CHAPTER V.

ANCIENT SCIENCE AND ART.

Evidence of Antiquity--Pyramids and Temples--Arithmetic--Decimal

and Duodecimal Scales--Astronomy--Geometry reached in

Egypt at earliest Dates--Great Pyramid--Piazzi Smyth and

Pyramid-Religion--Pyramids formerly Royal Tombs, but built

on Scientific Plans--Exact Orientation on Meridian--Centre

in 30° N. Latitude--Tunnel points to Pole--Possible use as

an Observatory--Procter--Probably Astrological--Planetary

Influences--Signs of the Zodiac--Mathematical Coincidences

of Great Pyramid--Chaldæan Astronomy--Ziggurats--Tower

of Babel--Different Orientation from Egyptian

Pyramids--Astronomical Treatise from Library of Sargon

I., 3800 B.C.--Eclipses and Phases of Venus--Measures of

Time from Old Chaldæan--Moon and Sun--Found among so many

distant Races--Implies Commerce and Intercourse--Art and

Industry--Embankment of Menes--Sphynx--Industrial Arts--Fine

Arts--Sculpture and Painting--The Oldest Art the best--Chaldæan

Art--De Sarzec's Find at Sirgalla--Statues and Works of

Art--Imply long use of Bronze--Whence came the Copper and

Tin--Phoenician and Etruscan Commerce--Bronze known 200 years

earlier--Same Alloy everywhere--Possible Sources of Supply--Age

of Copper--Names of Copper and Tin--Domestic Animals--Horse--Ox

and Ass--Agriculture--All proves Extreme Antiquity.

The conclusion drawn from the religions of Egypt and Chaldæa, as to

the existence of a very long period of advanced civilization prior

to the historical era, is fully confirmed by the state of the arts

and sciences at the commencement of the earliest records. A knowledge

of astronomy implies a long series of observations and a certain

amount of mathematical calculation. The construction of great works

of hydraulic engineering, and of such buildings as temples and

pyramids, also proves an advanced state of scientific knowledge. Such

a building, for instance, as the Great Pyramid must have required

a considerable acquaintance with geometry, and with the effects of

strains and pressures; and the same is true of the early temples and

ziggurats, or temple observatories of Chaldæa. There must have been

regular schools of astronomers and architects, and books treating on

scientific subjects, before such structures could have been possible.

The knowledge of science possessed by a nation affords a more

definite test of its antecedent civilization than its religion. It is

always possible to say that advanced religious ideas may have been

derived from some supernatural revelation, but in the case of the

exact sciences, such as arithmetic, geometry, and astronomy, this is

no longer possible, and their progress can be traced step by step by

the development of human reason. Thus there are savage races, like

the Australians at the present day, who cannot count beyond "one,

two, and a great number"; and some philologists tell us that traces

of this state can be discovered in the origin of civilized languages,

from the prevalence of dual forms which seem to have preceded those

of the plural.

The next stage is that of counting by the fingers, which gives rise

to a natural system of decimal notation, as shown by such words

as ten, which invariably means two hands; twenty, which is twice

ten, and so on. Many existing races, who are a little more advanced

than the Australians, use their fingers for counting, and can count

up to five or ten, and even the chimpanzee Sally could count to

five. But when we come to a duodecimal system we may feel certain

that a considerable advance has been made, and arithmetic has come

into existence as a science; for the number 12 has no natural basis

of support like 10, and can only have been adopted because it was

exactly divisible into whole numbers by 2, 3, 4, 6. The mere fact

therefore of the existence of a duodecimal system shows that the

nation which adopts it must have progressed a long way from the

primitive "one, two, a great many," and acquired ideas both as to the

relation of numbers, and a multitude of other things, such as the

division of the circle, of days, months, and years, of weights and

measures, and other matters, in which ready division into whole parts

without fractions had become desirable. And at the very first in

Egypt, Chaldæa, and among the Turanian races generally, we find this

duodecimal system firmly established. The circle has 360 degrees,

the year 360 days, the day 24 single or 12 double hours, and so on.

But from this point the journey is a long one to calculations which

imply a knowledge of geometry and mathematics, and observations of

celestial bodies which imply a long antecedent science of astronomy,

and accurate records of the motions of the sun, moon, and planets,

and of eclipses and other memorable events.

The earliest records, both of Egypt and Chaldæa, show that such an

advanced state of science had been reached at the first dawn of the

historical period, and we read of works on astronomy, geometry,

medicine, and other sciences, written, or compiled from older

treatises, by Egyptian kings of the old empire, and by Sargon I. of

Accade from older Accadian works. But the monuments prove still

more conclusively that such sciences must have been long known.

