sawe my selfe, and can remember whilest that I was in the Fortresse: that
also which by true relation of others I could understand, and sawe also my
selfe in the campe, whilest I was slaue, I will likewise briefly vtter vnto
you. The enemies armie was in number, two hundred thousand persons of all
sortes and qualities. Of souldiers which tooke pay there were 80. thousand,
besides the which number, there were l4. thousand of Giannizzers taken out
from all the holdes of Syria, Caramania, Natolia, and part of them also
which came from the gate [Footnote: The gate of the great Turke, is as much
to say, as Constantinople: the which they call in the Turkish language
Stanboll.] of the great Turke. The venturers with the sword were 60.
thousand in number. The reason, why there were so many of this sort, was
because Mustafa had dispersed a rumour through the Turkes dominion, that
Famagusta was much more wealthy and rich, then the citie of Nicosia was: so
for that cause, and by the commodious and easie passage from Syria ouer
into Cyprus, these venturers were easily induced to come thither.
[Footnote: Gli Venturieri da spada, are a kind of venturing souldiers, who
commonly are wont to follow the army in hope of the spoile.] In 75. dayes
(all the which time the batterie still continued) 140. thousand iron
pellets were shot of, numbred, and seene. The chiefe personages which were
in their armie neere vnto Mustafa, were these following; the Bassa of
Aleppo, [Footnote: Aleppo, a famous citie neere vnto Antiochia, otherwise
called in Greeke, [Greek: haeliopolis], the city of the Sunne.] the Bassa
of Natolia, Musafer Bassa of Nicosia, the Bassa of Caramaniai, the Aga of
the Giannizzers, Giambelat Bey, [Footnote: Bey in the Turkish language,
signifieth knight with vs.] the Sangiaccho of Tripolis, the Begliarbei of
Greece, [Footnote: Begliarbei signifieth lord Admirall.] the Bassa of
Sciuassi and of Marasco, Ferca Framburaro, the Sangiaccho of Antipo,
[Footnote: Sangiaccho, is that person with the Turkes, that gouerneth a
prouince or countrey.] Soliman Bey, three Sangiacchos of Arabia, Mustafa
Bey generall of the Venturers, Fergat gouernour of Malathia, the Framburaro
of Diuerie, the Sangiaccho of Arabia and other Sangiacchos of lesser
credite, with the number of fourescore thousand persons beside, as by the
muster made by his Commission might well appeare.
The Framburaro which was at Rhodes, was appointed and left gouernour at
Famagusta, and the report was that there should bee left in all the Island
of Cyprus, twentie thousand persons, with two thousand horses, many of the
which I saw, being very leane and euill appoynted for seruice. It seemeth
also a thing not impertinent to the matter, to signifie to you, how I, by
the especiall grace of God, was deliuered out of their cruell hands,
[Footnote: God suffereth much to be done to his seruants, but neuer
forsaketh them.] I hauing paied within two and fortie dayes (all the which
time I was slaue) fiue hundred Zechins for my ransome to him, whose
prisoner I was, by the meanes of the Consul for the French merchants, a
Ligier then at Tripolis, who a litle before came from Tripolis in Syria
vnto Cyprus, into the Turkes campe. Yet for all that I had paied this summe
of money to him, hee would not so set me at libertie, but fed mee vp still
with faire wordes, and promised mee that hee would first bring mee vnto his
gouernment, which abutted vpon a piece of the famous riuer of Euphrates,
and dismisse me. The which malice and falsehood of his I perceiuing,
determined with my selfe to giue him the slip, [Footnote: Necessitie oft
times sharpeneth mens wits, and causeth boldnes.] and to flie: so I waiting
my time, and repairing often to the Citie, at length met with a small
Fisher boate, of the which a small saile made of two shirts, I passed ouer
from Cyprus vnto Tripolis, being in very great danger of drowning, whereas
I remained in couert in the house of certaine Christians, vntill the fiue
and twentie of September, at what time I departed from thence in a little
French shippe called Santa Vittor, which came into these partes, and as wee
