agriculture, and have put it in the way of being communicated to the
public here. I have observed in America that the farmers are more
thriving in those parts of the country where horned cattle are used,
than in those where the labour is done by horses. The latter are said to
require twice the quantity of land to maintain them and, after all, are
not good to eat--at least we don't think them so. Here is a waste of
land that might afford subsistence for so many of the human species.
Perhaps it was for this reason that the Hebrew lawgiver, having promised
that the children of Israel should be as numerous as the sands of the
sea, not only took care to secure the health of individuals by
regulating their diet, that they might be better fitted for producing
children, but also forbid their using horses, as those animals would
lessen the quantity of subsistence for man. Thus we find, when they took
any horses from their enemies, they destroyed them; and in the
commandments, where the labour of the ox and ass is mentioned, and
forbidden on the Sabbath, there is no mention of the horse, probably
because they were to have none. And by the great armies suddenly raised
in that small territory they inhabited, it appears to have been very
full of people.[15]
[15] There is not in the Jewish law any express prohibition
against the use of horses: it is only enjoined that the kings
should not multiply the breed, or carry on trade with Egypt for the
purchase of horses.--Deut. xvii., 16. Solomon was the first of the
kings of Judah who disregarded this ordinance. He had 40,000 stalls
of horses which he brought out of Egypt.--1 Kings iv., 26, and x.,
28. From this time downward horses were in constant use in the
Jewish armies. It is true that the country, from its rocky surface
and unfertile soil, was extremely unfit for the maintenance of
those animals.--_Note by Lord Kames._
"Food is _always_ necessary to _all_, and much the greatest part of the
labour of mankind is employed in raising provisions for the mouth. Is
not this kind of labour, then, the fittest to be the standard by which
to measure the values of all other labour, and, consequently, of all
other things whose value depends on the labour of making or procuring
them? may not even gold and silver be thus valued? If the labour of the
farmer, in producing a bushel of wheat, be equal to the labour of the
miner in producing an ounce of silver, will not the bushel of wheat just
measure the value of the ounce of silver. The miner must eat; the
farmer, indeed, can live without the ounce of silver, and so, perhaps,
will have some advantage in settling the price. But these discussions I
leave to you, as being more able to manage them: only, I will send you a
little scrap I wrote some time since on the laws prohibiting foreign
commodities.
"I congratulate you on your election as president of your Edinburgh
Society. I think I formerly took notice to you in conversation, that I
thought there had been some similarity in our fortunes and the
circumstances of our lives. This is a fresh instance, for by letters
just received I find that I was about the same time chosen President of
our American Philosophical Society, established at Philadelphia.[16]
[16] The American Philosophical Society was instituted in 1769, and
was formed by the union of two societies which had formerly
subsisted at Philadelphia, whose views and objects were of a
similar nature. Its members were classed in the following
committees:
1. Geography, Mathematics, Natural Philosophy, and Astronomy.
2. Medicine and Anatomy.
3. Natural History and Chymistry.
4. Trade and Commerce.
5. Mechanics and Architecture.
6. Husbandry and American Improvements.
Several volumes have been published of the transactions of this
American Society, in which are many papers by Dr. Franklin.--_Note
by Lord Kames._
"I have sent by sea, to the care of Mr. Alexander a little box
containing a few copies of the late edition of my books, for my friends
in Scotland. One is directed for you, and one for your society, which I
beg that you and they would accept as a small token of my respect.
"With the sincerest esteem and regard,
"B. FRANKLIN.
"P.S.--I am sorry my letter of 1767, concerning the American disputes,
miscarried. I now send you a copy of it from my book. The examination
mentioned in it you have probably seen. Things daily wear a worse
aspect, and tend more and more to a breach and final separation."
* * * * *
"_John Alleyne._
"Craven-street, August 9, 1768.
"DEAR JACK,
"You desire, you say, my impartial thoughts on the subject of an early
marriage, by way of answer to the numberless objections that have been
made by numerous persons to your own. You may remember, when you
consulted me on the occasion, that I thought youth on both sides to be
no objection. Indeed, from the marriages that have fallen under my
observation, I am rather inclined to think that early ones stand the
best chance of happiness. The temper and habits of the young are not yet
become so stiff and uncomplying as when more advanced in life; they form
more easily to each other, and hence many occasions of disgust are
removed. And if youth has less of that prudence which is necessary to
manage a family, yet the parents and elder friends of young married
persons are generally at hand to afford their advice, which amply
supplies that defect; and, by early marriage, youth is sooner formed to
regular and useful life; and possibly some of those accidents or
connexions, that might have injured the constitution or reputation, or
both, are thereby happily prevented. Particular circumstances of
particular persons may possibly, sometimes, make it prudent to delay
entering into that state; but, in general, when nature has rendered our
bodies fit for it, the presumption is in nature's favour, for she has
not judged amiss in making us desire it. Late marriages are often
attended, too, with this farther inconvenience, that there is not the
same chance that the parents shall live to see their offspring educated.
