CHAPTER IX.

THE BATTLE OF THE BOYNE.

The Boyne, which finds its head-waters near Carbery, in the County of

Kildare, takes a meandering course towards the west and north, until

it enters Meath, through which it flows in a north-easterly direction

through Trim, Navan, Slane, and Drogheda, four miles below which it

falls into the Irish Sea. At tide-water it is navigable to Navan,

a distance of nineteen miles, for barges of fifty tons burden; but

at low-water, from Navan to Slane, it is a shallow stream, brawling

over a rocky bottom of a few yards in width; and from that to Old

Bridge it is fordable by horse and foot at almost every rood of its

length. Below Slane, its course is due east for nearly a mile, when,

dipping abruptly towards the south, it takes a semicircular sweep of

nearly three miles to Old Bridge, and the curve so formed embraces its

memorable battle-ground. The northern bank, for nearly half a mile

back, is high and firm down to the water's edge, while the opposite one

is low and sedgy, and the ground behind it broken, back to the base of

Donore, which is over a mile from its mid-current:--the chord of the

arc indicated is nearly two miles, and the distance from Old Bridge to

Slane, in a direct line, is somewhat under three.

On the evening of the 29th, when James crossed the river, the distance

between his rear-guard and William's advance, was about eight miles,

and on the morning of the 30th the latter appeared, and halted his army

facing the concave bend of the river, behind a line of hills which

partially concealed it from observation, while awaiting his artillery,

which was still some miles in his rear.

With that promptitude which characterized all his movements since

his arrival in the country, he immediately ordered an examination

of the river from Old Bridge to Slane, and proceeded himself with a

detachment of cavalry to reconnoitre the position of the royal army.

While so engaged he was struck by a cannon-shot that grazed his

shoulder and drew a little blood. This caused a report of his death

to be spread throughout the camp, and created the greatest alarm

among his followers; but, calling for a napkin, he stopped the blood,

and, putting on another coat, passed through the ranks to restore the

confidence of his soldiers, and then completed his reconnoissance.[24]

Towards noon he moved his army forward to the river, when, his cannon

having arrived, he established his batteries along the heights, ordered

a heavy cannonade to be kept up against the Irish centre, and, retiring

within his lines, summoned his generals to receive his plan of action.

It was the intention of William at first to cross the river at Slane

during the advanced hours of the night, and falling on James by

surprise, to strike his left, and turn it from the road to Dublin. The

Duke of Schomberg, with characteristic caution, would have opposed this

proposition, on the ground that though James's army appeared small from

the English line of sight, he might have large reserves behind Donore.

But the duke was again rebuked by the prince, and notified to retire,

which he did, deeply mortified, and received his orders afterwards in

his tent, with the querulous remark, that "they were the first that

had ever been sent him!" Bating this, the utmost harmony pervaded the

council of William, and confidence reigned supreme throughout his camp.

But, notwithstanding the discourtesy shown by William to the Duke

of Schomberg, the advice of that old veteran had its due weight in

his council; the determination to assail the Irish left during the

night was abandoned, and the following plan of action was adopted:

Of the 40,000 men of which the prince's army now consisted, about

13,000, composed of the Dutch Guards, the Enniskillen infantry, and

the Brandenburg and Huguenot regiments, under the command of Duke

Schomberg and Caillemotte,[25] formed his centre, opposite to the same

division of the royal army. His right, 10,000 horse and foot, under

Count Schomberg and General Douglas, respectively, was extended in

the direction of Slane; and his left, about 12,000 strong, comprising

the Dutch, Danish, and Enniskillen horse, and the British and Scotch

infantry, was drawn up towards Old Bridge, and to be commanded by

himself in person. His immense train of artillery, variously estimated

at from fifty to sixty pieces, including several mortars, was portioned

out to each division, the weight of it being placed against the Irish

centre; and his reserves, about 5,000, were stationed in the low ground

to his rear, within easy supporting distance of his right and left, and

not more than a mile from either. The Count of Schomberg was to open

the battle at daybreak by forcing the Pass of Slane, and turning the

Irish left; when this should be accomplished, the duke was to cross at

the centre, and, carrying the intrenchments opposite, press them back

from the river; biding these results, the prince himself would cross

at Old Bridge, and, flanking their right, cut off their retreat to

Dublin. Thus, by a general movement, the royal army would be completely

overthrown, and the war terminated by a single blow:--the chances of

defeat had no place in his calculation.