rode, wee touched at a part of Cyprus Westward, called Capo delle Gatte,
where as I came on land, and talking with certaine of the inhabitants of
the Villages, who were then by chaunce a Hauking, demaunded of them, how
they were intreated of the Turkes, and after what sort the Island was
tilled: to the which they answered, that they could not possiblie bee in
worse pickle then they were at that present, not enioying that quietly
which was their owne, being made villains and slaues, and almost alwayes
carying away the Bastonados, so that now (they sayd) they knew by triall
too perfectly the pleasant and peaceable gouernment of the Christians,
wishing and praying God that they might shortly returne. [Footnote: The
nature of euery commoditie is sooner vnderstood by lacking, then by
continuall enioying of the same.] And concerning the tillage of the Island
they made answere moreouer, that no part of it was plowed or laboured,
sauing onely that mountaine which was towards the West, and that because
they were litle troubled with the crueltie of the Turkes, but as for the
plaine and east part of the Island, there was small seede sowen therein,
but became in a maner desert, there being left but few inhabitants, and
lesse store of cattell there. Afterward wee departing from thence we
arriued in Candia, [Footnote: Candia of the old writers called Creta in
Latin, [Greek: Hekatompolis] in Greek, because it had once a 100. Cities in
it, now there remaining but onely 4. thus commonly named, Candia, la Cania,
Retima, and Scythia.] I for my part being clothed in sackecloth, whereas
soone after by the great curtesie of the right honourable Signior Latino
Orsino, I was new apparelled accordingly, friendly welcommed, and my
necessitie relieued. From whence I shortly after sayling in a Cypriettes
ship (thankes be to almightie God) arriued in this Citie in health, and am
safely come home now at the honorable feete of your highnesse.
The Captains of the Christians slaine in Famagusta.
The lord Estor Baglione.
The lord Aluigi Martinengo.
The lord Federico Baglione.
The knight of Asta Vicegouernor.
The Capitaine Dauid Noce Master of the Campe.
The capitaine Meani of Perugia Serieant Maior.
The earle Sigismond of Casoldo.
The earle Francesco of Lobi of Cremona.
The captaine Francesco Troncauilla.
The captaine Hannibal Adama of Fermo.
The captaine Scipio of the citie of Castello.
The captaine Charles Ragonasco of Cremona.
The captaine Francesco Siraco.
The captaine Robeto Maluezzo.
The captaine Cæsar of Aduersa.
The captaine Bernardin of Agubio.
The captaine Francesco Bugon of Verona.
The captaine Iames of Fabiana.
The captaine Sebastian del Sole of Florence.
The captaine Hector of Brescia, the successour to the captaine Cæsar of
Aduersa.
The captaine Flaminio of Florence, successor vnto Sebastian del Sole.
The captaine Erasmus of Fermo, successor to the captaine of Cernole.
The captaine Bartholomew of Cernole.
The captaine Iohn Battista of Riuarole.
The captaine Iohn Francesco of Venice.
The names of Christians made slaues.
The Earle Herocles Martinengo, with Iulius Cæsar Ghelfo a Souldiour of
Bressa.
The earle Nestor Martinengo, which fled.
The captaine Marco Criuellatore.
The lord Herocles Malatesta.
The captaine Peter Conte of Montalberto.
The captaine Horatio of Veletri.
The captaine Aluigi Pezano.
The Conte Iames of Corbara.
The captaine Iohn of Istria.
The captaine Soldatelli of Agubio.
The captaine Iohn of Ascoli.
The captaine Antonie of the same towne.
The captaine Sebastian of the same towne.
The captaine Salgano of the citie of Castello.
The captaine Marcheso of Fermo.
The captaine Iohn Antonio of Piacenza.
The captaine Carletto Naldo.
The captaine Lorenzo Fornaretti.
The captaine Barnardo of Brescia.
The captaine Barnardino Coco.
The captaine Simon Bagnese, successour to the captaine Dauid Noce.
The captaine Tiberio Ceruto, successor vnto Conte Sigismond.
The captaine Ioseph of Lanciano, successour vnto captaine Francesco
Troncauilla.
The captaine Morgante, successor to captain Hannibal.
The Lieutenant, successour vnto the captaine Scipio.
The Standerd bearer, successour to captaine Roberto.