Especially the Great Pyramid of Cheops affords a very definite

proof of the progress which must have been made in geometrical,

mechanical, and astronomical science at the time of its erection. If

we were to believe Professor Piazzi Smyth, and the little knot of his

followers who have founded what may be called a Pyramid-religion,

this remarkable structure contains a revelation in stone for future

ages, of almost all the material scientific facts which have been

discovered since by 6000 years of painful research by the unaided

human intellect. Its designers must have known and recorded, with

an accuracy surpassing that of modern observation, such facts as

the dimensions of the earth, the distance of the sun, the ratio of

the area of a circle to its diameter, the precise determination

of latitude and of a true meridian line, and the establishment of

standards of measure taken, like the metre, from a definite division

of the earth's circumference. It is argued that such facts as these

could not have been discovered so accurately in the infancy of

science, and without the aid of the telescope, and therefore that

they must have been made known by revelation, and the Great Pyramid

is looked upon therefore as a sort of Bible in stone, which is, in

some not very intelligible way, to be taken as a confirmation of the

inspiration of the Hebrew Bible, and read as a sort of supplement to

it.

This is of course absurd. A supernatural revelation to teach a

chosen people the worship of the one true God, is at any rate an

intelligible proposition, but scarcely that of such a revelation

to an idolatrous monarch and people, to teach details of abstruse

sciences, which in point of fact were not taught, for the monument

on which they were recorded was sealed up by a casing of polished

stone almost directly after it was built, and its contents were only

discovered by accident, long after the facts and figures which it

is supposed to teach had been discovered elsewhere by human reason.

The only thing approaching to a revelation of religious import which

Piazzi Smyth professed to have discovered in the Pyramid was a

prediction, which is now more than ten years overdue, of the advent

of the millennium in 1881.

But these extravagances have had the good effect of giving us

accurate measurements of nearly all the dimensions of the Great

Pyramid, and raising a great deal of discussion as to its aim and

origin. In the first place it is quite clear that its primary

object was to provide a royal tomb. A tomb of solid masonry with

a base larger than Lincoln's Inn Fields, and 130 feet higher than

St. Paul's, seems very incomprehensible to modern ideas, but there

can be no doubt as to the fact. When the interior is explored both

of this and other pyramids, nothing is found but one or two small

sepulchral chambers containing the stone coffins of a king or queen.

The Great Pyramid is not an exceptional monument, but one of a series

of some seventy pyramid-tombs of kings, beginning with earlier and

continued by later dynasties of the Old Empire. The reason of their

construction is obvious. It originates from the peculiar ideas, which

have been already pointed out, of the existence of a Ka or shadowy

double, and a still more ethereal soul or spirit, whose immortality

depended on the preservation of a material basis in the form of a

mummy or likeness of the deceased person, preferably no doubt by

the preservation of the mummy. This led to the enormous outlay, not

by kings only, but by private persons, on costly tombs, which, as

Herodotus says, were considered to be their permanent habitations.

With an absolute monarchy in which the divine right of kings was

strained so far that the monarch was considered as an actual god,

it was only natural that their tombs should far exceed those of

their richest subjects, and that unusual care should be taken to

prevent them from being desecrated in future ages by new and foreign

dynasties. Suppose a great and powerful monarch to have an unusually

long and prosperous reign, it is quite conceivable that he should

wish to have a tomb which should not only surpass those of his

predecessors, but any probable effort of his successors, and be an

unique monument defying the attacks not only of future generations,

but of time itself.

This seems, without doubt, to have been the primary motive of the

Great Pyramid, and in a lesser degree of all pyramids, sepulchral

mounds, and costly tombs. But the pyramids, and especially the Great

Pyramid, are not mere piles of masonry heaped together without plan

or design. On the contrary, they are all built on a settled plan,

which implies an acquaintance with the sciences of geometry and

astronomy, and which, in the case of the Great Pyramid, is carried to

an extent which shows a very advanced knowledge of those sciences,

and goes far to prove that it must have been used, during part of

the period of its construction, as a national observatory. The full

details of this plan are given by Procter in his work on the Great

Pyramid, and although the want of a more accurate knowledge of

Egyptology has led him into some erroneous speculations as to the age

and object of this pyramid, his authority is undoubted as to the

scientific facts and the astronomical and geometrical conclusions

which are to be drawn from them.