As William had the advantage of ground--that is to say, the northern

bank of the river was steep and firm down to its margin, while the

southern side was low and broken--James had thrown his army well back

towards the hill of Donore, and during the interval had made the

following disposition: His centre, about 8,000 men of all arms, was

arranged in two lines; one, comprising the musketeers and pikemen,

under Major-General Dorrington and the Marquis de Hoquincourt, was

placed in the intrenchments along the river, and the other, composed

of the exempts, under General Nugent and Taafe, Earl of Carlingford,

in the broken ground behind it. For the support of these the infantry

regiments of Tyrconnell, Parker, and Gordon O'Neil, and the dragoons of

Lords Clare and Dungan, were held between a small village and the hill

of Donore, as the ground nearer to the river was low, and commanded by

the enemy's artillery. His right wing, about 3,000 men, of whom but

eight battalions were infantry, rested near the town of Old Bridge,

opposed to William's left, under the command of Lieutenant-General

Hamilton and the Duke of Berwick. His left, composed of the French

troops under the Duke de Lausun and M. de la Hoquette, stood about a

mile from his centre, in the direction of Slane; while that important

Pass, which, he tells us in his Memoirs, he expected to be William's

first point of assault, and which lay three miles from his centre, by

the course of the river, was entirely neglected until late at night,

when, at the urgent request of his generals, it was occupied by Sir

Neale O'Neil and his regiment of dragoons. A strip of moor-land,

extending from Old Bridge to the Pass of Slane, ran behind his right

and centre, traversing the base of Donore round to the southeast; and

behind this, but well drawn up against the hill, he held a reserve of

nearly 3,000 infantry and cavalry, the former under Sir Charles Carney,

and the latter under Sarsfield and Brigadier-General Maxwell.

How little soever conversant in military affairs, one cannot fail to

see the almost insuperable disadvantages of the Jacobite army. Lying

on the convex of the river, with an army scarce half the number of

the opposing force; its supporting distance to the Pass of Slane

treble to that of the enemy; the ground near the river unsuited to the

action of cavalry, which was its main dependence; and its ordnance

miserably inferior in number and calibre, it was barely possible to

repulse the enemy, but almost impossible to turn a repulse into a

victory. To an ordinary observation the chances of battle would thus

present themselves: by intrepidity and superior valor, James might

hold his ground until the return of tide, which would suspend it, or

if the enemy succeeded in crossing without his ordnance, he might draw

up all his force on the heights, and by one of those desperate and

sudden efforts that man is sometimes capable of, hurl him back into

the river. There was no other alternative between him and defeat; the

vast numerical advantage of the Prince of Orange rendered the former

improbable, and the lack of military ardor in the king himself was not

calculated to evoke the latter.

With a will concentrated on the object of his mission, exultant in

power, and personally brave and enterprising, William's plan was

simple, bold, and aggressive. Weak in numbers, and straitened in

resources, that of James was tortuous, cautious, and weakly defensive.

Fortitude and military capacity he is said to have possessed, and

they would seem not to have entirely deserted him on this occasion;

but in that desperate daring which alone could wring success from the

surrounding disadvantages, he was utterly deficient. His army was

gallant, and even eager for the conflict, and a rival whose persistent

malignity would have roused the meekest spirit, confronted him; but

the blood did not course warmly in his veins at the devotion of the

one, nor did vengeance steel him to action at the sight of the other.

Trepidity was manifest in all his motions, and he had not even the

self-control to hide it from his soldiers. The Pass of Duleek, in his

rear, claimed more of his attention than the enemy on his front; for,

while ordering the battle, he was devising a retreat, and had, in their

sight, dispatched one-half his artillery in the evening for the defence

of the capital. It therefore mattered very little how he disposed of

the remainder--six pieces, on a line of four Irish miles.[26]

So stood the hosts on the night of June 30th, 1690, prepared to deliver

battle on the dawn of the morrow; and, as darkness settled down and hid

each from the view of the other, the feelings that swayed them may be

easier felt than depicted. One feeling, that in such moments pervades

every bosom alike, from the private to the king, must have been

theirs in common--the hope to survive the carnage;--in all else their

thoughts must have been as different as the causes they represented.

