"I send you with this the two volumes of our Transactions, as I forget

whether you had the first before. If you had, you will please to give

this to the French ambassador, requesting his conveyance of it to the

good Duke de la Rochefoucauld. My best wishes attend you, being ever,

with sincere and great esteem, my dear friend, yours most

affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN."

* * * * *

"_B. Vaughan._

"Philadelphia, June 3, 1789.

"MY DEAREST FRIEND,

"I received your kind letter of March 4, and wish I may be able to

complete what you so earnestly desire, the Memoirs of my Life. But of

late I am so interrupted by extreme pain, which obliges me to have

recourse to opium, that between the effects of both I have but little

time in which I can write anything. My grandson, however, is copying

what is done, which will be sent to you for your opinion, by the next

vessel; and not merely for your opinion, but for your advice; for I find

it a difficult task to speak decently and properly of one's own conduct;

and I feel the want of a judicious friend to encourage me in scratching

out.

"I have condoled sincerely with the bishop of St. Asaph's family. He was

an excellent man. Losing our friends thus one by one is the tax we pay

for long living; and it is indeed a heavy one!

"I have not seen the King of Prussia's posthumous works; what you

mention makes me desirous to have them. Please to mention it to your

brother William, and that I request he would add them to the books I

have desired him to buy for me.

"Our new government is now in train, and seems to promise well. But

events are in the hand of God! I am ever, my dear friend, yours most

affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN."

* * * * *

"_Dr. Rush._

"Philadelphia.

[Without date, but supposed to be in 1789.]

"MY DEAR FRIEND,

"During our long acquaintance you have shown many instances of your

regard for me, yet I must now desire you to add one more to the number,

which is that if you publish your ingenious discourse on the _moral

sense_, you will totally omit and suppress that extravagant encomium on

your friend Franklin, which hurt me exceedingly in the unexpected

hearing, and will mortify me beyond conception if it should appear from

the press.

"Confiding in your compliance with this earnest request, I am ever, my

dear friend, yours most affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN."

* * * * *

_To Miss Catharine Louisa Shipley._

"Philadelphia, April 27, 1789.

"It is only a few days since the kind letter of my dear young friend,

dated December 24, came to my hands. I had before, in the public papers,

met with the afflicting news that letter contained. That excellent man

has then left us! his departure is a loss, not to his family and friends

only, but to his nation and to the world: for he was intent on doing

good, had wisdom to devise the means, and talents to promote them. His

sermon before the Society for Propagating the Gospel, and "_his speech

intended to be spoken_," are proofs of his ability as well as his

humanity. Had his counsels in those pieces been attended to by the

ministers, how much bloodshed might have been prevented, and how much

expense and disgrace to the nation avoided!

"Your reflections on the constant calmness and composure attending his

death are very sensible. Such instances seem to show that the good

sometimes enjoy, in dying, a foretaste of the happy state they are

about to enter.

"According to the course of years, I should have quitted this world long

before him: I shall, however, not be long in following. I am now in my

eighty-fourth year, and the last year has considerably enfeebled me, so

that I hardly expect to remain another. You will then, my dear friend,

consider this as probably the last line to be received from me, and as a

taking leave.

"Present my best and most sincere respects to your good mother, and love

to the rest of the family, to whom I wish all happiness; and believe me

to be, while I _do_ live, yours most affectionately,

"B. FRANKLIN."

* * * * *

_To_ * * *.

(Withoute date.)