It appears that the first object of all pyramid builders was to

secure a correct orientation; that is, that the four sides should

face truly to the north, south, east, and west, or in other words

that a line drawn through the centre of the base parallel to

the sides should stand on a true meridian line. This would be a

comparatively easy task with modern instruments, but before the

invention of the telescope it must have required great nicety of

observation to obtain such extremely accurate results in all the

sides and successive layers of such an enormous building. There are

only two ways in which it could be attempted--one by observing the

shadow cast by a vertical gnomon when the sun was on the meridian,

the other by keeping a standard line constantly directed to the true

north pole of the heavens. In the case of the Great Pyramid another

object seems to have been in view which required the same class of

observations, viz. to place the centre of the base on the thirtieth

degree of north latitude, being the latitude in which the pole of

the heavens is exactly one-third of the way from the horizon to the

zenith.

Both these objects have been attained with wonderful accuracy. The

orientation of the Great Pyramid is correct, and the centre of

its base corresponds with the thirtieth degree of north latitude

within a slight error which was inevitable, if, as is probable, the

Egyptian astronomers were unacquainted with the effect of atmospheric

refraction in raising the apparent above the true place of celestial

bodies, or had formed an insufficient estimate of its amount. The

centre of the base is 2328 yards south of the real thirtieth

parallel of latitude, which is 944 yards north of the position which

would have been deduced from the pole-star method, and 3459 yards

south of that from the shadow method, by astronomers ignorant of the

effect of refraction. The shadow method could never have been so

reliable as the polar method, and it is certain therefore _à priori_

that the latter must have been adopted either wholly or principally,

and this conclusion is confirmed by the internal construction of the

pyramid itself, which is shown by the subjoined vertical section.

[Illustration: PYRAMID]

The tunnel A B C is bored for a distance of 350 feet underground

through the solid rock, and is inclined at an angle pointing

directly to what was then the pole-star, Alpha Draconis, at its

lower culmination. As there is no bright star at the true pole, its

position is ascertained by taking the point half-way between the

highest and lowest positions of the conspicuous star nearest to

it, and which therefore revolves in the smallest circle about it.

This star is not always the same on account of the precession of

the equinoxes, and Alpha Draconis supplied the place of the present

pole-star about 3440 B.C., and practically for several centuries

before and after that date.

Now the underground tunnel is bored exactly at the angle of 26°

17´ to the horizon, at which Alpha Draconis would shine down it at

its lower culmination when 3° 42´ from the pole; and the ascending

passage and grand gallery are inclined at the same angle in an

opposite direction, so that the image of the star reflected from

a plane mirror or from water at B, would be seen on the southern

meridian line by an observer in the grand gallery, while another

very conspicuous star in the southern hemisphere, Alpha Centauri,

would at that period shine directly down it. The passages therefore

would have the double effect, 1st, of enabling the builders to

orient the base and lower layers of the pyramid up to the king's

chamber in a perfectly true north and south line; 2nd, of making the

grand gallery the equivalent of an equatorially-mounted telescope

of a modern observatory, by which the transit of heavenly bodies

in a considerable section of the sky comprising the equatorial and

zodiacal regions, across the meridian, and therefore at their highest

elevations, could be observed by the naked eye with great accuracy.

Those who wish to study the evidence in detail should read Procter's

work on the _Problems of the Pyramids_, but for the present purpose

it may be sufficient to sum up the conclusions of that accomplished

astronomer. He says, "The sun's annual course round the celestial

sphere could be determined much more exactly than by any gnomon by

observations made from the great gallery. The moon's monthly path and

its changes could have been dealt with in the same effective way. The

geometric paths, and thence the true paths of the planets, could be

determined very accurately. The place of any visible star along the

zodiac could be most accurately determined."

