CIRCULAR FROM WHIG COMMITTEE.

February 9, 1841.

Appeal to the People of the State of Illinois.

FELLOW-CITIZENS:—When the General Assembly, now about adjourning,

assembled in November last, from the bankrupt state of the public

treasury, the pecuniary embarrassments prevailing in every department

of society, the dilapidated state of the public works, and the impending

danger of the degradation of the State, you had a right to expect

that your representatives would lose no time in devising and adopting

measures to avert threatened calamities, alleviate the distresses of

the people, and allay the fearful apprehensions in regard to the future

prosperity of the State. It was not expected by you that the spirit of

party would take the lead in the councils of the State, and make every

interest bend to its demands. Nor was it expected that any party would

assume to itself the entire control of legislation, and convert the

means and offices of the State, and the substance of the people, into

aliment for party subsistence. Neither could it have been expected by

you that party spirit, however strong its desires and unreasonable

its demands, would have passed the sanctuary of the Constitution, and

entered with its unhallowed and hideous form into the formation of the

judiciary system.

At the early period of the session, measures were adopted by the

dominant party to take possession of the State, to fill all public

offices with party men, and make every measure affecting the interests

of the people and the credit of the State operate in furtherance of

their party views. The merits of men and measures therefore became the

subject of discussion in caucus, instead of the halls of legislation,

and decisions there made by a minority of the Legislature have been

executed and carried into effect by the force of party discipline,

without any regard whatever to the rights of the people or the interests

of the State. The Supreme Court of the State was organized, and judges

appointed, according to the provisions of the Constitution, in 1824.

The people have never complained of the organization of that court; no

attempt has ever before been made to change that department. Respect for

public opinion, and regard for the rights and liberties of the people,

have hitherto restrained the spirit of party from attacks upon the

independence and integrity of the judiciary. The same judges have

continued in office since 1824; their decisions have not been the

subject of complaint among the people; the integrity and honesty of the

court have not been questioned, and it has never been supposed that

the court has ever permitted party prejudice or party considerations

to operate upon their decisions. The court was made to consist of four

judges, and by the Constitution two form a quorum for the transaction

of business. With this tribunal, thus constituted, the people have

been satisfied for near sixteen years. The same law which organized the

Supreme Court in 1824 also established and organized circuit courts

to be held in each county in the State, and five circuit judges were

appointed to hold those courts. In 1826 the Legislature abolished these

circuit courts, repealed the judges out of office, and required the

judges of the Supreme Court to hold the circuit courts. The reasons

assigned for this change were, first, that the business of the country

could be better attended to by the four judges of the Supreme Court than

by the two sets of judges; and, second, the state of the public treasury

forbade the employment of unnecessary officers. In 1828 a circuit was

established north of the Illinois River, in order to meet the wants of

the people, and a circuit judge was appointed to hold the courts in that

circuit.

In 1834 the circuit-court system was again established throughout the

State, circuit judges appointed to hold the courts, and the judges of

the Supreme Court were relieved from the performance of circuit court

duties. The change was recommended by the then acting governor of the

State, General W. L. D. Ewing, in the following terms:

“The augmented population of the State, the multiplied number of

organized counties, as well as the increase of business in all, has

long since convinced every one conversant with this department of

our government of the indispensable necessity of an alteration in

our judiciary system, and the subject is therefore recommended to the

earnest patriotic consideration of the Legislature. The present system

has never been exempt from serious and weighty objections. The idea of

appealing from the circuit court to the same judges in the Supreme Court

is recommended by little hopes of redress to the injured party below.

The duties of the circuit, too, it may be added, consume one half of the

year, leaving a small and inadequate portion of time (when that required

for domestic purposes is deducted) to erect, in the decisions of the

Supreme Court, a judicial monument of legal learning and research,

which the talent and ability of the court might otherwise be entirely

competent to.”

With this organization of circuit courts the people have never

complained. The only complaints which we have heard have come from

circuits which were so large that the judges could not dispose of the

business, and the circuits in which Judges Pearson and Ralston lately

presided.

Whilst the honor and credit of the State demanded legislation upon the

subject of the public debt, the canal, the unfinished public works, and

the embarrassments of the people, the judiciary stood upon a basis

which required no change—no legislative action. Yet the party in power,

neglecting every interest requiring legislative action, and wholly

disregarding the rights, wishes, and interests of the people, has, for

the unholy purpose of providing places for its partisans and supplying

them with large salaries, disorganized that department of the

government. Provision is made for the election of five party judges

of the Supreme Court, the proscription of four circuit judges, and the

appointment of party clerks in more than half the counties of the

State. Men professing respect for public opinion, and acknowledged to be

leaders of the party, have avowed in the halls of legislation that

the change in the judiciary was intended to produce political results

favorable to their party and party friends. The immutable principles

of justice are to make way for party interests, and the bonds of social

order are to be rent in twain, in order that a desperate faction may

be sustained at the expense of the people. The change proposed in the

judiciary was supported upon grounds so destructive to the institutions

of the country, and so entirely at war with the rights and liberties

of the people, that the party could not secure entire unanimity in its

support, three Democrats of the Senate and five of the House voting

against the measure. They were unwilling to see the temples of justice

and the seats of independent judges occupied by the tools of faction.

The declarations of the party leaders, the selection of party men for

judges, and the total disregard for the public will in the adoption of

the measure, prove conclusively that the object has been not reform, but

destruction; not the advancement of the highest interests of the State,

but the predominance of party.

We cannot in this manner undertake to point out all the objections to

this party measure; we present you with those stated by the Council

of Revision upon returning the bill, and we ask for them a candid

consideration.

Believing that the independence of the judiciary has been destroyed,

that hereafter our courts will be independent of the people, and

entirely dependent upon the Legislature; that our rights of property

and liberty of conscience can no longer be regarded as safe from the

encroachments of unconstitutional legislation; and knowing of no other

remedy which can be adopted consistently with the peace and good order

of society, we call upon you to avail yourselves of the opportunity

afforded, and, at the next general election, vote for a convention of

the people.

S. H. LITTLE,

E. D. BAKER,

J. J. HARDIN,

E. B. WEBS,

A. LINCOLN,

J. GILLESPIE,

Committee on behalf of the Whig members of the Legislature.

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