The mercenary can have but one passion and one object--to slay and

to dominate. The patriot has many, and all are sacred. The poetry of

emotion is his, and over none does it exert a more boundless influence

than over the race of which this king's army was mainly composed. The

memories of the past, standing out like the immemorial hills; the

voices of futurity coming up the long vista of time, and all pleading

the reversal of a fate more cruel than Egyptian bondage: while clearer

to the ear and nearer to the heart come the pleadings of kindred,

and the anxious household lifting up their prayers to heaven for the

devoted hearts that shield them from ruin, death--dishonor. All these

speak to them, and a thousand fancies, taking the form of life, pass in

solemn review, till the hardiest soldier, with moistened eye, and heart

full to breaking, grasps his sword, compresses his lip, looks out for

the dawning, and sighs for relief in conflict.

But did not the Irish of that day deceive themselves? This king, whose

cause they had espoused, was not their king. His restoration would

still leave their country an appanage of the British Crown, and his

house was a name of woe and desolation throughout the land! Would

her future, under it, be much brighter than her past? There was, no

doubt, many a thoughtful mind in that Irish army that had all those

misgivings; but this was not the time to indulge them. Nor should we

of the present day be hypercritical. Royalty was then something more

than a name, and we should not judge the events of the seventeenth

century by the light of the nineteenth, nor the Ireland of untoward

circumstances as the nation of her people's will. To the memory of this

unhappy king this truth should be generously conceded.... He could have

retained his throne had he violated his conscience. He could have ruled

the Irish people as his predecessors had done, and at that time they

had no power to stay him; for the Catholic descendants of the Palesmen

were firm in their allegiance to the English throne, and the native

race was destitute of means to strike for separation. He had forfeited

his crown and jeopardized his power, for right. He had emancipated

them from a bondage servile to mind and body. He was the first royal

champion of civil and religious liberty. He had offered them justice in

his power, and appealed to their loyalty in his adversity. His cause

was their cause. He was banished by his own people, outraged by his own

family; he came to them in his bereavement, and to their honor, be it

recorded, they did not forsake him! His very injuries threw a sacred

influence around him, and as he sacrificed to justice, they paid him

the homage of their blood!

Yet, in truth, he was not their king;--not the ideal king of the Irish

race. That should be a native king; one infusing nationality through

every hamlet in the land, and defending its liberties against a world

in arms! Six hundred years had failed to eradicate the hope of such a

king from the hearts of every successive generation, and every outrage

of the invader only rendered it the more indelible. The place, too,

was historic. Every hill and valley, from Drogheda to Clonard, in rath

and ruin, bore ample testimony of their aspiration for native rule.

Tara and Skreen, now plainly visible in the soft moonlight of summer,

stood out in relief against the southern sky, and it is no stretch of

the imagination to say: from that same Pass of Slane, the ancestor of

Sir Neale O'Neil, had, nearly 900 years before, reconnoitred the Danish

host and marked it for destruction. Many a chief and many a clan of

his martial house had, since then, crossed the Boyne to do battle with

the invader, but never a braver soldier than he, nor a more devoted

following than that which now counted the moments by the reverberation

of the enemy's cannon along its banks, and looked through the night for

the eventful dawning.[27]

The night wore slowly away, and as its shadows were blending into the

gray dawn of morning, the cannonade which had been kept up since the

preceding noon from William's batteries ceased for a time, and the

beat to arms was distinctly heard on the heights of Donore. It was

promptly answered by a roll from the Irish camp, and the troops on each

side were immediately in motion, and deploying down towards the river.

An hour of hurried preparation now passed on, when the waters of the

gentle river were again startled from their short repose by a heavy

peal along the whole English line, the smoke of which having cleared

away, William's left, the cavalry in advance, was seen doubling the

curve in the river, and advancing steadily towards the Pass of Slane.

The firing thus resumed, was now kept up incessantly from the English

left and centre, and as the sun appeared above the hills, and both

armies stood out bolder on the foreground, William himself, accompanied

by Prince George of Denmark, the Prince of Nassau, and the Duke of

Wurtemberg, and surrounded by a grand cavalcade, was observed reviewing

his army, and, by word and example, infusing hope and courage through

all its ranks.