The captaine Ottauia of Rimini, successour to the captaine Francesco Bugon.
The captaine Mario de Fabiano, successour to captaine Iacomo.
The captaine Francesco of Venice, successour vnto captaine Antonio.
The captaine Matteo of Capua.
The captaine Iohn Maria of Verona.
The captaine Mancino.
The Fortifiers.
Iohn Marmori, slaine.
The knight Maggio, slaue.
Turkish Captaines at Famagusta.
Mustafa Generall.
The Bassa of Aleppo.
The Bassa of Natolia, slaine.
Musafer Bassa of Nicosia.
The Bassa of Catamania.
The Aga of the Giannizers.
Giambelat Bey.
The Sangiaccho of Tripolis, slaine.
The Begliarbei of Greece.
The Bassa of Sciuassi and Marasco.
Ferca Framburaro.
The Sangiaccho of Antipo, slaine.
Soliman Bey, slaine.
Three Sangiacchos of Arabia slaine.
Mustafa Bey, General of the Venturers, slain.
Fergat, ruler of Malathia, slaine.
The Framburaro of Diuerie, slaine.
* * * * *
The renuing and increasing of an ancient and commodious trade vnto diuerse
places in the Leuant seas, and to the chiefest partes of all the great
Turks dominions, by the meanes of the Right worsh. citizens Sir Edward
Osburne Alderman, and M. Richard Staper marchant of London.
This trade into the Leuant (as is elsewhere mentioned) was very vsuall and
much frequented from the yeere of our Lord 1511, till the yeere 1534, and
afterwards also, though not so commonly, vntill the yeere 1550, when as the
barke Aucher vnder the conduct of M. Roger Bodenham made a prosperous
voyage vnto Sicilia, Candia, Sio, and other places within the Leuant. Since
which time the foresaid trade (notwithstanding the Grand Signiors ample
priuilege granted to M. Anthony Ienkenson 1553, and the strong and weighty
reasons of Gaspar Campion for that purpose) was vtterly discontinued, and
in maner quite forgotten, as if it had neuer bene, for the space of 20
years and more. Howbeit, the discreete and worthy citizens Sir Edward
Osborne and M. Richard Staper seriously considering what benefite might
grow to the common wealth by renuing of the foresaid discontinued trade, to
the inlarging of her Maiesties customes, the furthering of nauigation, the
venting of diuerse generall commodities of this Realme, and the inriching
of the citie of London, determined to vse some effectuall meanes for the
reestablishing and augmenting thereof.
[Sidenote: The voyage of Iohn Wight, and Ioseph Clements to
Constantinople.] Wherefore about the yeere 1575 the foresaid R. W.
marchants at their charges and expenses sent Iohn Wight and Ioseph Clements
by the way of Poland to Constantinople, where the said Ioseph remained 18
monethes to procure a safe conduct from the grand Signior, for M. William
Harborne, then factor for Sir Edward Osborne, to haue free accesse into his
Highnes dominions, and obtained the same.
[Sidenote: The first voyage of M. William Harborne to Constantinople.]
Which businesse after two yeres chargeable trauell and suit being
accomplished, the sayd M. Harborne the first of Iuly 1578 departed from
London by the sea to Hamburgh, and thence accompanied with Ioseph Clements
his guide and a seruant, he trauelled to Leopolis in Poland, and then
apparelling himselfe, his guide, and his seruant after the Turkish fashion
(hauing first obteyned the king of Poland his safe conduct to passe at
Camienijecz the frontier towne of his dominions next vnto Turky) by good
means he obteined fauour of one Acmet Chaus the Turks ambassadour then in
Poland, and readie to returne to Constantinople, to bee receiued into his
companie and carouan. And so the fourth of September 1578 he departed with
the said Acmet from Leopolis in Poland, and trauelling through Moldauia,
Valachia, Bulgaria, and Romania, gratifying the Voiauodes with certaine
courtesies, he arriued at Constantinople the 28 of October next insuing.
Where he behaued himselfe so wisely and discreetly, that within few moneths
after he obtained not onely the great Turkes large and ample priuiledge for
himselfe, and the two worshipfull persons aforesaid, but also procured his
honourable and friendly letters vnto her Maiestie in maner following.
