoration.

It is evident from the foregoing that the Meeting maintained control

over the community, at least of its own members, by possessing an

effective power to approve or to disapprove of the economic and the

marital condition of each individual.

The code of morals practiced in this community required strict business

honesty. The Quaker has moral discretion in economic affairs. He

"expects to get what he pays for, and he expects to give what he has

agreed." The honesty of "stroke-measure," by which bushels are topped

off, the faithful performance of contracts and payment of debts were

inculcated by the Meeting and enforced by its discipline.

This chapter may fitly close with a statement of the anathema of

Quakerism, pronounced many times in a year, during the century. The

offence selected shall be a moral one:

"Whereas, Jonathan Osgood hath had a right of membership among us, the

people called Quakers, but not taking heed to the dictates of truth,

hath so far deviated from the good order established among Friends as to

neglect attendance of our religious meetings for worship and discipline,

to deviate from the plain scripture language, and to refuse to settle

with his creditors, and pay his just debts; and hath shut himself up

concealed from the civil authorities, therefore for the clearing of

truth and our Religious Society we do testify against his misconduct,

and disown him, the said Jonathan Osgood, from being any longer a member

of our Society, until he shall from a true sight and sense of his

misconduct condemn the same to the satisfaction of the Meeting. Which

that he may is our desire for him. Signed, in and on behalf of Purchase

Monthly Meeting this th day of the th month."

The above wording except the name is taken from the minutes of Purchase

Meeting; and some of the offences mentioned in a few pages of those

minutes, for which men were disowned, or for acknowledgment pardoned

and restored, are the following: "deviating from plainness of speech and

apparel"--"not keeping to the plain scripture language;" "going to

Frollicks," "going to places of amusement," "attending a horserace;"

"frequenting a tavern, being frequently intoxicated with strong liquor;"

"placing his son out apprentice with one not of our Society;" "leaving

his habitation in a manner disagreeable to his friends;" "to use profane

language and carry a pistol, in an unbecoming manner;" "bearing arms;"

"to challenge a person to fight;" "to marry with a first cousin;" "to

keep company with a young woman not of our Society on account of

marriage;" "to be married by a magistrate;" "to marry with one not of

our Society before a hireling priest;" "to join principles and practice

with another society of people;" "to be guilty of fornication;" "to be

unchaste with her who is now my wife" (the person afterward married by

the accused). Oblong minutes: "to have bought a negro slave," "to have

bought a negro wench and to be familiar with her."

It was the operation of this code of morals, and of its ecclesiastical

checks and curbs, that made the Quaker Hill man and the Quaker Hill

sentiment what they are. And having done its work this code at the last

tended to weaken the Meeting, as it had strengthened the public

conscience. In talking recently with a sweet old lady past eighty, I

asked her, "Did you ever hear anyone disowned in meeting?" "No," she

never had, and "doubted if there had been many." Later, her daughter

said, "Why, Grandmother, you married out of meeting yourself!" Whereupon

I asked again, "Well, what did they do with you then?" "Oh," she

replied, not at all embarrassed, "they turned me out!"

"But what was the outcome of it all?" asks James Wood, in the closing

sentences of his monograph, "The Purchase Meeting." He continues: "As a

church the Quakers here missed their great opportunity. As settlers

came among them in increasing numbers, the Friends became solicitous to

preserve the strictest moral observance among their members. They

withdrew from contact and association with the world about them and

confined their religious influence and effort to themselves. The

strictest watch was maintained over the deportment of old and young.

Members were dismissed for comparatively slight offences. Immigration

further reduced their numbers. Hypercriticism produced disagreements

among themselves. Finally, doctrinal differences arose which resulted in

a disastrous separation into two bodies in 1828."

[11] Francis B. Gummere of Haverford college says of George

Fox, the founder of the Society of Friends: "The central point of his

doctrine is the direct responsibility of each soul to God, without

mediation of priest or form, because of the presence of the Holy Spirit

in the heart of every human being." Johnson's Universal Cyclopedia,

1894.

The following is authoritative for the Society: "We believe in no

principle of life, light or holiness, but the influence of the Holy

Spirit of God, bestowed on mankind, in various measures and degrees,

through Jesus Christ our Lord. It is the capacity to receive this

blessed influence, which, in an especial manner, gives man pre-eminence

above the beasts that perish; which distinguishes him, in every nation

and in every clime, as an object of the redeeming love of God; as a

being not only intelligent but responsible;..."--"A Declaration of Some

of the Fundamental Doctrines of Christian Truth, as held by the

Religious Society of Friends."

[12] Mr. James Wood, in an address at Quaker Hill Conference,

1907.

[13] "David Irish, A Memoir," by Mrs. Phoebe T. Wanzer.

[14] "Richard Osborn, a Reminiscence," by Margaret B. Monahan.

[15] "David Irish, A Memoir," by Mrs. Phoebe T. Wanzer.

[16] To "friends travelling on truth's account" the doors of

the old house always swung wide. Paul Osborn kept open house for "his

friends, the people called Quakers," during his lifetime, and his will

provides in the most minute and careful manner for his wife "the better

to qualifye her to keep a house of entertainment for friends." ... The

"littel meadow in lot 29" he gave to Isaac Osborn, that "he shall keep

well all horses of friends my wife shall send him;" and should Isaac

"neglect the injunctions herein enjoined," and cease to keep such house

of entertainment for friends then his right to certain legacies "shall

descend and revolve to them, him or her that shall truly fulfill them."

All his lands in the latter case Paul gives to the "Yearly Meeting for

Friends, the people called Quakers, of Philadelphia."--"Richard Osborn,

a Reminiscence," by Margaret B. Monahan.

[17] "The Bi-Centennial of the New York Yearly Meeting, An

Historical Sketch," by James Wood, 1895.

[18] "It was Wednesday, the day of the regular mid-week

meeting, and the house was crowded. The young people took their places

upon the facing seats, and the meeting began. Daniel Haviland was

minister and he spoke at length. Then, after a short pause, Richard

Osborn and Roby Hoag arose, and clasping hands, spoke alternately the

solemn sentences of the Friends' marriage ceremony, which have united

them for sixty years. Then was brought forth the marriage certificate,

fairly engrossed in the bridegroom's own hand, and many names of those

present were affixed, after which it was read aloud. This being done,

and kindly greetings offered, Richard and Roby Osborn drove back to

their home. The wedding was well furnished with guests, and four fat

turkeys graced the board that day."--"Richard Osborn, a Reminiscence,"

by Margaret B. Monahan. Quaker Hill Series.

Quaker Hill A Sociological Study · 第 7 / 9 章