King James saw all that was passing from the heights of Donore, and as

Count Schomberg and Douglas moved in the direction of Slane, he ordered

de Lausun to move his troops in the same direction. Then, after seeing

the remainder of his baggage on its way to Dublin,[28] whither the half

of his artillery had already been sent, he stood to watch the issue of

the day, with much composure of manner and much Christian resignation,

but none of that military ardor by which a gallant general often

imparts a spirit and energy to a small army that render it invincible

in the hour of battle. Not so, however, with the Duke of Tyrconnell.

Though bowed by age, and broken in health, he moved from rank to rank,

exhorting all to bravery; and it is very questionable which felt most

solicitude at that hour--that king for the fate of his crown, or that

patriot for the cause of his country. As for Sarsfield, he had little

to do in the affairs of that day; for both he and General Maxwell were

in continual attendance on the king's person, and his attention, with

the exception of one visit to his right, was entirely divided between

the reserve on Donore and the French troops on his left. Hamilton and

Berwick were at their post on the right, and well had it been for James

and his cause had he tarried in Dublin and committed the marshalling

of his army to those generals, and the issue of the day to the King of

battles.

Apprised of the design of the enemy on his position, O'Neil had made

such preparations as time allowed for his reception. Around the pass on

both sides of the river he had drawn intrenchments, and as the morning

dawned had thrown forward a small detachment to impede his progress.

The ground over which he approached was favorable to defensive

operations, being much broken and interspersed with hedges: these

natural impediments, and the weight of his artillery, rendered his

movements slow and irregular; the fire of the skirmishers met him at

every step as he neared the pass, so that it was eight o'clock before

he had forced them back within their intrenchments.

Here the fight was renewed with great stubbornness, and continued

for two hours longer, when Schomberg, with the loss of two hundred

men, forced the position, and the dragoons retired with the loss

of one-fourth their number, bearing away the body of their leader,

mortally wounded, and renewed the contest on the other side of the

river. Schomberg immediately commenced to cross, and the king, apprised

of the state of affairs here, sent Sarsfield, with sixty dragoons and

a piece of artillery, to oppose him; but these succors only arrived

in time to see the defenders driven from their intrenchments, and the

troops of Schomberg drawn out on the southern bank to receive them.

All further attempts to check the progress of the assailants were now

futile; the dragoons retired on their supports; the gun brought down

by Sarsfield got "bogged," and had to be abandoned, and Schomberg,

his artillery being got over, deployed by his right, on the outer

side of the marsh, to turn the left of the king's army. He had,

however, scarcely got clear of the river, when the troops of de Lausun

appeared on the inner side of the marsh to oppose him. The force of

the latter was 6,000 men, within support of a reserve of 3,000; it was

fresh, finely appointed, and the marsh at this place was narrow and

practicable to horse and foot; but he showed no disposition to engage,

although Schomberg halted and drew up to offer him battle. After some

time the troops on both sides were put in motion, Schomberg still

moving by his right, and de Lausun by his left in the same direction,

the marsh gradually widening round towards the rear of Donore, until

nearly a mile intervened, when an engagement became impracticable, and

the Irish left was flanked.

In the mean time, King James, seeing that Count Schomberg had crossed

the river, believed that the other division of William's army would

also move in the same direction, and that the entire battle would be

finally transferred to his left. He therefore determined to withdraw

his own right and centre from the river, to the support of de Lausun,

and with this intention he now proceeded to his right. There seeing

that William's left and centre were still drawn up on the opposite

bank, and being opposed in his design by Tyrconnell, he returned to

his left, where Count Schomberg and de Lausun were still confronting

each other. Posting his reserves on the right of the latter, and riding

up to him, he ordered him to charge the enemy across the intervening

ground; but the order was disobeyed, although Schomberg halted

again and formed to invite an action. In this state of perplexity

the king rode back to the reserves, placed the infantry at the edge

of the marsh, supported on each side by his cavalry, with the foot

dragoons filling up the intervals, and approaching M. de la Hoquette,

"_whispered him_" to lead on the French infantry. The latter was about

to comply with this _request_, when he was checked by de Lausun; at

this time, Sarsfield and Maxwell, who had been out inspecting the

ground in front, returned, and pronounced it impracticable to cavalry,

it being traversed by two double ditches with a rivulet flowing between

them. So the king was convinced, and de Lausun was relieved from his

importunity. In this manner the two wings continued to manoeuvre the

situation each moment growing more critical, as Schomberg neared the

end of the marsh, where the road turned towards Duleek, and led on to

the capital.

