THE ARRIVAL OF ST. RUTH--GINCKLE TAKES THE FIELD.
Towards the middle of January, 1691, three French ships entered the
harbor of Galway, as an escort to the Duke of Tyrconnell, who, it was
confidently believed, had succeeded in the object of his mission, and
the tidings of his arrival were received with general manifestations
of joy. To the soldiers this news was particularly gratifying. He left
them victors, it is true, but victors over a city in ruins;--exhausted
in military resources, worn out by fatigue, without clothing or pay,
and living on the bounty of a greatly impoverished country. They had
borne their privations with cheerfulness, restored and strengthened
their city, maintained their flag against overwhelming numerical odds
at every post of their frontier; and believing their services about to
be rewarded, their enthusiasm knew no bounds, and they looked to his
arrival in Limerick with the happiest anticipations. They had been led
to expect a full arrear of pay, a complete outfit of clothing, arms
equal to their need, and a powerful French auxiliary, that would enable
them to turn the tide of war, and wrest the conquered provinces from
the grasp of the invader. They were bright hopes;--the brighter for
being so long deferred--but, like those of the previous years, they
were doomed to cruel disappointment. It soon became known that the
only money he brought was about £8,000, to be distributed as a present
donation; that the clothing received was not only insufficient, but
entirely unfit for wear--their old regimentals being preferable;--and
that, instead of the expected auxiliary, he was accompanied but by
Sir Richard Nagle and Sir Stephen Rice,--who had been sojourning in
France,--and a few of those military adventurers that in all ages
appear wherever hostilities in any cause offer a road to ambition.
Furthermore, it was found that the Duke of Berwick, who had performed
signal service to the cause, and who shared the popular favor with
General Sarsfield, was ordered to France, and that the latter was to be
placed in a secondary position to another French general,--the Marquis
de St. Ruth,--who had been appointed to the command of the army.
Serious discontent soon became manifest at this neglect of a general
whose unceasing activity, through the darkest period of the war, had
kept the army from entire dissolution, and saved the Jacobite cause
from irretrievable ruin. Besides, it was believed that the experiment
of placing French generals over native troops had proved too disastrous
to be again repeated, and, notwithstanding the high military reputation
of St. Ruth, the news was received with great disfavor, and in the
army created a spirit of disaffection that it required but a breath
to fan into mutiny. That Sarsfield himself felt deeply humiliated,
we have abundant evidence in the records of the period; nor did the
title of Earl of Lucan, nor the commission of lieutenant-general which
was borne to him by the deputy, entirely reconcile him to his altered
condition. The unbounded confidence reposed in him during the interval
of Tyrconnell's absence, had invested him with almost plenary powers,
which had been exercised with a discretion and ability that pointed
him out as the man for the time; public sentiment was undisguisedly
in favor of continuing those powers; and his own heart responded to
the wish, for he saw there were elements of success around which he,
and only he, could call into action. His humiliation was the greater
on this account: that though irrevocably bound to serve his king and
country in any position, however subordinate, it greatly impaired his
future efficiency; and the new appointment was viewed by all as another
fatal step in the downward tendency of the Catholic cause.
There was, however, a consideration which, when duly weighed, as no
doubt it was at the time, must have lessened the poignancy of this
neglect, and rendered it less intolerable. The Duke of Berwick had
high claims to this appointment,--perhaps higher even than Sarsfield.
He was the king's son, and had been Lieutenant-General since 1689: he
was brave, and accomplished in the art of war; and there was no cause
but his youth, why he should not have received it. That he ambitioned
it, is plainly inferable from the tone in which he notices his "recall
from a country so full of troubles," and from his disapproval of the
manner in which his successor conducted the ensuing campaign. It would,
in short, seem that King James, being a dependant on the good-will of
the French monarch, had to bow to that will in resignation; that this
new general was selected by Louis; and that Berwick, by his recall, was
saved the indignity of being reduced to a secondary position.
