CHAPTER XXV.

LADIES AND LADY TROUBADOURS.

In a poetry so thoroughly imbued with one prevailing passion as is

that of the troubadours, and in the civilisation of which this poetry

is the utterance, woman naturally occupied a most important place. But

to define this place is a matter of some difficulty. The poems of the

troubadours themselves give us but scanty information in this respect.

We there hear a great deal of the incomparable charms of Provençal

ladies; their loving-kindness is extolled, or their cruelty complained

of. But in few cases only are we enabled to realise from generalities

of this kind an individual human being with individual passions or

caprices. It would, indeed, be impossible even to decipher the numerous

_senhals_ or nicknames under which the poets were obliged to hide the

real names of their lady-loves from the watchfulness of evil tongues and

cruel husbands, but for the aid of the Provençal biographies of the old

troubadours, which in most cases offer a welcome clue to the identity of

these pseudonymous flames.

It is by this means that we gain cognisance of the beautiful ladies

of Provence—such as the three sisters, Maenz of Montignac, Elise of

Montfort, and Maria of Ventadour—praised in impassioned song by Bertran

de Born, Gaucelm Faidit, and other troubadours; and of that lovely lady

with an unlovely name, Loba (she-wolf) of Penautier, who turned the

fantastic brain of Peire Vidal, and sent him into the wilderness clad

in a wolf’s skin—a practical pun on the name of his mistress. From such

hints as are found in these biographies and other contemporary sources,

one may form a tangible idea of a Provençal lady of the twelfth or

thirteenth century; of her position in society; and, most of all, of her

decisive influence on the poetry of the troubadours.

What was the type of the lady of Provence of whom so much has been said

in verse and prose? Was she a demure, well-conducted person clad in sober

colours, mending stockings and cutting bread and butter for the children;

a model housewife, in fact, such as might be found in a best-possible

world of Mrs. Lynn Linton’s devising? Or was she, on the other hand, a

progressively minded female, despising the frivolities of society, and

thirsting for medical degrees and the franchise, or whatever may have

been the mediæval equivalents of these much-desired prerogatives? I fear

that even Margarida de Rossilho, ‘the lady most praised of her time for

all that is praiseworthy, and noble, and courteous,’ would have fallen

far short of these divergent ideals of our latter days. Her main purpose

of existence was—shocking though it may sound—altogether not practical,

but ornamental. It was her choice and her duty to wield in a society,

only just emerging from barbarism, the softening influence to which we

owe the phenomenon of a highly finished literature and of an astonishing

degree of social refinement at the very outset of the mediæval epoch.

Whether this result was altogether unworthy of woman’s mission in the

history of civilisation graver judges must decide.

There is extant, dating from about the middle of the thirteenth

century, a curious poem in rhymed couplets entitled ‘L’essenhamen de la

donzela que fe Amanieus des Escas com apela dieu d’amors;’ _Anglicè_:

‘Instruction to a young lady, composed by Sir Amanieu des Escas, called

God of Love.’ In this treatise we are supplied with a minute account of

the accomplishments expected from a well-educated young lady, and of the

bad habits most prejudicial to her character. The poet is supposed to

be addressing a noble damsel living at the court of some great baron,

as a sort of ‘lady-help’ to his wife; this being a not unusual, and

undoubtedly a most efficient, method of polite education in Provence.

The young lady has accosted Amanieu on a lonely walk, asking for his

advice in matters fashionable. This the poet at first refuses to tender,

alleging that ‘you (the damsel) have ten times as much sense as I, and

that is the truth.’ But, after his modest scruples are once overcome,

he launches forth into a flood of good counsel. He systematically

begins with enforcing the good old doctrine of ‘early to rise;’ touches

delicately on the mysteries of the early toilet, such as lacing, washing

of arms, hands, and head, which, he sententiously adds, ought to go

before the first-mentioned process; and, after briefly referring to the

especial care required by teeth and nails, he leaves the dressing-room

for the church, where a quiet, undemonstrative attitude is recommended;

the illicit use of eyes and tongue being mentioned amongst the

temptations peculiarly to be avoided. Directions of similar minuteness

assist the young lady at the dinner table; the cases in which it would be

good taste, and those in which it would be the reverse, to invite persons

to a share of the dishes within her reach are specified; and the rules

as to carving, washing one’s hands before and after dinner, and similar

matters, leave nothing to be desired. ‘Always temper your wine with

water, so that it cannot do you harm,’ is another maxim of undeniable

wisdom.

After dinner follows the time of polite conversation in the _sala_

(drawing-room), the arbour, or on the battlements of the castle; and

now the teachings of Amanieu become more and more animated, and are

enlivened occasionally by practical illustrations of great interest.