Thus, through some motive of de Lausun, never after explained, and

through the absence of control in the unfortunate king, never forgiven,

the French auxiliaries, and with them the Irish reserve,--a body of

3,000 men,--were neutralized; the Irish left was completely turned, and

the remainder of the army, not exceeding 11,000, was left to contend

with 30,000 under William and the Duke of Schomberg.

In the mean time a considerable change had taken place in William's

left and centre. The Duke of Schomberg had discovered another ford in

the direction of Slane, and when that pass was carried, had moved by

his right to avail himself of the advantages it offered, while William

had moved by his left somewhat nearer to the town of Drogheda. These

changes necessitated corresponding movements in the Irish line. A

greater extension was the consequence, and some regiments of its rear

were extended to oppose the Duke of Schomberg; but still they offered a

good front, and awaited the enemy in confidence.

It was well on to noon, and the tide was on the return, when the firing

ceased on Duke Schomberg's front, and the Dutch Guards, accompanied

by their band, detached themselves from the main body and moved down

to the river. Here the music of the band ceased; the guards formed in

compacted columns, twenty abreast, and commenced the passage of the

river in the face of a well-directed fire.[29] When they had all got

below the level of their own artillery, its fire was again directed

against the Irish intrenchments, and compelled the men there to lie

close in their works, until the guards got beyond the mid current and

began to ascend on the opposite side, when they quitted their defences,

and advanced into the river to meet them, and, as they closed, Major

Arthur, of the Irish Guards, singling out the leader of the enemy,

passed his pike through his body. This stimulated his men to action;

a desperate conflict ensued; the Dutch Guards were held in check for

a considerable time, and many fell on both sides, and were trampled

beneath the current.

The Dutch Guards were the household troops of the Prince of Orange;

were fighting under his eye, and formed a compact body of five thousand

men, while the Irish were mostly raw levies, inferior in number, and

indifferently armed with pikes and muskets. The result was doubtful

for some time, until Major Arthur was wounded and conveyed to the

rear; disheartened and borne back by the weight of numbers, his troops

gradually gave ground; and the Dutch troops advanced and effected a

landing. As they reached the firm ground above the river, they were

charged by the dragoons of Clare and Dungan, and wavered; but Lord

Dungan being slain, the dragoons became panic-stricken and retreated,

nor could they again be brought to the charge. In this state of

indecision the Dutch renewed their assault, and established a position

in the broken ground behind the Irish line. The position was a strong

one, and at once laid bare the intrenchments on the river, while it

afforded a protection against the Irish cavalry; and here they remained

during the succeeding events of the day, suffering severely, but

defying every attempt to dislodge them.

William, who witnessed this, felt deep concern for the fate of his

household troops. They had accompanied him in all his campaigns, and

his care for them, in peace and war, was that of a patriarch for his

household. From his point of view, their condition was now perilous in

the highest degree, they being surrounded by the enemy on all sides,

and in danger of total destruction before relief could reach them. To

him, the movements of Schomberg, always slow and measured, seemed now

painfully so; and, suspending his advance against the Irish right, he

rode down to the centre, to precipitate the troops forming there for

the relief of his famous guards. Two regiments of the Huguenot troops

and one of British infantry were immediately formed, and, under the

leadership of Caillemotte, commenced the passage of the river.

Hamilton, from the right of the Irish line, had followed these events

with a feeling akin to that of William. He believed, like him, that

the fate of the Dutch troops was sealed, could the reinforcements

of the enemy be held in check or repulsed; but he also saw that the

intrenchments at the centre were partially abandoned from the effects

of the enemy's fire on their rear, and that all now depended on

intrepid action. He therefore detached two regiments of infantry from

the right, to march close by the river, and throw themselves before

Caillemotte, while he hastened himself, by a more circuitous route,

with the cavalry, to sustain them.

The troops of Caillemotte advanced rapidly to the mid-current, where

they were met as the Dutch Guards had been, and, like them, were

forcing their way against the Irish infantry, when Hamilton reached the

scene of action. As he appeared, the infantry opened to the right and

left to make way, and, with unchecked impulse, he rushed to the onset.