The result of this last mission to France, becoming known along the
English lines, gave rise to mirth and ridicule among the soldiery, who
might well pride themselves on the timely consideration of their own
provident monarch, who left nothing undone that could contribute to
their comfort or efficiency. Wherever they met the Irish soldiers, as
they did along the river during the month of February, they taunted
them with their repeated disappointments. The effect on the weak and
vacillating was soon visible. Desertions became of not unfrequent
occurrence among the soldiers of English descent, but those of the
native race clung more faithfully to their cause with every reverse;
but the general depression soon passed away, and all murmurs and
despondent thoughts were lost in the notes of preparation.
So frequently are the names of King James and his ally, Louis XIV. of
France, linked with mismanagement and misadventure through the history
of this period, that it would seem all the attendant misfortunes of
the Catholic cause resulted from the weakness and indecision of the
one, and the absence of timely support arising from the mistaken policy
of the other. But though these were the leading, and perhaps the main
causes of its ultimate defeat, it was also induced by the prejudices
and follies of the Irish leaders themselves, as much as by the errors
of either king, or of both together. We have already seen some of the
evil effects of divided counsels, and of incipient treason in the
senate: we have now to make a cursory allusion to a character hitherto
unnoticed, who played no insignificant part in the closing scenes
of the drama, and added a ludicrous page to a melancholy and tragic
_dénouement_.
It had long been an accepted prophecy in Ireland,--one much akin to
that of the "sleeping warriors" of Aileach,--that an O'Donnell, a
descendant of the house of Tyrconnell, was one day to return from
Spain, and free the land of his fathers from the English yoke, by
a great victory to be gained by him at, or near Limerick; and this
chief was to be known by the _Ball-dearg_,--or red mark,--on the
shoulder, which, 'tis said, attaches to the true descendants of that
noble house. It happened that at this time there lived in Spain, an
O'Donnell, of the family mentioned, and known also to bear the mark
that distinguished its true representatives, and him fame pointed out
as the destined liberator of the country. Whether this personage ever
entertained an idea of his wonderful virtue or not, until consulted by
an Irish deputation in Spain, does not clearly appear from the records
of the time; but that he _was_ waited on, and awakened to a sense
of his importance, there seems to be abundant testimony to warrant
this allusion.[58] In the nineteenth century this infatuation of men
intrusted with the destiny of a nation would seem almost incredible,
but it was not the less true. It was a glorious destiny to be the
liberator of the land of his ancestors; he heard the call, obeyed
it, and arrived at Limerick during the month of August, 1690. It was
the time of the siege, and he took part in its most stirring events
from the 17th to the 27th, and, it is said, did good service in the
memorable conflict that has immortalized that city. His appearance
at such a time was hailed with acclamations of joy by the populace,
and even the leaders of the army treated him with consideration.
After the retreat of the Prince of Orange, he was furnished with a
Colonel's commission, and empowered to raise troops from among the
Rapparees, to co-operate with the regular army. Those of the north and
north-west, scattered along the frontiers, at once flocked to him and
acknowledged him as their hereditary chief: others sought his standard
under the influence of the prophecy that attached to him, until he
had a following, variously estimated at from eight to ten thousand
men. But here his services ended. With this following, he established
his quarters from Clare-Galway to Sligo, behind the Irish lines, and
assuming the authority of an independent chief, instead of harassing
the movements of the enemy, he levied on the surrounding districts,
wasting the subsistence of the remaining province to support his
infatuated followers.--
"In short, he was," says O'Driscoll,[59] "of a class found in Ireland
and elsewhere. He was a great boaster, suspected to be a coward, known
to be a knave; noisy, insolent, presumptuous, and corrupt.... He was
afterwards known to have been in correspondence with both William
and Ginckle, and treating for a title and a command in the English
army." Yet he played his part ably; so ably, that he carried himself
through to the end of the war; nor did he appear in his true colors
to his deluded followers, or indeed to the leaders of the army, until
the final result of the war, revealed at the same time, and in the
same manner, the intrigues of _Ball-dearg_ O'Donnell, and the treason
of Henry Luttrell. Such was one of the many influences that helped
to divert the strength of the country from the direct purpose of the
war, and its evil effect cannot well be over-estimated. It placed a
covert enemy in the rear of the national army; materially lessened the
resources of a province already overburdened with a helpless floating
population; and withdrew from the enemy's country, which the other
provinces then virtually were, the most daring of those hardy Rapparee
bands, that had hitherto wrung their support from it, and materially
embarrassed the movements of the foreign army.