‘And if at this season,’ he says, ‘a gentleman takes you aside, and

wishes to talk of courtship to you, do not show a strange or sullen

behaviour, but defend yourself with pleasant and pretty repartees. And

if his talk annoys you, and makes you uneasy, I advise you to ask him

questions, for instance: “Which ladies do you think are more handsome,

those of Gascony or England; and which are more courteous, and faithful,

and good?” And if he says those of Gascony, answer without hesitation:

“Sir, by your leave, English ladies are more courteous than those of

any other country.” But if he prefers those of England, tell him Gascon

ladies are much better behaved; and thus carry on the discussion, and

call your companions to you to decide the questions.’ I defy any modern

professor of deportment to indicate a more graceful and appropriate way

of giving a harmless turn to a conversation, or cutting short an awkward

_tête-à-tête_.

And the same sense of tact and social ease pervades the remainder of the

poem, which consists chiefly of valuable hints how to accept and how to

refuse an offer of marriage without giving more encouragement or more

offence than necessary. Upon the whole, it must be admitted that ‘Amanieu

des Escas, called God of Love,’ although undoubtedly a pedant, is the

least objectionable and tedious pedant that ever preached ‘the graces’

from the days of Thomasin of Zerclaere to those of Lord Chesterfield. But

the important point for us is the enormous weight attached to these rules

of etiquette in the education of the Provençal lady. Again and again the

advantages of _cortesia_, _avinensa_, and whatever the numerous other

terms for a graceful, courteous behaviour may be, are emphasised: ‘even

the enemy of all your friends ought to find you civil-spoken,’ the poet

exclaims in a fit of polite enthusiasm. However exaggerated and one-sided

this point of view may appear to the reader, he ought to remember that

in primitive societies the code of ethics can be enforced alone by the

power of custom; the derivation, indeed, of our word morality from the

Latin _mores_ is by no means a mere etymological coincidence.

Prepared by an education such as I have tried to sketch, the lady

generally contracted a marriage at an early age, the choice of a husband

being in most cases determined by her parents or her feudal overlord. In

the higher classes of society—and these alone concern us here—her own

inclination was taken into little account. Her position at the head of

a great baron’s family was by no means an easy one. She had to soften

the coarse habits and words of the warlike nobles; and, on the other

hand, to curb the amorous boldness of the gay troubadours who thronged

the courts of the great barons. The difficulties and temptations of such

a situation were great, and further increased by the perfect liberty

which, in ancient as in modern France, married ladies seem to have

enjoyed. Indirect, but none the less conclusive, evidence establishes

this point beyond doubt. We hear, for instance, of ladies travelling

about the country without attendance; like the pretty wives of Sir Guari

and Sir Bernart, whom Count William of Poitiers deceived by acting a

deaf-and-dumb pilgrim. Even the dueña, as a regular institution at least,

seems to have been unknown in Provence. There certainly were jealous

husbands who tried to protect their wives from gallant intrusion by

watchfulness and strict confinement. The husband of the lovely Flamenca

is an example of such fruitless care. But his fate could not invite

imitation; and the universal horror expressed by all gallant knights and

ladies at this fictitious and at some real instances of similar cruelty,

sufficiently proves the high degree of personal freedom enjoyed by the

ladies of Southern France.

That this freedom was frequently abused is, unfortunately, no matter

of doubt. France is not, and never has been, a prosperous climate for

the growth of wedded happiness. The heroines of all the love-stories

connected with the history of the troubadours are, indeed, with not

a single exception that I am aware of, married ladies. This fact is

certainly of deep significance, but its importance ought not to be

overrated. We must remember that the troubadours and their biographers

were by nature and profession inclined to magnify the force and

extension of the great passion. Frequently they may, and in some cases

we positively know that they did, mistake gracious condescension for

responsive love; and to accept all their statements _au pied de la

lettre_ would be about as advisable as to judge the institution of

marriage in modern France solely by the works of Flaubert and Ernest

Feydeau. In many cases, however, the perfect innocence of the relations

between the troubadour and the lady he celebrates is fully acknowledged

by all parties. It was the privilege of high-born and high-minded women

to protect and favour poetry, and to receive in return the troubadours’

homage. It is in this beautiful character as admirer and patroness of

the literature of her country, that I wish first to consider the lady of

Provence. In the choice of an individual instance of the relation alluded

to, I have been guided by a feeling of historic, not to say poetic,

justice.