If therefore the pyramid had only been completed up to the fiftieth

layer, which would leave the southern opening of the great gallery

uncovered, the object might have been safely assumed to be the

erection of a great national observatory. But this supposition is

negatived by the fact that the grand gallery must have been shut

up, and the building rendered useless for astronomical purposes in

a very short time, by the completion of the pyramid, which was then

covered over by a casing of polished stone, evidently with a view of

concealing all traces of the passages which led to the tomb. The only

possible solution seems to be that suggested by Procter, that the

object was astrological rather than astronomical, and that all those

minute precautions were taken in order to provide not only a secure

tomb but an accurate horoscope for the reigning monarch. Astrology

and astronomy were in fact closely identified in the ancient world,

and relics of the superstition still linger in the form of Zadkiel

almanacs. When the sun, moon, and five planets had been identified

as the celestial bodies possessing motion, and therefore, as it was

inferred, life, and had been converted into gods, nothing was more

natural than to suppose that they exercised an influence on human

affairs, and that their configuration affected the destinies both of

individuals and of nations. A superstitious people who saw auguries

in the flight of birds, the movements of animals, the rustling of

leaves, and in almost every natural occurrence, could not fail to be

impressed by the higher influences and omens of those majestic orbs,

which revolved in such mysterious courses through the stationary

stars of the host of heaven. Accordingly in the very earliest

traditions of the Accadians and Egyptians we find an astrological

significance attached to the first astronomical facts which were

observed and recorded. The week of seven days, which was doubtless

founded on the first attempts to measure time by the four phases of

the lunar month, became associated with the seven planets in the

remotest antiquity, and the names of their seven presiding gods, in

the same order and with the same meaning, have descended unchanged to

our own times, as will be shown more fully in a subsequent chapter.

Observations on the sun's annual course led to the fixing of it along

a zodiac of twelve signs, corresponding roughly to twelve lunar

months, and defined by constellations, or groups of stars, having a

fanciful resemblance to animals or deified heroes. Those zodiacal

signs are of immense antiquity and world-wide universality. We find

them in the earliest mythology of Chaldæa and Egypt, in the labours

of Hercules, in the traditions of a deluge associated with the sign

of Aquarius, and even, though in a somewhat altered form, in such

distant countries as China and Mexico. Probably they originated

in Chaldæa, where the oldest records and universal tradition show

the primitive Accadians to have been astronomers, who from time

immemorial had made observations on the heavenly bodies, and who

remained down to the Roman Empire the most celebrated astrologers,

though it is not quite clear whether Egyptian astronomy and astrology

were imported from Chaldæa or invented independently at an equally

remote period.

Even if we admit, however, Procter's suggestion that the pyramids had

an astrological origin in addition to their primary object as tombs,

it is difficult to understand how such enormous structures could have

been built. The Great Pyramid must have been built on a plan designed

from the first, and not by any haphazard process of adding a layer

each year according to the number of years the monarch happened to

reign. How could he foresee the exact number of years of an unusually

long life and reign, or what security could he have that, if he

died early, his successor would complete his pyramid in addition to

erecting one of almost equal magnitude for himself? How could three

successive kings have devoted such an amount of the nation's capital

and resources to the building of three such pyramids as those of

Cheops, Chephren, and Mycerinus, without provoking insurrections?

Herodotus has a piece of gossip, probably picked up from some

ignorant guides, which represents Cheops and Chephren as detested

tyrants, who shut up the temples of the gods, and confounds the

national hatred of the shepherd kings, who conquered Egypt some

2000 years later, with that of these pyramid-builders; but this

is confuted by the monuments, which show them as pious builders

or restorers of temples of the national gods in other localities,

as for instance at Bubastis, where the cartouche of Chephren was

lately found by M. Naville on an addition to the Temple of Isis. All

the records also of the fourth or pyramid-building dynasty, and of

the two next dynasties, show it to have been a period of peace and

prosperity.

The pyramids therefore must still remain a subject enveloped in

mystery, but enough is certain from the undoubted astronomical facts

disclosed in their construction to show the advanced state of this

science at this remote period. Nor is this all, for the dimensions

of the Great Pyramid, when stripped of the fanciful coincidences

and mystical theories of Piazzi Smyth, still show enough to prove a

wonderful knowledge of mathematics and geometry. The following may be

taken as undoubted facts from the most accurate measurements of their

dimensions.

1st. The triangular area of each of the four sloping sides equals the

square of the vertical height. This was mentioned by Herodotus, and

there can be no doubt that it was a real relation intended by the

builders.

2nd. The united length of the four sides of the square base bears to

the vertical height the same proportion as that of the circumference

of a circle to its radius. In other words it gives the ratio, which

under the symbol [Greek: pi] plays such an important part in all the

higher mathematics. There are other remarkable coincidences which

seem to show a still more wonderful advance in science, though they

are not quite so certain, as they depend on the assumption that the

builders took as their unit of measurement, a pyramid inch and sacred

cubit different from those in ordinary use, the former being equal

to the 500,000,000th part of the earth's diameter, and the latter

containing twenty-five of those inches, or about the 20,000,000th

part of that diameter. To arrive at such standards it is evident that

the priestly astronomers must have measured very accurately an arc

of the meridian or length of the line on the earth's surface which

just raised or lowered the pole of the heavens by 1°; and inferred

from it that the earth was a spherical body of given dimensions.