"DEAR SIR,

"I have read your manuscript with some attention. By the argument it

contains against a particular Providence, though you allow a general

Providence, you strike at the foundations of all religion. For without

the belief of a Providence that takes cognizance of, guards and guides,

and may favour particular persons, there is no motive to worship a

Deity, to fear its displeasure, or to pray for its protection. I will

not enter into any discussion of your principles, though you seem to

desire it. At present I shall only give you my opinion, that though your

reasonings are subtle, and may prevail with some readers, you will not

succeed so as to change the general sentiments of mankind on that

subject, and the consequence of printing this piece will be, a great

deal of odium drawn upon yourself, mischief to you, and no benefit to

others. He that spits against the wind, spits in his own face. But were

you to succeed, do you imagine any good would be done by it? You

yourself may find it easy to live a virtuous life without the assistance

afforded by religion; you having a clear perception of the advantages of

virtue and the disadvantages of vice, and possessing a strength of

resolution sufficient to enable you to resist common temptations. But

think how great a portion of mankind consists of weak and ignorant men

and women, and of inexperienced, inconsiderate youth of both sexes, who

have need of the motives of religion to restrain them from vice, to

support their virtue, and retain them in the practice of it till it

becomes _habitual_, which is the great point of its security. And

perhaps you are indebted to her originally, that is, to your religious

education, for the habits of virtue upon which you now justly value

yourself. You might easily display your excellent talents of reasoning

upon a less hazardous subject, and thereby obtain a rank with our most

distinguished authors. For among us it is not necessary, as among the

Hottentots, that a youth to be raised into the company of men should

prove his manhood by beating his mother. I would advise you, therefore,

not to attempt unchaining the tiger, but to burn this piece before it is

seen by any other person, whereby you will save yourself a great deal of

mortification from the enemies it may raise against you, and, perhaps, a

great deal of regret and repentance. If men are so wicked _with

religion_, what would they be if _without it_? I intend this letter

itself as a _proof_ of my friendship, and, therefore, add no

_professions_ to it; but subscribe simply yours,

B. FRANKLIN."

* * * * *

_Copy of the last Letter written by Dr. Franklin._

"Philadelphia, April 8, 1790.

"SIR,

"I received your letter of the 31st of last past relating to

encroachments made on the eastern limits of the United States by

settlers under the British government, pretending that it is the

_western_, and not the _eastern_ river of the Bay of Passamaquoddy which

was designated by the name of St. Croix, in the treaty of peace with

that nation; and requesting of me to communicate any facts which my

memory or papers may enable me to recollect, and which may indicate the

true river which the commissioners on both sides had in their view to

establish as the boundary between the two nations.

"Your letter found me under a severe fit of my malady, which prevented

my answering it sooner, or attending, indeed, to any kind of business. I

now can assure you that I am perfectly clear in the remembrance that the

map we used in tracing the boundary was brought to the treaty by the

commissioners from England, and that it was the same that was published

by _Mitchell_ above twenty years before. Having a copy of that map by me

in loose sheets, I send you that sheet which contains the Bay of

Passamaquoddy, where you will see that part of the boundary traced. I

remember, too, that in that part of the boundary we relied much on the

opinion of Mr. Adams, who had been concerned in some former disputes

concerning those territories. I think, therefore, that you may obtain

still farther light from him.

"That the map we used was Mitchell's map, Congress were acquainted at

the time, by letter to their secretary for foreign affairs, which I

suppose may be found upon their files.

"I have the honour to be, with the greatest esteem and respect, sir,

your most obedient and most humble servant,

"B. FRANKLIN.

"To Thomas Jefferson, }

"Secretary of State of the United States."}

PHILOSOPHICAL SUBJECTS.

_To the Abbé Soulavie._[35]

[35] Occasioned by his sending me some notes he had taken of what I

had said to him in conversation on the Theory of the Earth. I wrote

it to set him right in some points wherein he had mistaken my

meaning.--B. F.

_Theory of the Earth._--Read in the American Philosophical Society,

November 22, 1782.

Passy, September 22, 1782.

I return the papers with some corrections. I did not find coal mines

under the calcareous rocks in Derbyshire. I only remarked, that at the

lowest part of that rocky mountain which was in sight, there were oyster

shells mixed in the stone; and part of the high county of Derby being

probably as much above the level of the sea as the coal mines of

Whitehaven were below it, seemed a proof that there had been a great

_boulversement_ in the surface of that island, some part of it having

been depressed under the sea, and other parts, which had been under it,

being raised above it. Such changes in the superficial parts of the

globe seemed to me unlikely to happen if the earth were solid to the

centre. I therefore imagined that the internal parts might be a fluid

more dense, and of greater specific gravity than any of the solids we

are acquainted with, which therefore might swim in or upon that fluid.

Thus the surface of the globe would be a shell, capable of being broken

or disordered by the violent movements of the fluid on which it rested.