Though the appointment of the Marquis de St. Ruth was opposed to the
public sentiment of the people and army, still they well understood
that the countenance of the French king was indispensable to their
cause, and resolved to make a virtue of necessity; all now daily
wished for his arrival to remove the general suspense and disquietude
of feeling. The enemy was known to be in an advanced state of
preparation, and it was feared that he would open the campaign before
a corresponding force should be ready to meet him. It was also hoped
that as King Louis had this time made his own selection of a general,
he would support him in all things necessary--arms, ammunition, and
artillery, and perhaps a contingent of troops to sustain the national
honor. The public mind now underwent another of those changes incident
to a condition of war, markedly in contrast with that of the previous
month. From the western headlands a daily watch was kept up, and
expectation was on tiptoe for his arrival. But day after day, and
month after month passed on, and still neither armament nor general
relieved the fever of anxiety. At length, on the 7th of May, when all
hope seemed to fail, a French fleet was signalled off the headlands of
Kerry, and the next day, riding up the Shannon, it came to anchor off
Limerick. It bore the Marquis de St. Ruth, with Generals d'Uson and de
Tessé, and about one hundred French officers of different rank; but
no money, and no military contingent. He came, however, well provided
with the munitions of war, a good supply of arms, and an outfit of
serviceable clothing. His arrival was hailed with general acclamations,
the bells of St. Mary's chimed forth throughout the day, and the most
solemn ceremonies of religion welcomed this devoted soldier of the
Catholic cause.
Though considerably beyond the middle age, St. Ruth was still a man of
vigor and activity. He was of a commanding presence, pleasing aspect;
was nervous in address, and energetic in command;--the first passports
to the confidence of the Irish soldier. He had but lately returned to
Paris, after a successful campaign in Savoy, and was selected by Louis
to command the Jacobite forces in Ireland. But fame, which preceded him
there, had also told how the finer traits of his character were marred
by a vain ostentation, a hauteur of manner towards his subordinates,
and an overweening conceit in his own importance,--the very worst
traits to win the confidence or esteem of the Irish officers of that
period, on whom the conduct of de Rosen and de Lausun had left a very
unfavorable impression; or that of the generals; who could not see
the necessity for his appointment at all, when he came unsupported by
an army, and without coffers to warrant the raising of one from the
floating population of the country.
Preparations for the renewal of hostilities were now actively resumed
along the lines, and the minds of the soldiers were diverted from all
other considerations. Their "penny-a-day" went far, for the country
still abounded in the necessaries of life, and the people shared
their means liberally. The proclamation of non-intercourse between
the British Islands and France, announced at once both in London
and Dublin, only served as a spur to greater enterprise both by sea
and land, and every succeeding day witnessed the arrival of trading
vessels, bearing arms and munitions--while the love of adventure
brought daily accessions to the ranks of either army.
After a hasty inspection of the frontier and the condition of the
troops, St. Ruth directed himself to the work of reconstructing
the army, and his first movement for that purpose tended to raise
him greatly in the estimation of the soldiers. Notwithstanding the
exertions of the Rapparees through the winter and spring, there was
still a deficiency of cavalry horses, and to remedy this defect became
a matter of the first necessity. He at once issued an order to the
gentlemen of the surrounding country to assemble at Limerick to take
counsel on the state of the nation, and for other purposes. They
felt highly pleased at the courtesy extended; and in order to pay
all possible respect to this champion of their cause, came armed and
on horseback; making, notwithstanding the general depression, a most
gallant show. The meeting was held on King's Island, the soldiers being
drawn around it, to render the proceedings more solemn and impressive.