'_Late children_,' says the Spanish proverb, '_are early orphans_.' A
melancholy reflection to those whose case it may be! With us in America
marriages are generally in the morning of life; our children are
therefore educated and settled in the world by noon; and thus, our
business being done, we have an afternoon and evening of cheerful
leisure to ourselves, such as our friend at present enjoys. By these
early marriages we are blessed with more children; and from the mode
among us, founded by nature, of every mother suckling and nursing her
own child, more of them are raised. Thence the swift progress of
population among us, unparalleled in Europe. In fine, I am glad you are
married, and congratulate you most cordially upon it. You are now in the
way of becoming a useful citizen; and you have escaped the unnatural
state of celibacy for life--the fate of many here who never intended it,
but who, having too long postponed the change of their condition, find
at length that it is too late to think of it, and so live all their
lives in a situation that greatly lessens a man's value. An odd volume
of a set of books bears not the value of its proportion to the set: what
think you of the odd half of a pair of scissors? it can't well cut
anything; it may possibly serve to scrape a trencher.
"Pray make my compliments and best wishes acceptable to your bride. I am
old and heavy, or I should, ere this, have presented them in person. I
shall make but small use of the old man's privilege, that of giving
advice to younger friends. Treat your wife always with respect; it will
procure respect to you, not only from her, but from all that observe it.
Never use a slighting expression to her, even in jest; for slights in
jest, after frequent bandyings, are apt to end in angry earnest. Be
studious in your profession, and you will be learned. Be industrious and
frugal, and you will be rich. Be sober and temperate, and you will be
healthy. Be in general virtuous, and you will be happy. At least, you
will, by such conduct, stand the best chance for such consequences.
"I pray God to bless you both, being ever your affectionate friend,
"B. FRANKLIN."
* * * * *
"_Governor Franklin._
"London, Dec. 19, 1767.
"DEAR SIR,
"The resolutions of the Boston people concerning trade make a great
noise here. Parliament has not yet taken notice of them, but the
newspapers are in full cry against America. Colonel Onslow told me at
court last Sunday, that I could not conceive how much the friends of
America were run upon and hurt by them, and how much the Grenvillians
triumphed. I have just written a paper for next Thursday's Chronicle,
to extenuate matters a little.
"Mentioning Colonel Onslow reminds me of something that passed at the
beginning of this session in the house between him and Mr. Grenville.
The latter had been raving against America, as traitorous, rebellious,
&c., when the former, who has always been its firm friend, stood up and
gravely said, that in reading the Roman history, he found it was a
custom among that wise and magnanimous people, whenever the senate was
informed of any discontent in the provinces, to send two or three of
their body into the discontented provinces to inquire into the
grievances complained of, and report to the senate, that mild measures
might be used to remedy what was amiss before any severe steps were
taken to enforce obedience. That this example he thought worthy our
imitation in the present state of our colonies, for he did so far agree
with the honourable gentleman that spoke just before him as to allow
there were great discontents among them. He should therefore beg leave
to move, that two or three members of Parliament be appointed to go over
to New-England on this service. And that it might not be supposed he was
for imposing burdens on others that he would not be willing to bear
himself, he did at the same time declare his own willingness, if the
house should think fit to appoint them, to go over thither _with that
honourable gentleman_. Upon this there was a great laugh, which
continued some time, and was rather increased by Mr. Grenville's asking,
'Will the gentleman engage that I shall be safe there? Can I be assured
that I shall be allowed to come back again to make the report?' As soon
as the laugh was so far subsided as that Mr. Onslow could be heard
again, he added, 'I cannot absolutely engage for the honourable
gentleman's safe return; but if he goes thither upon this service, I am
strongly of opinion the _event_ will contribute greatly to the future
quiet of both countries.' On which the laugh was renewed and redoubled.