Those dimensions would not be quite accurate, for they must have

been ignorant of the compression of the earth at its poles and

protuberance at the equator, but the measurement of such an arc at

or near 30° of north latitude would give a close approximation to

the mean value of the earth's diameter. Procter thinks that from the

scientific knowledge which must have been possessed by the builders

of the pyramid, it is quite possible that they may have measured an

arc of the meridian with considerable accuracy, and calculated from

it the length of the earth's diameter, assuming it to be a perfect

sphere. And if so they may have intended to make the side of the

square base of the pyramid of a length which would bear in inches

some relation to the length of this diameter; for it is probable

that at this stage of the world's science, the mysterious or rather

magical value which was attached to certain words would attach

equally to the fundamental facts, figures, and important discoveries

of the growing sciences. It is quite probable, therefore, that the

sacred inch and cubit may have been invented, like the _metre_, from

an aliquot part of the earth's supposed diameter, so as to afford

an invariable standard. But there is no positive proof of this from

the pyramid itself, the dimensions of which may be expressed just as

well in the ordinary working cubit, and it must remain open to doubt

whether the coincidences prove the pyramid inch, or the inch was

invented to prove the coincidences.

Assuming, however, for the moment that these measures were really

used, some of the coincidences are very remarkable. The length of

each side of the square base is 365-1/4 of these sacred cubits, or

equal to the length of the year in days. The height is 5819 inches,

and the sun's distance from the earth, taken at 91,840,000 miles,

which is very nearly correct, is just 5819 thousand millions of

such inches. It has been thought, therefore, that this height was

intended to symbolize the sun's distance. But independently of the

fact that this distance could not have been known with any approach

to accuracy before the invention of the telescope, it is forgotten

that this height had been already determined by a totally unconnected

consideration, viz. the ratio of the diameter of a circle to its

circumference. The coincidence, therefore, of the sun's distance must

be purely accidental.

A still more startling coincidence has been found in the fact that

the two diagonals of the base contain 25,824 pyramid inches, or

almost exactly the number of years in the precessional period. This

also must be accidental, for the number of inches in the diagonals

follows as a matter of course from the sides being taken at 365-1/4

cubits, corresponding to the length of the year; and there can be no

connection between this and the precession of the equinoxes, which,

moreover, was unknown in the astronomy of the ancient world until it

was discovered in the time of the Ptolemies by Hipparchus.

But with all these doubtful coincidences, and the many others which

have been discovered by devotees of the pyramid religion, quite

enough remains to justify the conclusion that between 5000 and 6000

years ago there were astronomers, mathematicians, and architects in

Egypt, who had carried their respective sciences to a high degree of

perfection corresponding to that shown by their engineers and artists.

When we turn to Chaldæa we find similar evidence as to the advance

of science, and especially of astronomical science, in the earliest

historical times. Every important city had its temple, and attached

to its temple its ziggurat, which was a temple-observatory. The

ziggurat is in some respects the counterpart of the pyramid, being

a pyramidal structure built up in successive stages or platforms

superimposed on one another and narrowing as they rose, so as to

leave a small platform on the top, on which was a small shrine

or temple, and from which observations could be made. These

ziggurats being built entirely of bricks, mostly sun-burnt, have

crumbled into shapeless mounds of rubbish, but a fair idea of

their size and construction may be obtained from the descriptions

and pictures of them preserved in contemporary tablets and slabs,

especially from those of the great ziggurat of the seven spheres

or planets at Borsippa, a suburb of Babylon, which was rebuilt by

Nebuchadnezzar about 500 B.C., on the site of a much more ancient

ruined construction. This, which was the largest and most famous of

the ziggurats, became identified in after times with the tower of

Babel and the legend of the confusion of tongues, but it was in fact

an astronomical building in seven stages dedicated to the sun, moon,

and five planets, taken in the order of magnitude of their respective

orbits, and each distinguished by their respective colours. Thus the

lowest or largest platform was dedicated to Saturn, and coloured

black; the second to Jupiter was orange; the third to Mars red; the

fourth to the Sun golden; the fifth to Venus pale yellow; the sixth

to Mercury an azure blue, obtained by vitrifying the facing bricks;

and the seventh to the Moon was probably coated with plates of

silver. The height of this ziggurat was 150 feet, and standing as

it did on a level alluvial plain, it must have been a very imposing

object.