After a spirited address in French, on the duty of allegiance and
patriotism; and the sacrifice that all should be prepared to make for
their country, he ordered them to dismount and surrender their horses
for the use of the army. Remonstrance was useless, and any attempt
at resistance would be less so, for the soldiers, closing in on all
sides, showed them that the _émeute_ was preconcerted. They bowed in
resignation, seemed to relish the joke exceedingly, and were deeply
impressed with his capacity to deal with coming events, while he
extended to them the acknowledgments of his distinguished consideration.
The disbanded soldiers were next called into service, and on the 15th
of May, the Duke of Tyrconnell issued a proclamation ordering the
Rapparees to retire behind the Shannon and hold themselves subject to
another levy. They obeyed with promptitude, and the required number
being selected, the rest scattered or returned to their former haunts.
But they were no longer able to perform any considerable exploit, and
their after-fate was tragical in the extreme: prices were set on their
heads; the trade became exciting and profitable: they died on the
mountains and by the wayside, prowling like wolves, and fighting like
tigers to the last.
While preparations went forward day by day within the Irish lines,
it is necessary to revert to the other side, and note the progress
of Ginckle's affairs since the suspension of active hostilities; and
perhaps the fairest exposition that can be given, is the following
extract from Story's Impartial History, about the beginning of
February, 1691: "The king did as much as possible in the time, as any
who have seen the country may know; for if Ireland were as well-peopled
as the soil itself will bear, it may defy all the world besides. You
cannot see a town but where there is either a bog or a river, or
both," &c. Here follows a dissertation on the natural difficulties
the English army had to contend with, and the wiles and wickedness of
the Rapparees, that retarded their movements "the whole winter long,"
concluding with the following consolatory reflections: "As to our own
army, our numbers are the same as last year (except two regiments that
were broke); they are also much healthfuller, and better acquainted
with the country and their arms; and to encourage us the more, the
Parliament has granted his Majesty a considerable fund to carry on the
war, and also to equip his fleet. Besides, we have now at least 12,000
of the militia in good order, either to defend the garrisons behind us
or to assist our army upon occasion ... and more than all, we shall
have a great many Protestant Rapparees from the North and other places,
for the northern people are mostly armed ... so that we shall have no
want of men."
Such was the numerical status of Ginckle's army at that period, and
from that until the summer; recruits, ordnance stores, and clothing
were poured in daily to every port in his possession. From the 30th
of April until the 6th of June, "all hands" were at work in Mullingar
fitting up every thing for the coming campaign: for instance--
April 30th. A large body of recruits sent into the County
Kildare.--_Same day_, all hands at work making cartridges, &c., "though
it was her Majesty's birthday."--_Same day_, several ships arrived at
Kinsale from England, and the Charles galley and Assurance frigate
landed at Waterford with four other ships under convoy, all loaded with
cannonball, bombs, powder, and several other materials.--May 8th, five
ships loaded with arms arrived at Dublin.--May 18th, Dragon and Advice
land four hundred marines at Baltimore.--_Same day_, six English ships
come to Cork with recruits and provisions, under convoy of the Smyrna
frigate; and so on to the 6th of June.