And as air has been compressed by art so as to be twice as dense as

water, in which case, if such air and water could be contained in a

strong glass vessel, the air would be seen to take the lowest place, and

the water to float above and upon it; and as we know not yet the degree

of density to which air may be compressed, and M. Amontons calculated

that its density increasing as it approached the centre in the same

proportion as above the surface, it would, at the depth of---- leagues,

be heavier than gold; possibly the dense fluid occupying the internal

parts of the globe might be air compressed. And as the force of

expansion in dense air, when heated, is in proportion to its density,

this central air might afford another agent to move the surface, as well

as be of use in keeping alive the subterraneous fires; though, as you

observe, the sudden rarefaction of water coming into contact without

those fires, may also be an agent sufficiently strong for that purpose,

when acting between the incumbent earth and the fluid on which it rests.

If one might indulge imagination in supposing how such a globe was

formed, I should conceive, that all the elements in separate particles

being originally mixed in confusion, and occupying a great space, they

would (as soon as the almighty fiat ordained gravity, or the mutual

attraction of certain parts and the mutual repulsion of others, to

exist) all move to their common centre: that the air, being a fluid

whose parts repel each other, though drawn to the common centre by their

gravity, would be densest towards the centre, and rarer as more remote;

consequently, all matters lighter than the central parts of that air and

immersed in it, would recede from the centre, and rise till they arrived

at that region of the air which was of the same specific gravity with

themselves, where they would rest; while other matter, mixed with the

lighter air, would descend, and the two, meeting, would form the shell

of the first earth, leaving the upper atmosphere nearly clear. The

original movement of the parts towards their common centre would

naturally form a whirl there, which would continue upon the turning of

the new-formed globe upon its axis, and the greatest diameter of the

shell would be in its equator. If by any accident afterward the axis

should be changed, the dense internal fluid, by altering its form, must

burst the shell and throw all its substance into the confusion in which

we find it. I will not trouble you at present with my fancies concerning

the manner of forming the rest of our system. Superior beings smile at

our theories, and at our presumption in making them. I will just

mention, that your observations on the ferruginous nature of the lava

which is thrown out from the depths of our volcanoes, gave me great

pleasure. It has long been a supposition of mine, that the iron

contained in the surface of the globe has made it capable of becoming,

as it is, a great magnet; that the fluid of magnetism perhaps exists in

all space; so that there is a magnetical north and south of the

universe, as well as of this globe, and that, if it were possible for a

man to fly from star to star, he might govern his course by the compass;

that it was by the power of this general magnetism this globe became a

particular magnet. In soft or hot iron the fluid of magnetism is

naturally diffused equally; when within the influence of the magnet it

is drawn to one end of the iron, made denser there and rarer at the

other. While the iron continues soft and hot, it is only a temporary

magnet; if it cools or grows hard in that situation, it becomes a

permanent one, the magnetic fluid not easily resuming its equilibrium.

Perhaps it may be owing to the permanent magnetism of this globe, which

it had not at first, that its axis is at present kept parallel to

itself, and not liable to the changes it formerly suffered, which

occasioned the rupture of its shell, the submersions and emersions of

its lands, and the confusion of its seasons. The present polar and

equatorial diameters differing from each other near ten leagues, it is

easy to conceive, in case some power should shift the axis gradually,

and place it in the present equator, and make the new equator pass

through the present poles, what a sinking of the waters would happen in

the equatorial regions, and what a rising in the present polar regions;