[Illustration: ZIGGURAT RESTORED (Perrot and Chipiez), THE TOWER

OF BABEL.]

It may be affirmed of all these ziggurats that they were not tombs

like the Egyptian pyramids, but were erected exclusively for

astronomical and astrological purposes. The number of stages had

always reference to some religious or astronomical fact, as three to

symbolize the great triad; five for the five planets; or seven for

these and the sun and moon; the number of seven being never exceeded,

and the order the same as that adopted for the days of the week, viz.

according to the magnitudes of their respective orbits. They were

oriented with as much care as the pyramids, which is of itself a

proof that they were used as observatories, but with this difference,

that their angles instead of their faces were directed towards the

true north and south. To this rule there are only two exceptions,

probably of late date after Egyptian influences had been introduced,

but the original and national ziggurats invariably observe the

rule of pointing angles and not sides to the four cardinal points.

This is a remarkable fact as showing that the astronomies of Egypt

and Chaldæa were not borrowed one from the other, but evolved

independently in prehistoric times. An explanation of it has been

found in the fact recorded on a geographical tablet, that the

Accadians were accustomed to use the terms north, south, east, and

west to denote, not the real cardinal points, but countries which lay

to the N.W., S.E., and S.W. of them. It is inconceivable, however,

that such skilful astronomers should have supposed that the North

Pole was in the north-west, and a more probable explanation is to be

found in the meaning of the word ziggurat, which is holy mountain.

It was a cardinal point in their cosmogony that the heavens formed

a crystal vault, which revolved round an exceedingly high mountain

as an axis, and the ziggurats were miniature representations of this

sacred mountain of the gods. The early astronomers must have known

that this mountain could be nowhere but in the true north, as the

daily revolutions of the heavenly bodies took place round the North

Pole. It was natural, therefore, that they should direct the apex

or angle of a model of this mountain rather than its side to the

position in the true north occupied by the peak of the world's pivot.

Be this as it may, the fact that the ziggurats were carefully

oriented, and certainly used as observatories at the earliest dates

of Chaldæan history, is sufficient to prove that the priestly

astronomers must have already attained an advanced knowledge of

science, and kept an accurate record of long-continued observations.

This is fully confirmed by the astronomical and astrological treatise

compiled for the royal library of Sargon I., date 3800 B.C.,

which treats of eclipses, the phases of Venus, and other matters

implying a long previous series of accurate and refined astronomical

observations.

The most conclusive proof, however, of the antiquity of Chaldæan

science is afforded by the measures of time which were established

prior to the commencement of history, and have come down to the

present era in the days of the week and the signs of the zodiac.

There can be no doubt that the first attempts to measure time beyond

the single day and night, were lunar, and not solar. The phases of

the moon occur at short intervals, and are more easily discerned

and measured than those of the sun in its annual revolution. The

beginning and end of a solar year, and the solstices and equinoxes

are not marked by any decided natural phenomena, and it is only

by long-continued observations of the sun's path among the fixed

stars that any tolerably accurate number of days can be assigned

to the duration of the year and seasons. But the recurrence of new

and full moon, and more especially of the half-moons when dusk and

light are divided by a straight line, must have been noted by the

first shepherds who watched the sky at night, and have given rise to

the idea of the month, and its first approximate division into four

weeks of seven days each. Accordingly we find that in all primitive

languages and cosmogonies the moon takes its name from a root which

signifies "the measurer," while the sun is the bright or shining one.

A relic of this superior importance of the moon as the measurer of

time is found in the old Accadian mythology, in which the moon-god

is masculine and the sun-god feminine, while with the Semites and

other nations of a later and more advanced civilization, the sun is

the husband, and the moon his wife. For as observations multiplied

and science advanced, it would be found that the lunar month of

twenty-eight days was only an approximation, and that the solar

year and months defined by the sun's progress through the fixed

stars afforded a much more accurate chronometer. Thus we find the

importance of the moon and of lunar myths gradually superseded by

the sun, whose daily risings and settings, death in winter and

resurrection in spring, and other myths connected with its passage

through the signs of the solar zodiac, assume a preponderating

part in ancient religions. Traces, however, of the older period of

lunar science and lunar mythology still survived, especially in the

week of seven days, and the mysterious importance attached to the

number 7. This was doubtless aided by the discovery which could

not fail to be made with the earliest accurate observations of the

heavens, that there were seven moving bodies, the sun, moon, and

five planets, which revolved in settled courses, while all the other

stars remained fixed. Scientific astrology, as distinguished from a

mere superstitious regard of the flight of birds and other omens, had

its origin in this discovery. The first philosophers who pondered on

these celestial phenomena were certain to infer that motion implied

life, and in the case of such brilliant and remote bodies divine

life; and that as the sun and moon exerted such an obvious influence

on the seasons and other human affairs, so probably did the other

planets or the gods who presided over them. The names and order of

the days of the week, which have remained so similar among such a

number of ancient and modern nations, show how far these astrological

notions must have progressed when they assumed their present form,

for the order is a highly artificial one.