History and fiction have vied with each other in painting the picture

of Eleanor, wife of Henry II. of England, in the darkest colours. The

former convicts her of faithlessness to two husbands, and of conspiracy

with her own sons against their father; the latter charges her with the

murder of Rosamond Clifford. Any redeeming feature in such a character

ought to be welcome to the believer in human nature. Her connection with

Bernart de Ventadorn, one of the sweetest and purest of troubadours, is

such a feature. The poet came to her court in sorrow. The lady he loved

had been torn from him, and it was by her own desire that he left her and

the country where she dwelt. He now turned to Eleanor for comfort and

sympathy, and his hope was not disappointed. The old Provençal biography

of Bernart is provokingly laconic with regard to the subject. ‘He went to

the Duchess of Normandy,’ it says, ‘who was young and of great worth, and

knew how to appreciate worth and honour, and he said much in her praise.

And she admired the _canzos_ and verses of Bernart. And she received

him very well, and bade him welcome. And he stayed at her court a long

time, and became enamoured of her, and she of him, and he composed many

beautiful songs of her. And while he was with her King Henry of England

made her his wife, and took her away from Normandy with him. And from

that time Bernart remained sad and woful.’

This statement is incorrect in more than one respect, and may be cited

as another instance of the desire on the part of the ancient biographers

to give a dramatic, and at the same time an erotic, turn to the stories

of their heroes. The allegation of the poet’s prolonged courtship of

the Duchess of Normandy having been interrupted by the lady’s marriage

with Henry is self-contradictory, for the simple reason that she became

Duchess of Normandy and took up her residence in that country in

consequence of this identical marriage, which took place in the same year

with her separation from Louis VII. of France. Moreover, all the songs

known to us as having been addressed by the poet to Eleanor are written

after Henry’s accession to the English throne. One of these songs, in

which Bernart calls himself ‘a Norman or Englishman for the king’s sake,’

was most likely composed in England, whither Bernart had followed the

court of his supposed rival.

The same songs tend also to throw grave doubts on another statement

of the old manuscript—that with regard to the mutual passion between

lady and troubadour. It is true that his devotion frequently adopts the

language of love; but there is no evidence to show that this love was

returned by anything but friendship and kindness. He never boasts of

favours granted, as troubadours were but too prone to do, and the joyful

expectation expressed in one of his poems is evidently and confessedly

a hope against hope. One somewhat obscure remark of the poet seems to

indicate that King Henry did not regard the matter in an altogether

innocent light. The line reads thus in the original Provençal: ‘Per vos

me sui del rei partiz;’ which means, ‘For your sake I have parted from

the king,’ and seems to indicate some sort of disagreement between the

poet and the lady’s husband. But, supposing even that Henry’s jealousy

were proved by this vague hint, we are not for that reason obliged

to adopt his suspicions. Internal evidence points strongly towards a

different relation—a relation much more common between the ladies and

poets of Provence than is generally believed, and which is marked by

fervent admiration on the one side, and by helpful and gentle, but

irreproachable, kindness on the other.

Frequently, however, the case was different. Not all ladies were

inexorable: not all troubadours contented with a purely ideal worship.

Ardent wooings led to passionate attachments, and lovers’ bliss was

frequently followed by lovers’ quarrels. Such quarrels—or, it might be,

differences of opinion on abstract points of love and gallantry—were,

as we know, discussed in a poetic form: the ‘_tenso_,’ or ‘song of

contention,’ being especially reserved for that purpose. It was mostly

on occasions of this kind that ladies took up the lute and mingled their

voices with the chorus of Provençal singers. The names of fourteen

gifted women have in this manner been transmitted to us—a very modest

figure, seeing that the entire number of the troubadours is close upon

four hundred. But even of these fourteen lady-troubadours few, if any,

seem to have been professional or even amateur poets. The works of most

of them are exceedingly few in number, consisting, in several cases, of

a single song or part of a _tenso_. This reticence on the part of the

ladies cannot be praised too highly; it explains to us at the same time

their position in the literary movement of their time. Literature in the

twelfth and thirteenth centuries was a lucrative and honourable calling,

followed by many members of the poorer nobility and of the lower classes.

Professional singers of this kind naturally depended on their productions

for a livelihood. Hence the number, and hence also the occasional

coldness and formality, of their songs.

But this was different with women. With them poetry was not an

employment, but an inward necessity. They poured forth their mirth

or their grief, and after that relapsed into silence. Even Clara of

Anduse, the brilliant and beautiful lady who conquered the obstinate

indifference of Uc de St. Cyr, the celebrated troubadour, and who is

described as ambitious of literary fame, does not seem to have sinned by

over-production. Only one of her songs remains to us, and there is no

reason to believe that time has been more than usually destructive to her

works.

The troubadours · 第 25 / 32 章