The effect was instantaneous. In a moment, the enemy were helplessly

broken, trampled, and dispersed. Caillemotte, two colonels, and two

lieutenant-colonels were slain, more than half his command were either

killed or wounded, and the remainder fled to the opposite side, pursued

by the victorious cavalry. As they pressed the fugitives up to their

lines, the Danish horse were precipitated against them, but were

instantly broken, hurled back in confusion, and closely pressed on the

columns now forming under the Duke of Schomberg. Rushing on wildly, and

crying out "Horse! horse!" in great alarm, they created a panic, which

was near ending in a total rout; when William again appeared among

them, restored order in the ranks, and the Irish cavalry leisurely

retired.

William now collected all the infantry of the centre, while Schomberg,

placing himself at the head of the cavalry, entered the river,

and advanced with the same coolness and caution that had hitherto

characterized all his movements. The Irish horse had just returned

from the pursuit, and were drawn up on the river to oppose him.

They did not wait for his whole force to get in motion, but as he

approached the middle of the river, they bore down on him with their

wonted impetuosity. The effect was the same as before. Schomberg and

Walker of Derry were slain; dismay and inextricable confusion was the

consequence, and all retreated to the northern side to reform. Taylor,

in his short but life-like portraiture of this battle, says of the

event just detailed: "Had James chosen this moment to place himself

at the head of his troops, for one general charge, or had the French

auxiliaries attacked the Dutch in flank, the event of the battle would

certainly have restored his crown!" The poor king--he was at that

very moment concerting a retreat on his left, outraged by his French

general; and even his reserves were two miles from the scene of action!

This was the crisis of the day. The tide was now making fast; the water

was nearly waist high in the river, and half an hour more would render

a crossing impossible for that day. William could no longer delay his

movements on the left, and so, ordering Sir John Hanmer and the Prince

of Nassau to reform his demoralized troops at the centre, and lead them

on for the relief of his guards, he hastened to the left to make a last

effort to restore the battle.

Had Sarsfield and Maxwell now appeared with the reserves, and left

de Lausun to watch Count Schomberg, the battle had been won, or, at

least, suspended; for at this moment the balance leaned to the Jacobite

arms, and delay would have been tantamount to a victory. During the

approaching night, the division of Count Schomberg, cut off from

support, and lost in the intricacies of the ground behind Donore, could

have been totally destroyed; there were three thousand troops within a

few hours' march of the field, and the morning would have opened with

fairer prospects of success.[30] But all these chances were lost by the

fears of the king for his capital; no support appeared for the centre;

and Hamilton, after performing prodigies of valor, was forced to retire

again to the right, to oppose the passage of the Prince of Orange.

William, whose design through the day had been to strike the Irish army

in the rear of its right, turn it from the direction of the capital,

and form a junction with Count Schomberg, was now compelled to abandon

that project, and lead his left to the support of his centre. For this

purpose he marshalled a force of about 12,000 infantry and cavalry. The

Danish and Dutch horse, bearing the standard of Nassau, were placed

in the advance; after them came the foot, and the Enniskillen horse

brought up the rear. Placing himself between the cavalry and infantry,

he entered the river, the water rising to the flanks of the horses as

they reached the mid-current. Hamilton, who had just returned from

the Irish centre, watched their approach with great anxiety, until

they began to ascend the southern side and had gained a surer footing;

when, ordering his infantry to retire, he withdrew the cavalry also,

to reform for the charge. William, on seeing this movement, believed

that they were abandoning the field, and urged his cavalry more hastily

forward. He was soon undeceived: the Irish horse had but withdrawn for

greater impulse; in another moment they dashed forward; the Danes were

scattered right and left, bearing back the Prince among them, and the

flanks of his infantry lay completely exposed. The Irish cavalry had,

for the third time that day, asserted their superiority.