* * * * *
The letters sent from the Imperiall Musulmanlike highnesse of Zuldan Murad
Can, to the sacred regall Maiestie of Elizabeth Queene of England, the
fifteenth of March 1579, conteyning the grant of the first priuileges.
In greatness and glory most renowmed Elizabeth, most sacred Queene, and
noble prince of the most mightie worshippers of Iesus, most wise gouernour
of the causes and affaires of the people and family of Nazareth, cloud of
most pleasant raine, and sweetest fountaine of noblenesse and vertue, ladie
and heire of the perpetuall happinesse and glory of the noble Realme of
England (whom all sorts seeke vnto and submit themselues) we wish most
prosperous successe and happie ends to all your actions, and do offer vnto
you such pleasures and curtesies as are worthy of our mutuall and eternall
familiaritie: thus ending (as best beseemeth vs) out former salutations.
In most friendly maner we giue you to vnderstand, that a certaine man hath
come vnto vs in the name of your most excellent Regall Maiestie, commending
vnto vs from you all kindnesse, curtesie and friendly offices on your part,
and did humbly require that our Imperiall highnesse would vouchsafe to giue
leaue and libertie to him and vnto two other merchants of your kingdome
[Sidenote: These two were Sir Edward Osborne and M. Richard Staper.], to
resort hither and returne againe, and that by way of traffike they might be
suffered to trade hither with their goods and merchandizes to our Imperiall
dominions, and in like sort to make their returne.
Our stately Court and Countrey hath beene euer open for the accesse both of
our enemies and friends. But because we are informed that your most
excellent Regall Maiesty doth abound with good will, humanitie, and all
kind of louing affection towards vs, so much the rather shall the same our
Countrey be alwayes open to such of your subiects, as by way of merchandize
shall trade hither: and we will neuer faile to aide and succor any of them
that are or shal be willing to esteeme of our friendship, fauour, and
assistance: but will reckon it some part of our dutie to gratifie them by
all good meanes. And forasmuch as our Imperiall highnesse is giuen to
vnderstand that your most excellent Regall Maiestie doth excell in bountie
and curtesie, we therfore haue sent out our Imperiall commandement to all
our kings, iudges, and trauellers by sea, to all our Captaines and
voluntarie seafaring men, all condemned persons, and officers of Ports and
customes, straightly charging and commanding them, that such foresaid
persons as shall resort hither by sea from the Realme of England, either
with great or small vessels to trade by way of marchandize, may lawfully
come to our imperiall Dominions, and freely returne home againe, and that
no man shall dare to molest or trouble them. [Sidenote: He calleth the
Germaine emperor but king of Germanie.] And if in like sort they shall come
into our dominions by land, either on foote or on horsebacke, no man shall
at any time withstand or hinder them: but as our familiars and
confederates, the French, Venetians, Polonians, and the king of Germany,
with diuers other our neighbours about vs, haue libertie to come hither,
and to returne againe into their owne countreys, in like sort the marchants
of your most excellent Regall Maiesties kingdome shall haue safe conduct
and leaue to repayre hither to our Imperiall dominions, and so to returne
againe into their owne Country: straightly charging that they be suffered
to vse and trade all kind of marchandize as any other Christians doe,
without let or disturbance of any.
[Sidenote: The Turke demandeth like priuiledges for his subjects in the
Queenes dominions.] Therefore when these our Imperiall letters shall be
brought to your most excellent Maiestie, it shall be meet, according to our
beneuolence, humanity, and familiarity toards your most excellent Maiesty,
that you likewise bethinke your selfe of your like beneuolence, humanitie
and friendshippe towards vs, to open the gate thereof vnto vs, and to
nourish by all good meanes this kindnesse and friendship: and that like
libertie may be granted by your Highnesse to our subiects and merchants to
come with their merchandizes to your dominions, either by sea with their
ships, or by land with their wagons or horses, and to returne home againe:
and that your most excellent Regall Maiestie do alwayes declare your
humanitie, good will, and friendship towards vs, and alwayes keepe open the
dore thereof vnto vs.