"If our people should follow the Boston example in entering into
resolutions of frugality and industry, full as necessary for us as for
them, I hope they will, among other things, give this reason, that 'tis
to enable them more speedily and effectually to discharge their debts to
Great Britain; this will soften a little, and, at the same time, appear
honourable, and like ourselves. Yours, &c.,
"B. FRANKLIN."
* * * * *
"_To Dr. Priestley._
"Passy, June 7, 1782.
"DEAR SIR,
"I received your kind letter of the 7th April, also one of the 3d of
May. I have always great pleasure in hearing from you, in learning that
you are well, and that you continue your experiments. I should rejoice
much if I could once more recover the leisure to search with you into
the works of nature; I mean the inanimate or moral part of them: the
more I discovered of the former, the more I admired them; the more I
know of the latter, the more I am disgusted with them. Men I find to be
a sort of beings very badly constructed, as they are generally more
easily provoked than reconciled, more disposed to do mischief to each
other than to make reparation, much more easily deceived than
undeceived, and having more pride and even pleasure in killing than in
begetting one another. * * * In what light we are viewed by superior
beings, may be gathered from a piece of late West India news, which,
possibly, has not yet reached you. A young angel being sent down to this
world on some business for the first time, had an old courier-spirit
assigned him as a guide; they arrived over the seas of Martinico, in the
middle of the long day of obstinate fight between the fleets of Rodney
and De Grasse. When through the clouds of smoke he saw the fire of the
guns, the decks covered with mangled limbs, and bodies dead or dying,
the ships sinking, burning, or blown into the air, and the quantity of
pain, misery, and destruction, the crews yet alive were thus with so
much eagerness dealing round to one another, he turned angrily to his
guide, and said, you blundering blockhead, you are ignorant of your
business; you undertook to conduct me to the earth, and you have brought
me into hell! No, sir, says the guide, I have made no mistake; this is
really the earth, and these are men. Devils never treat one another in
this cruel manner; they have more sense, and more of what men (vainly)
call humanity.
"But to be serious, my dear old friend, I love you as much as ever, and
I love all the honest souls that meet at the London Coffee-house. I only
wonder how it happened that they and my other friends in England came to
be such good creatures in the midst of so perverse a generation. I long
to see them and you once more, and I labour for peace with more
earnestness, that I may again be happy in your sweet society. * * *
"Yesterday the _Count du Nord_[17] was at the Academy of Sciences, when
sundry experiments were exhibited for his entertainment; among them, one
by M. Lavoisier, to show that the strongest fire we yet know is made in
charcoal blown upon with dephlogisticated air. In a heat so produced, he
melted platina presently, the fire being much more powerful than that of
the strongest burning mirror. Adieu, and believe me ever, yours most
affectionately,
[17] The Grand-duke of Russia, afterward the Emperor Paul I.
B. FRANKLIN."
* * * * *
_To the same._
"London, September 19, 1772.
"DEAR SIR,
"In the affair of so much importance to you, wherein you ask my advice,
I cannot, for want of sufficient premises, counsel you _what_ to
determine; but, if you please, I will tell you _how_. When those
difficult cases occur, they are difficult chiefly because, while we have
them under consideration, all the reasons, _pro_ and _con_, are not
present to the mind at the same time; but sometimes one set present
themselves, and at other times another, the first being out of sight.
Hence the various purposes or inclinations that alternately prevail, and
the uncertainty that perplexes us. To get over this, my way is, to
divide half a sheet of paper by a line into two columns, writing over
the one _pro_ and over the other _con_: then, during three or four days'
consideration, I put down under the different heads short hints of the
different motives that at different times occur to me _for_ or _against_
the measure. When I have thus got them all together in one view, I
endeavour to estimate their respective weights, and where I find two
(one on each side), that seem equal, I strike them both out. If I find a
reason _pro_ equal to some _two_ reasons _con_ I strike out the _three_.
If I judge some _two_ reasons _con_ equal to some _three_ reasons _pro_,
I strike out the _five_; and, thus proceeding, I find at length where
the _balance_ lies; and if, after a day or two of farther consideration,
nothing new that is of importance occurs on either side, I come to a
determination accordingly. And though the weight of reasons cannot be
taken with the precision of algebraic quantities, yet, when each is thus
considered separately and comparatively, and the whole lies before me, I
think I can judge better, and am less liable to make a rash step; and,
in fact, I have found great advantage from this kind of equation, in
what may be called moral or _prudential algebra_.