Towards the end of May the different divisions of the British army
were put in motion towards Mullingar. On the 27th, General Douglas
marched from the North with a force of about 10,000 men, and encamped
at Ardagh. At the same time Wurtemburg put his troops in motion from
Thurles, taking the detached garrisons on his route, and replacing
them with the organized militia. On the 28th, Major-Generals Mackey
and Ruvigney arrived with their divisions and encamped outside the
town. About the same time General Talmash and Sir Martin Beckman, the
Chief Engineer, landed at Dublin with troops and a corps of sappers
and miners, and set the great train of artillery--"such as had never
been seen before in that kingdom"--on its way, and immediately started
for the camp. And "to give them the more comfort," Ginckle received
advice from Opdam, who regulated the cartel at Breda, that the Irish
soldiers released in lieu of the Dutch prisoners, were not to be
returned to Ireland, but sent into the French service, and that the
Irish officers would not be exchanged according to the rank they laid
claim to.[60] Proclamations again became the order of the day, all
tending to the same object--the "comfort" of the English troops, and
inviting desertions from their enemy. On the 31st of May, Ginckle
appeared in person at Mullingar. All his outposts were immediately
called in, notwithstanding strong protests from the Lords-Justices to
the contrary; for he had determined to put forth all his strength,
as the arrival of St. Ruth filled him with apprehension, and he only
yielded to their appeals so far as to give them some officers from the
army to command the private companies which all the country gentlemen
now enrolled for their own protection.
Ginckle immediately contracted the defences of Mullingar, drew out his
troops, and sent orders to Wurtemburg to encamp opposite to Banagher
and Meelick, being resolved to force the river at one or both of those
places, and afterwards to invest Athlone on the east and west. But
finding a portion of the Irish army well advanced towards Frankfort, he
abandoned that design, the order was countermanded, and Wurtemburg was
directed to take a more circuitous route to the eastward, and join him
on his way to Athlone.
Ginckle drew out his army from Mullingar on the 6th of June, and halted
at Rathcondrath, where he was joined the same day by General Douglas.
Here he encamped for the night, and sent out a party to reconnoitre the
fort of Ballymore, then held as an outpost of the Irish army. After
a brisk skirmish with the pickets of the fort, this party returned,
bringing in a wounded prisoner, from whom he learned the force and
disposition of the garrison, and appeared before it at noon on the
following day. The town of Ballymore lay on the direct road from
Mullingar to Athlone, and a little to the right of it stood the fort
on a peninsula, isolated from the mainland except at one pass which
led up towards the town, and which was commanded by a ruined castle
that stood at its outer entrance. The place had been in the possession
of the English during the preceding autumn, but the country around
it becoming too poor to subsist a garrison, it was abandoned, when
the Rapparees took possession of it, and held it through the winter,
as a rendezvous in their raids against Mullingar and the surrounding
posts of the enemy. The place was of much strategic importance, being
well adapted for either offensive or defensive warfare; but having
been utterly neglected by the different parties occupying it through
the last year, it was now in a dilapidated condition. The fort was of
mud, mounting two pieces of "Turkish cannon on cart-wheels," with a
garrison consisting of eight hundred soldiers, two hundred and sixty
Rapparees,--four hundred women and children who had fled to it as a
refuge,--and was commanded by Colonel Ulick Burke, who had orders to
hold it to the last extremity, in order to gain time for the Irish army
to anticipate Ginckle before Athlone.