Why do we divide time into weeks of seven days, and call the days

Sunday, Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, Thursday, Friday, and Saturday,

and why are these names of special planets, or of the special gods

associated with them, identical, and occur in the same order among so

many different nations? For whether we say Thor's-day or Jove's-day,

and call it "Thursday" or "Jeudi," the same god is meant, who is

identified with the same planet, and so for the others. It is quite

clear that the names of the seven days of the week were originally

taken from the seven planets--i.e. from the seven celestial bodies

which were observed by ancient astronomers to move, and, therefore,

be presumably endowed with life, while the rest of the host of

heaven remained stationary. These bodies are in order of apparent

magnitude:--

1. The Sun.

2. The Moon.

3. Jupiter.

4. Venus.

5. Mars.

6. Saturn.

7. Mercury

And this is the natural order in which we might have expected to find

them appropriated to the days of the week. But, obviously, this is

not the principle on which the days have been named; for, to give

a single instance, the nimble Mercury, the smallest of the visible

planets, comes next before the majestic Jupiter, the ruler of the

heavens and wielder of the thunderbolt.

Let us try another principle, that of classifying the planets in

importance, not by their size and splendour, but by the magnitude

of their orbits and length of their revolutions. This will give the

following order:--

1. Saturn.

2. Jupiter.

3. Mars.

4. The Sun (_i.e._ really the earth).

5. Venus.

6. Mercury.

7. The Moon.

We are now on the track of the right solution, though there is still

apparently hopeless discord between this order and that of the days

of the week. The true solution is such an artificial one, that we

should never have discovered it if it had not been disclosed to us by

the clay tablets exhumed from ancient royal libraries in the temples

and palaces of Chaldæa. These tablets are extremely ancient, going

back in many cases to the times of the old Accadians who inhabited

Chaldæa prior to the advent of the Semites. Some of them, in fact,

are from the royal library of Sargon I., of Accade, whose date is

fixed by the best authorities at about 3800 B.C. These Accadians

were a civilized and literary people, well versed in astronomy, but

extremely superstitious, and addicted beyond measure to astrology.

Every city had its ziggurat, or observatory-tower, attached to its

temple, from which priests watched the heavens and calculated times

and seasons. To some of those ancient priests it occurred that the

planets must be gods watching over and influencing human events,

and that, as Mars was ruddy, he was probably the god of war; Venus,

the lovely evening star, the goddess of love; Jupiter, powerful;

Saturn, slow and malignant; and Mercury, quick and nimble. By degrees

the idea expanded, and it was thought that each planet exerted its

peculiar influence, not only on the days of the week, but on the

hours of the day; and the planet which presided over the first hour

of the day was thought to preside over the whole of that day. But

the day had been already divided into twenty-four hours, because the

earliest Chaldæans had adopted the duodecimal scale, and counted by

sixes, twelves, and sixties. Now, twenty-four is not divisible by

seven, and, therefore, the same planets do not recur in the same

order, to preside over the same hours of successive days. If Saturn

ruled the first hour, he would rule the twenty-second hour; and, if

we refer to the above list of the planets, ranged according to the

magnitude of their orbits, we shall find that the Sun would rule the

first hour of the succeeding day, and then in succession the Moon,

Mars, Mercury, Jupiter, and Venus, round to Saturn again, in the

precise order of our days of the week. This order is so artificial

that it cannot have been invented separately, and wherever we find

it we may feel certain that it has descended from the astrological

fancies of Accadian priestly astronomers at least 6000 years ago.

Now for the Sabbath. The same clay tablets, older by some 1000 years

than the accepted Biblical date for the creation of the world,

mention both the name and the institution. The "Sabbath" was the day

ruled over by the gloomy and malignant Saturn, the oldest of the

planetary gods, as shown by his wider orbit, but dimmed with age,

and morose at having been dethroned by his brilliant son, Jupiter.