"Wishing sincerely that you may determine for the best, I am ever, my
dear friend, yours most affectionately,
B. FRANKLIN."
* * * * *
"_Mr. Mather, Boston._
"London, July, 4, 1773.
"REVEREND SIR,
"The remarks you have added on the late proceedings against America are
very just and judicious; and I cannot see any impropriety in your making
them, though a minister of the gospel. This kingdom is a good deal
indebted for its liberties to the public spirit of its ancient clergy,
who joined with the barons in obtaining Magna Charta, and joined
heartily in forming the curses of excommunication against the infringers
of it. There is no doubt but the claim of Parliament, of authority to
make laws _binding on the colonies in all cases whatsoever_, includes an
authority to change our religious constitution, and establish popery or
Mohammedanism, if they please, in its stead; but, as you intimate,
_power_ does not infer _right_; and as the _right_ is nothing and the
_power_ (by our increase) continually diminishing, the one will soon be
as insignificant as the _other_. You seem only to have made a small
mistake in supposing they modestly avoided to declare they had a right,
the words of the act being, 'that they have, and of _right_ ought to
have, full power,' &c.
"Your suspicion that sundry others besides Governor Bernard 'had written
hither their opinions and councils, encouraging the late measures to the
prejudice of our country, which have been too much needed and followed,'
is, I apprehend, but too well founded. You call them 'traitorous
individuals,' whence I collect that you suppose them of our own
country. There was among the twelve apostles one traitor, who betrayed
with a kiss. It should be no wonder, therefore, if among so many
thousand true patriots as New-England contains, there should be found
even twelve Judases ready to betray their country for a few paltry
pieces of silver. Their _ends_, as well as their views, ought to be
similar. But all the oppressions evidently work for our good. Providence
seems by every means intent on making us a great people. May our
virtues, public and private, grow with us and be durable, that liberty,
civil and religious, may be secured to our posterity, and to all from
every part of the Old World that take refuge among us.
"With great esteem, and my best wishes for a long continuance of your
usefulness, I am, reverend sir, your most obedient, humble servant,
"B. FRANKLIN."
* * * * *
"_Mr. Strahan._
"Philadelphia, July 5, 1775.
"You are a member of Parliament, and one of that majority which has
doomed my country to destruction. You have begun to burn our towns and
murder our people. Look upon your hands! they are stained with the blood
of your relations! You and I were long friends: you are now my enemy,
and--I am yours,
B. FRANKLIN."
* * * * *
"_Dr. Priestley._
"Philadelphia, October 3, 1775
"DEAR SIR,
"I am bound to sail to-morrow for the camp,[18] and, having but just
heard of this opportunity, can only write a line to say that I am well
and hearty. Tell our dear good friend, Dr. Price, who sometimes has his
doubts and despondencies about our firmness, that America is determined
and unanimous; a very few tories and placemen excepted, who will
probably soon export themselves. Britain, at the expense of three
millions, has killed one hundred and fifty Yankees this campaign, which
is 20,000_l._ a head; and at Bunker's Hill she gained a mile of ground,
half of which she lost again by our taking post on Ploughed Hill. During
the same time sixty thousand children have been born in America. From
these _data_ his mathematical head will easily calculate the time and
expense necessary to kill us all and conquer our whole territory. My
sincere repects to * *, and to the club of honest whigs at * *. Adieu.
[18] Dr. Franklin, Colonel Harrison, and Mr. Lynch, were at this
time appointed by Congress (of which they were members) to confer
on certain subjects with General Washington. The American army was
then employed in blocking up General Howe in Boston; and it was
during this visit that General Washington communicated the
following memorable anecdote to Dr. Franklin, viz., "that there had
been a time when his army had been so destitute of military stores
as not to have powder enough in all its magazines to furnish more
than five rounds per man for their small arms." Artillery were out
of the question: they were fired now and then, only to show that
they had them. Yet this secret was kept with so much address and
good countenance from both armies, that General Washington was
enabled effectually to continue the blockade.
"I am ever yours most affectionately,
"B. FRANKLIN."
* * * * *
"_Mrs. Thompson, at Lisle._
Paris, February 8, 1777.
"You are too early, _hussy_, as well as too saucy, in calling me
_rebel_; you should wait for the event, which will determine whether it
is a _rebellion_ or only a _revolution_. Here the ladies are more
civil; they call us _les insurgens_, a character that usually pleases
them; and methinks all other women who smart, or have smarted, under the
tyranny of a bad husband, ought to be fixed in _revolution_ principles,
and act accordingly.