so that vast tracts would be discovered that now are under water, and

others covered that are now dry, the water rising and sinking in the

different extremes near five leagues. Such an operation as this possibly

occasioned much of Europe, and, among the rest, this mountain of Passy

on which I live, and which is composed of limestone, rock, and

seashells, to be abandoned by the sea, and to change its ancient

climate, which seems to have been a hot one. The globe being now become

a perfect magnet, we are, perhaps, safe from any change of its axis. But

we are still subject to the accidents on the surface, which are

occasioned by a wave in the internal ponderous fluid; and such a wave is

producible by the sudden violent explosion you mention, happening from

the junction of water and fire under the earth, which not only lifts the

incumbent earth that is over the explosion, but, impressing with the

same force the fluid under it, creates a wave that may run a thousand

leagues, lifting, and thereby shaking, successively, all the countries

under which it passes. I know not whether I have expressed myself so

clearly as not to get out of your sight in these reveries. If they

occasion any new inquiries, and produce a better hypothesis, they will

not be quite useless. You see I have given a loose to imagination; but I

approve much more your method of philosophizing, which proceeds upon

actual observation, makes a collection of facts, and concludes no

farther than those facts will warrant. In my present circumstances, that

mode of studying the nature of the globe is out of my power, and

therefore I have permitted myself to wander a little in the wilds of

fancy. With great esteem,

B. FRANKLIN.

P.S.--I have heard that chymists can by their art decompose stone and

wood, extracting a considerable quantity of water from the one and air

from the other. It seems natural to conclude from this, that water and

air were ingredients in their original composition; for men cannot make

new matter of any kind. In the same manner, may we not suppose, that

when we consume combustibles of all kinds, and produce heat or light, we

do not create that heat or light, but decompose a substance which

received it originally as a part of its composition? Heat may be thus

considered as originally in a fluid state; but, attracted by organized

bodies in their growth, becomes a part of the solid. Besides this, I can

conceive, that in the first assemblage of the particles of which the

earth is composed, each brought its portion of loose heat that had been

connected with it, and the whole, when pressed together, produced the

internal fire that still subsists.

* * * * *

_To Dr. John Pringle._

ON THE DIFFERENT STRATA OF THE EARTH.

Craven-street, Jan. 6, 1758.

I return you Mr. Mitchell's paper on the strata of the earth[36] with

thanks. The reading of it, and the perusal of the draught that

accompanies it, have reconciled me to those convulsions which all

naturalists agree this globe has suffered. Had the different strata of

clay, gravel, marble, coals, limestone, sand, minerals, &c., continued

to lie level, one under the other, as they may be supposed to have done

before those convulsions, we should have had the use only of a few of

the uppermost of the strata, the others lying too deep and too difficult

to be come at; but the shell of the earth being broke, and the fragments

thrown into this oblique position, the disjointed ends of a great number

of strata of different kinds are brought up to day, and a great variety

of useful materials put into our power, which would otherwise have

remained eternally concealed from us. So that what has been usually

looked upon as a _ruin_ suffered by this part of the universe, was, in

reality, only a preparation, or means of rendering the earth more fit

for use, more capable of being to mankind a convenient and comfortable

habitation.

[36] The paper of Mr. Mitchell, here referred to, was published

afterward in the Philosophical Transactions of London.

B. FRANKLIN.

* * * * *

_To Mr. Bowdoin._

_Queries and Conjectures relating to Magnetism

and the Theory of the Earth._--Read in the American Philosophical

Society January 15, 1790.

I received your favours by Messrs. Gore, Hilliard, and Lee, with whose

conversation I was much pleased, and wished for more of it; but their

stay with us was too short. Whenever you recommend any of your friends

to me, you oblige me.

I want to know whether your Philosophical Society received the second

volume of our Transactions. I sent it, but never heard of its arriving.

If it miscarried, I will send another. Has your Society among its books

the French work _Sur les Arts et les Metiers_? It is voluminous, well

executed, and may be useful in our country. I have bequeathed it them in

my will; but if they have it already, I will substitute something else.

Our ancient correspondence used to have something philosophical in it.

As you are now free from public cares, and I expect to be so in a few

months, why may we not resume that kind of correspondence? Our much

regretted friend Winthrop once made me the compliment, that I was good

at starting game for philosophers, let me try if I can start a little

for you.

Has the question, how came the earth by its magnetism, ever been

considered?

Is it likely that _iron ore_ immediately existed when this globe was at

first formed; or may it not rather be supposed a gradual production of

time?

If the earth is at present magnetical, in virtue of the masses of iron

ore contained in it, might not some ages pass before it had magnetic

polarity?

Since iron ore may exist without that polarity, and, by being placed in

certain circumstances, may obtain it from an external cause, is it not

possible that the earth received its magnetism from some such cause?