Giuen at our citie of Constantinople the fifteenth day of March, and in the
yeere of our most holy Prophet Mahomet. [Marginal note: With vs the yeere
1579.]
* * * * *
The answere of her Maiestie to the aforesaid Letters of the Great Turke,
sent the 15 of October 1579, in the Prudence of London by Master Richard
Stanley.
Elizabetha Dei ter maximi, et vnici coeli terræque Conditoris gratia,
Angliæ, Franciæ et Hiberniæ regina, fidei Christianæ contra omnes omnium
inter Christianos degentium, et Christi nomen falsò profitentium
Idololatrias inuictissima et potentissima Defensatrix, augustissimo,
inuictissimóque principi Sultan Murad Can, Turcici regni dominatori
potentissimo, Imperíjque orientis, Monarchæ supra omnes soli et supremo,
salutem, et multos cum rerum optimarum affluentia foelices, et fortunatos
annos. Augustissime et inuictissime Cæesar, accepimus inuicttissimæ Cæsareæ
vestræ celsitudinis literas, die decimoquinto Martij currentis anni ad nos
scriptas Constantinopoli, ex quibus intelligimus quàm benignè quámque
clementer, literæ supplices quæ Cæsareæ vestræ celsitudini a quodam subdito
nostro Guilielmo Hareborno in Imperiali Celsitudinis vestræ ciuitate
Constantinopoli commorante offerebantur, literæ profectionis pro se et
socijs eius duobus hominibus mercatoribus subditis nostris cum mercibus
suis ad terras ditionésque Imperio vestro subiectas iam per mare quàm per
terras, indéque reuersionis veniæ potestatísque humillimam complexæ
petitionem, ab inuictissima vestra Cæsarea celsitudine, acceptæ fuerunt.
Neque id solùm, sed quàm mira cum facilitate, dignáque augustissima Cæsarea
cleméntia, quod erat in dictis literis supplicibus positum, ei socíjsque
suis donatum et concessum fuit, pro ea, vti videtur, solùm opinione, quam
de nobis, et nostra amicitia vestra celsitudo concepit. Quod singulare
beneficium in dictos subditos nostros collatum tam gratè tamque beneuolè
accepimus (maximas celsitudini vestræ propterea et agentes, et habentes
gratias) nullo vt vnquam patiemur tempore, pro facultatum nostrarum
ratione, proque ea quam nobis inseuit ter maximus mundi monarcha Deus (per
quem et cuius auspicijs regnamus) naturæ bonitate, qua remotissimas nos
esse voluit, et abhorrentes ab ingratitudinis omni vel minima suspitione,
docuitque nullorum vnquam vt principum, vllis in nos meritis nos sineremus
vinci, aut superari, vt apud ingratam principem tantum beneficium
deposuisse, se vestra Celsitudo existimet. Proptereaque animum nostrum
inpræsentiarum vestræ celsitudini emetimur, benè sentiendo et prædicando,
quantopere nos obstrictas beneficij huius in subditos nostros collati
putemus memoriâ sempiternâ: longè vberiorem, et ampliorem gratitudinis erga
vestram celsitudinem nostræ testificationem daturæ, cum tempora incident,
vt possimus et à nobis desiderabitur. Quoniam autem quæ nostris paucis
subditis, eáque suis ipsorum precibus, sine vlla intercessione nostra
concessa donatio est, in æquè libera potestate sita est ad omnes terras
ditionesque Imperio vestro subiectas, com mercibus suis tam per mare quàm
per terras eundi et redeundi, atque inuictissimæ Cæsareæ vestræ
celsitudinis confoederatis, Gallis, Polonis, Venetis, atque adeo regis
Romanorum subditis largita vnquam aut donata fuit, celsitudinem vestram
rogamus ne tam singularis beneficentiæ laus in tam angustis terminis duorum
aut trium hominum concludatur, sed ad vniuersos subditos nostrus diffusa,
propagatáque, celsitudinis vestræ beneficium eò reddat augustius, quò
eiusdem donatio latiùs patebit, et ad plures pertinebit. Cuius tam
singularis in nos beneficij meritum, eò erit celsitudini vestræ minùs