William's situation was now desperate. His Danish and Dutch horse

were scattered and swimming in the river; his infantry were hardly

able to bear up against its current; the Irish cavalry lay on his

front, and their infantry had opened with effect on his flanks. But he

was equal to the emergency, and his gallantry at this trying moment

would go far to erase a very dark record. Making his way to the head

of his Enniskilleners, now about to advance, he asked promptly "What

they would do for him?" They cried out with one impulse that they

would follow where he led, and hastening forward after him, they

threw themselves between their infantry and the Irish cavalry, now

reformed on the bank above them. The sight of these troops, their own

countrymen, protecting the foreign mercenaries of William, roused the

spirit of vengeance in the breasts of the Irish, and, wheeling as

before, they swept forward in one compacted mass. The Enniskilleners

did not await the shock, but turned and fled across the river,

deserting their general at his greatest need; nor could they again be

rallied until the battle was decided.[31]

William, on being deserted by the Enniskilleners, again rode through

his infantry and reformed their disordered ranks. The Danish and Dutch

rallied, and formed round his person, and, with the desperate resolve

to do or die, he pressed resolutely forward.

The scene along the whole line was now terribly grand and exciting. The

entire left and centre of the English army were in motion, and, stirred

to the highest daring by the danger of their Prince and the exigency

of the hour, were pressing through the river simultaneously. Hanmer

led the cavalry of the centre, and the Prince of Nassau the infantry,

each vieing with the other for precedence. The latter was crossing at

the ford lately attempted by Caillemotte and the Duke of Schomberg, and

the former at one hitherto neglected, which lay nearer to Old Bridge,

and offered more immediate support to the Prince of Orange. This

disposition nearly connected the English left and centre, and caused

another derangement of the Irish lines opposite. The Dutch Guards,

too, who still held their lodgement on the side of Donore, rallied as

their succor approached, and drew a portion of their fire from the

compacted masses of Nassau on their front. Three regiments of the Irish

Guards--those of Tyrconnell, Parker, and Gordon O'Neil--the exempts

under Nugent, and a few squadrons of cavalry, were thrown against

Hanmer, and, animated by Tyrconnell and Dorrington, were opposing a

most deadly resistance; while Berwick and Hamilton still disputed the

passage of William, and held him in check on the right.

But the balance of the day was inclining, and the fates were again

propitious to William. Nassau pressed fiercely on. The Dutch Guards

assumed the offensive, and their fire became destructive. The Irish

generals exhausted every effort to animate their troops, but in vain.

Attacked in front and rear by superior numbers, they at last broke,

abandoned the river, and withdrew in good order towards Donore. The

command of Nassau, on ascending from the river, were joined by the

Dutch Blues, and both turned their attention to where the Irish Guards

were still offering a stern resistance to Hanmer.[32] The position of

these troops now became critical in the extreme, and a short time

would see them either all slain or captured by the enemy. There was

scarce an alternative, when Berwick arrived with a portion of the

cavalry of the right, charged vigorously, and held the enemy in check

until the remnant of these famous guards retired. This was the most

destructive conflict of the day to the Irish; "for," says King James in

his Memoirs, "the greater part of the exempts and brigadiers in both

corps were killed, likewise the Earl of Carlingford, M. d'Amande, and

several other volunteers that served with them. Nugent and Casanova

were wounded in Tyrconnell's, Major O'Meara and Sir Charles Tooke were

killed, and Bada wounded. In Parker's, the Colonel was wounded; Green,

the Lieutenant-Colonel, Doddington, the Major, and several officers

were killed; and in both squadrons there remained but thirty men

unhurt."

Hamilton, with the remaining cavalry, no longer able to offer an

effectual resistance on the river, retired before William, who crossed,

wheeled to his right, and pressed on towards his centre. As the English

forces united, the Irish horse also converged, and formed on their

front for the protection of their infantry, forming in line of battle

on the hill. A series of conflicts now ensued between the Irish cavalry

and the converging forces of the English left and centre, which are

described by the annalist Story, as of the most desperate character:

for more than half an hour, during which all "were completely enveloped

in dust and smoke," neither gained or lost an inch; and when no longer

able to withstand the overwhelming force against them, the Irish

cavalry retired, reformed, charged the enemy again and again, "ten

times in succession," and at last fell back to the flanks of their

infantry, to make another effort to redeem the day. William advanced

boldly on the position now assumed by the Irish army, but, astonished

at the imposing front they still presented, he halted to array his

troops, when the Irish infantry, taking advantage of this hesitation,

bore down on him. The first and second line gave way; but their force

was spent against the Dutch Guards, and they retired; the cavalry now

charged again and broke the guards, but the wings closing on them, they

were completely surrounded. A terrific struggle took place; General

Hamilton was wounded, unhorsed, and captured; Berwick had his horse

killed, but was saved by a trooper; Colonel Sheldon cut his way through

at the head of the cavalry, and again reformed them on the front; and

while the two armies stood thus, neither advancing nor receding, the

order for a general retreat sounded along the Irish line.