In short, may not a magnetic power exist throughout our system, perhaps

through all systems, so that if men could make a voyage in the starry

regions, a compass might be of use? And may not such universal

magnetism, with its uniform direction, be serviceable in keeping the

diurnal revolution of a planet more steady to the same axis?

Lastly, as the poles of magnets may be changed by the presence of

stronger magnets, might not, in ancient times, the near passing of some

large comet, of greater magnetic power than this globe of ours, have

been a means of changing its poles, and thereby wrecking and deranging

its surface, placing in different regions the effect of centrifugal

force, so as to raise the waters of the sea in some, while they were

depressed in others?

Let me add another question or two, not relating indeed to magnetism,

but, however, to the theory of the earth.

Is not the finding of great quantities of shells and bones of animals

(natural to hot climates) in the cold ones of our present world, some

proof that its poles have been changed? Is not the supposition that the

poles have been changed, the easiest way of accounting for the deluge,

by getting rid of the old difficulty how to dispose of its waters after

it was over! Since, if the poles were again to be changed, and placed in

the present equator, the sea would fall there about fifteen miles in

height, and rise as much in the present polar regions; and the effect

would be proportionable if the new poles were placed anywhere between

the present and the equator.

Does not the apparent wreck of the surface of this globe, thrown up into

long ridges of mountains, with strata in various positions, make it

probable that its internal mass is a fluid, but a fluid so dense as to

float the heaviest of our substances? Do we know the limit of

condensation air is capable of? Supposing it to grow denser _within_ the

surface in the same proportion nearly as it does _without_, at what

depth may it be equal in density with gold?

Can we easily conceive how the strata of the earth could have been so

deranged, if it had not been a mere shell supported by a heavier fluid?

Would not such a supposed internal fluid globe be immediately sensible

of a change in the situation of the earth's axis, alter its form, and

thereby burst the shell and throw up parts of it above the rest? As if

we would alter the position of the fluid contained in the shell of an

egg, and place its longest diameter where the shortest now is, the shell

must break; but would be much harder to break if the whole internal

substance were as solid and as hard as the shell.

Might not a wave, by any means raised in this supposed internal ocean of

extremely dense fluid, raise, in some degree as it passes, the present

shell of incumbent earth, and break it in some places, as in

earthquakes. And may not the progress of such wave, and the disorders it

occasions among the solids of the shell, account for the rumbling sound

being first heard at a distance, augmenting as it approaches, and

gradually dying away as it proceeds? A circumstance observed by the

inhabitants of South America, in their last great earthquake, that noise

coming from a place some degrees north of Lima, and being traced by

inquiry quite down to Buenos Ayres, proceeded regularly from north to

south at the rate of ____ leagues per minute, as I was informed by a

very ingenious Peruvian whom I met with at Paris.

B. FRANKLIN.

* * * * *

_To M. Dubourg._

ON THE NATURE OF SEACOAL.

I am persuaded, as well as you, that the seacoal has a vegetable origin,

and that it has been formed near the surface of the earth; but, as

preceding convulsions of nature had served to bring it very deep in many

places, and covered it with many different strata, we are indebted to

subsequent convulsions for having brought within our view the

extremities of its veins, so as to lead us to penetrate the earth in

search of it. I visited last summer a large coalmine at Whitehaven, in

Cumberland; and in following the vein, and descending by degrees towards

the sea, I penetrated below the ocean where the level of its surface was

more than eight hundred fathoms above my head, and the miners assured me

that their works extended some miles beyond the place where I then was,

continually and gradually descending under the sea. The slate, which

forms the roof of this coalmine, is impressed in many places with the

figures of leaves and branches of fern, which undoubtedly grew at the

surface when the slate was in the state of sand on the banks of the sea.

Thus it appears that this vein of coal has suffered a prodigious

settlement.

Memoirs of Benjamin Franklin; Written by Himself. [Vol. 2 of 2] With his Most Interesting Essays, Letters, and Miscellaneous Writings; Familiar, Moral, Political, Economical, and Philosophical, Selected with Care from All His Published Productions, and Comprising Whatever Is Most Entertaining and Valuable to the General Reader · 第 14 / 20 段