poenitendum, quò sunt merces illæ, quibus regna nostra abundant, et aliorum
principum ditiones egent, tam humanis vsibus comodæ támque necessariæ,
nulla gens vt sit, quæ eis carere queat, proptereáque longissimis,
difficillimísque itineribus conquisitis non vehementer gaudeat. Cariùs
autem distrabunt alijs, quo ex labore suo quisque victum et quæstum
quæritat, adeo vt in earum acquisitione vtilitas, in emptione autem ab
alijs onus sit. Vtilitas celsitudinis vestræ subditis augebitur liberâ hac
paucorum nostrorum hominum ad terras vestras perfectione: onus minuctur,
profectionis, quorumcúnque subditorum nostrorum donatione. Accedet præterea
quæ à nobis in celsitudinis vestræ subditos proficiscetur, par, æquáque
mercium exercendarum libertas, quoties et quando voluerint ad regna
dominiáque nostra mercaturæ gratia accedere. Quam celsitudini vestræ
pollicemur tam amplam latéque patentem fore, quàm est vlla à
confoederatorum vestrorum vllis principibus antedictis, regibus videlicet
Romanorum, Gallorum, Polonorum, ac republica Veneta, celsitudinis vestræ
subditis vllo vnquam tempore concessa et donata. Qua in re si honestæ
petitioni nostræ inuictissima Caæsarea vestra celsitudo dignabitur
auscultate, faciétque vt acceptis nostris literis intelligamus gratum nè
habitura sit quod ab ea contendibus et rogamus, ea proposita præstitáque
securitate, quæ subditos nostros quoscúnque ad dominia sua, terra, maríque
proficiscentes, indéque reuerentes tutos et secures reddat ab omni
quorumcúnque subditorum suorum iniuria, efficiemus, vt quæ Deus opt. max.
in regna dominiáque nostra contulit commoda (quæ tam singularia sunt,
omnium vt principum animos pelliceant ad amicitiam, summæque necessitudinis
coniunctionem nobiscum contrahendam, stabiliendámque quo liberius tantis
summi Dei beneficijs fruantur, quibus carere nequeunt) nostri subditi ad
regna dominiáque Celsitudinis vestræ aduehunt tam affluenter támque
cumulate, vt vtríque incommodo prædicto necessitatis et oneris plenissimè
succurratur. Facit prætereà singularis ista Celsitudinis vestræ in nos
Gentémque nostram summæ beneuolentiæ significatio ac fides, vt eandem, in
causam quorumdam subditorum nostrorum, qui captiui triremibus vestris
detinentur, interpellemus, rogemúsque, vt quoniam nullo in celsitudinem
vestram peccato suo, siuè arma in eam ferendo, siuè iniquiùs præter fas et
ius gentium se gerendo in suos subditos, in hanc calamitatem inciderint,
soluti vinculis, et libertate donati, nobis pro sua fide et obsequio
inseruientes, causam vberiorem præbeant vestræ Celsitudinis in nos
humanitatem prædicandi: et Deum illum, qui solus, et supra omnia et omnes
est acerrimus idololatriæ vindicator, suíque honoris contra Gentium et
aliorum falsos Deos Zelotes, præcabimur, vt vestram inuictissimam Cæsaream
Celsitudinem omni beatitate eorum donorum fortunet, quæ sola et summè iure
merito habentur desideratissima.
Datæ è Regia nostra Grenouici, prope ciuitatem nostram Londinum,
quintodecimo Mensis Octobris, Anno Iesu Christi Saluatoris nostri 1579,
Regni verò nostri vicessimo primo.
The same in English.
Elizabeth by the grace of the most mightie God, and onely Creatour of
heauen and earth, of England, France and Ireland Queene, the most
inuincible and most mighty defender of the Christian faith against all
kinde of idolatries, of all that liue among the Christians, and fully
professe the Name of Christ, vnto the most Imperiall and most inuincible
prince, Zaldan Murad Can, the most mightie ruler of the kingdome of Turkie,
sole and aboue all, and most souereigne Monarch of the East Empire,
greeting, and many happy and fortunate yeeres, with abundance of the best
things.