While the events just described were transpiring on the river, Count

Schomberg continued to hold de Lausun inactive, wearing slowly round

by his right; and as the Irish centre retreated on Donore, he had

reached the termination of the lowland, and thrown forward his cavalry

on the road leading to Dublin. King James, on seeing this, got alarmed

for the safety of the capital--should Schomberg get the start of

him,--so directing de Lausun to defend the road, he issued an order

for a general retreat, and, taking the regiments of Brown and Purcell

as an escort, withdrew from the field and pursued his way to Dublin.

On receipt of this order, "the Irish army retreated" from the hill,

bringing off all their standards and artillery;[33]--they crossed the

lowlands to the north of Donore;--and the Boyne was lost.

It was six o'clock in the evening. The infantry soon reached the town

of Duleek, the French bringing up the rear, and formed in line of

battle behind the river Nanny. The cavalry arrived soon after, and

had just crossed the river as Count Schomberg drew up and formed on

the other side. Both armies then remained facing each other for over

an hour; the Irish, seeing that the enemy did not advance, began to

retire, and Schomberg followed. The Irish halted and reformed again,

in a long ravine, near the village of Neal; the enemy also halted,

but did not attack; and in this posture night settled down on the two

armies. It was now nine o'clock; the Irish resumed their march, and the

enemy following no farther, they continued their way unmolested towards

Dublin. William remained on the field. Some say that sorrow for the

death of Schomberg was the cause of his not pressing the foe. It might

have been caused by a lack of artillery, as his train had not crossed

the river. Perhaps he might have been apprehensive that the garrison of

Drogheda would issue out and capture or destroy it in his absence, as

they might have done during the latter events of the day; but whether

it was one of those causes, or a combination of them, now matters but

little; he had won the Battle of the Boyne, and it was enough for a day.

The principal personages killed in the Jacobite army were Lord

Dungan, Taaf Earl of Carlingford, Sir Neale O'Neil, and the

Marquis de Hoquincourt; in that of the Prince of Orange, the Duke

of Schomberg,[34] Caillemotte, and Walker of Derry, who commanded

a regiment of Enniskilleners. Besides these, several officers of

distinction fell on both sides; among whom were two colonels, two

lieutenant-colonels, in the division of Caillemotte, and Sir Charles

Tooke, Majors Arthur and O'Meara, and the Chevalier de Vaudry, in

Tyrconnell's. The number of officers of subordinate rank killed and

wounded on each side was very great, considering the loss in private

soldiers, which did not exceed one thousand in either. The number

of the wounded in the army of William is not known, and, excepting

Hamilton, there is no mention of prisoners being taken on either side.

Such was the Battle of the Boyne. Memorable for the extinction of the

Stuart dynasty, for the politico-religious government it entailed on

England, and for the wrongs innumerable it bequeathed to Ireland; but

for nothing more memorable than as a well-contested and long-doubtful

battle. It was one fought by twenty thousand men,[35] indifferently

armed, with only six pieces of artillery, and under a king whose

conduct would have disconcerted the best army in the world, from six

in the morning until six in the evening, on a river fordable at every

rood of its length, against an army of thirty thousand[36] veteran

mercenaries, with experienced leaders, cannon at will, and a prince

of great military skill and daring. From the beginning their temerity

seemed almost madness, to the bravest and most experienced, and their

king was besought to relinquish it. Yet three times through the day the

battle seemed equally poised, and once victory was assuredly within

their grasp, had their king but displayed one-half the courage and

intrepidity of his rival. Through the loss of this field the future was

foreshadowed. There the Irish army lost prestige abroad--and at home

every thing but their manhood: yet seldom was that better vindicated

than on that "ill-fated river;" and as they turned their last look on

it, and saw the long lines of William winding up to Donore, well might

they exclaim in their anguish, "Change kings, and we'll fight the

battle again!" The kings were changed, but not for them. On that river

their web of destiny was woven, and though they battled on bravely for

a time, patriotic devotion and heroic sacrifice were in vain.

The battle-fields of Ireland, from 1688 to 1691 · 第 9 / 18 章