Ginckle, impatient of delay, and not wishing to lose time in storming
the castle, into which Burke had thrown a sergeant and fifteen men,
deployed to the northward, and, erecting his batteries, directed
a heavy fire against the fort. But as the great body of the lake
intervened, no impression could be made from that direction, and it was
found necessary to reduce the castle, which commanded the narrowest
part of the lake, and also the pass leading into the fort. It was
accordingly stormed, carried after an obstinate defence of two hours,
and the gallant sergeant hanged in sight of the fort, for an "obstinate
defence of an untenable position." This obstacle being removed,
eighteen guns and four mortars were brought to bear against the fort,
until eight o'clock in the morning, when the firing ceased, and Ginckle
demanded a surrender, the summons being accompanied by a threat, that
if it were not vacated within two hours, the garrison would share the
fate of the sergeant, which they had just witnessed. Colonel Burke
denied its authenticity, asserting that Ginckle would not set his
signature to such an atrocious order, and demanded the summons in
writing. The form was soon complied with, the threat was repeated over
Ginckle's signature, but leave was granted for the women and children
to depart or share the fate of the garrison. Burke next stipulated
for permission to withdraw the garrison, as the non-combatants were
determined to share their fate; but this being refused, the firing
was resumed on both sides, and continued without intermission until
noon, when the Irish gunner being killed, and the sand-walls of the
fort completely beaten down, Burke displayed a flag of truce to the
assailants. Ginckle, greatly incensed by the obstinacy of the defence,
refused to notice the signal, and the cannonade was continued until
seven o'clock in the evening, when a storming party and boats being
ready to cross the lake, Burke again displayed his flag, surrendered
unconditionally, and Colonel Earl, at the head of eight hundred troops,
took possession of the fort. The booty of the captors was considerable,
consisting of four hundred and thirty sheep, forty cows, fifty
horses, a quantity of oatmeal, the arms of the garrison, two pieces
of artillery, "_but no powder_." The loss of life was inconsiderable
on either side; the threat of the English general was not put in
execution;--the men of the garrison became prisoners of war, and the
women and children were sent beyond the Irish lines, in conformity with
the usage of the times.
Ginckle made a pause of several days at Ballymore, awaiting his heavy
artillery, and the reinforcements expected from the south. While here,
he sent Lord Lisburn with 2,000 foot and five hundred horse, to attempt
the river at Lanesborough, and another body to reconnoitre the defences
of Athlone, and report the condition of the enemy. The former suffering
a severe repulse, returned after a few days, and pronounced the place
impracticable, and the latter reported that the Irish army must have
arrived at Athlone, as they saw some troops of horse drawn up on the
hills on the western side of the river. While here, also, General
Douglas departed to join the army of William in Flanders, and part
of his regiment were left under the command of Colonel Toby Purcell,
to occupy Ballymore, which had undergone a thorough reconstruction,
consisting of bastions, hornworks, a platform for a battery of eight
guns, and a floor of mortars. At length, on the 18th, Ginckle's train
having arrived, he moved forward to Ballyburn Pass, where he was joined
by Wurtemburg and Count Nassau, with a force of 8,000 men, and the next
day resumed his march for Athlone.
Though Ginckle's preparations had extended farther into the season
than he at first intended, he had still taken the field considerably
in advance of his enemy, and Ballymore had been reduced, and his
march resumed, before St. Ruth had moved out of Limerick. Nor did the
knowledge of this disturb the equanimity of the latter, nor disconcert
his arrangements. Hearing that Ginckle's army had left Mullingar,
he dispatched a regiment of horse for the defence of Athlone, with
orders to its governor, Colonel Fitzgerald, to strengthen his defences
and hold both sections of the town until his arrival; then sending a
force under Brigadier Maxwell to move along on the east, and waste
the country as he went along, he drew out his army, turned his
steps towards Athlone, and moved by easy marches along the western
side of the river. Maxwell performed this duty with characteristic
promptitude:--he soon rendered the country, for several miles beyond
the river, destitute of provender; drove immense herds of cattle within
the Irish lines; and then making that skilful display of his force at
Ballyboy and Frankfort, which diverted Ginckle's attention from the
lower fords, he recrossed the river at Banagher, and moved towards
Ballinasloe, where he anticipated the arrival of St. Ruth.
The two armies now approaching each other were quite as disproportioned
as when they met in the former year upon the banks of the Boyne. That
of Ginckle, exclusive of the garrisons left at Mullingar and Ballymore,
must still have numbered over 30,000 men, while that of St. Ruth, after
all his detachments had been called in, and the garrisons depleted to
the limit of safety, was, according to the most reliable estimate, but
23,000,--horse and foot. In artillery, and all the appliances of war,
the disproportion was still greater; while the arms and appointments
of the English army were incomparably superior to those of its less
numerous adversary.