It was unlucky in the extreme, therefore, to do any work, or begin

any undertaking, on the "Sabbath," or Saturday. Hence, long centuries

before Jewish Pharisees or English Puritans, rules of Sabbatarian

strictness were enforced at Babylon and Nineveh, which remind one of

the knight who

"Hanged his cat on Monday

For killing of a mouse on Sunday."

The king was not allowed to ride or walk on the Sabbath; and, even if

taken ill, had to wait till the following day before taking medicine.

This superstition as to the unluckiness of Saturn's day was common

to all ancient nations, including the Jews; but when the idea of a

local deity, one among many others, expanded, under the influence of

the later prophets and the exile, unto that of one universal God,

the ruler of the universe and special patron of his chosen people,

the compilers of the Old Testament dealt with the Sabbath as they

did with the Deluge, the Creation, and other myths borrowed from

the Chaldæans. That is to say, they revised them in a monotheistic

sense, wrote "God" for "gods," and gave them a religious, rather than

an astronomical or astrological, meaning. Thus the origin of the

Sabbath, as a day when no work was to be done, was transferred from

Saturn to Jehovah, and the reason assigned was that "in six days the

Lord created the heaven and the earth, and all that therein is, and

rested on the seventh day."

One more step only remains to bring us to our modern Sunday, and this

also, like the last, is to be attributed to a religious motive. The

early Christian Church wished to wean the masses from Paganism, and

very wisely, instead of attacking old-established usages in front,

turned their flank by assigning them to different days. Thus the

day of rest was shifted from Saturday to Sunday, which was made the

Christian Sabbath, and the name changed by the Latin races from the

day of the sun to the Lord's Day, "Dominica Dies," or "Dimanche."

It has remained Saturday, however, with the Jews, and it is quite

clear that it was on a Saturday, and not a Sunday, that Jesus walked

through the fields with his disciples, plucking ears of corn, and

saying, "The Sabbath was made for man, and not man for the Sabbath."

It is equally clear that our modern Sabbatarians are much nearer in

spirit to the Pharisees whom Jesus rebuked, and to the old Accadian

astrologers, than to the founder of Christianity.

It is encouraging, however, to those who believe in progress, to

observe how in this, as in many other cases, the course of evolution

makes for good. The absurd superstitions of Accadian astrologers led

to the establishment of one day of rest out of every seven days--an

institution which is in harmony with the requirements of human

nature, and which has been attended by most beneficial results. The

religious sanctions which attached themselves to this institution,

first, as the Hebrew Sabbath, and, secondly, as transformed into the

Christian Sunday, have been a powerful means of preserving this day

of rest through so many social and political revolutions. Let us,

therefore, not be too hasty in condemning everything which, on the

face of it, appears to be antiquated and absurd. Millions will enjoy

a holiday, get a breath of fresh air and glimpse of nature, or go to

church or chapel cleanly and respectable in behaviour and attire,

because there were Accadian Zadkiels 6000 years ago, who believed in

the maleficent influence of the planet Saturn.

When we find that these highly intricate and artificial calculations

of advanced astrological and astronomical lore existed at the dawn of

Chaldæan history, and are found in so many and such widely separated

races and regions, it is impossible to avoid two conclusions.

1st. That an immense time must have elapsed since the rude Accadian

Highlanders first settled in and reclaimed the alluvial valleys and

marshy deltas of the Tigris and Euphrates.

2nd. That the intercourse between remote regions, whether by land

or sea, and by commerce or otherwise, must have been much closer in

prehistoric times than has been generally supposed.

As in the days of the week, so in the festivals of the year, we

trace their first origin to astronomical observations. When nations

passed from the condition of savages, hunters, or nomads, into the

agricultural stage, and developed dense populations, cities, temples,

priests, and an organized society, we find the oldest traces of it

everywhere in the science of astronomy. They watched the phases

of the moon, counted the planets, followed the sun in its annual

course, marking it first by seasons, and, as science advanced, by

its progress through groups of fixed stars fancifully defined as

constellations. Everywhere the moon seems to have been taken as the

first standard for measuring time beyond the primary unit of day and

night. Its name very generally denotes the "Measurer" in primitive

languages, and it appears as the male, and the sun as female, in the

oldest mythologies--a distinction of sex which is still maintained

in modern German. This is natural, for the monthly changes of the

moon come much more frequently, and are more easily measured from

day to day, than the annual courses of the sun. But, as observations

accumulate and become more accurate, it is found that the sun, and

not the moon, regulates the seasons, and that the year repeats on

a larger scale the phenomenon presented by the day and night, of a

birth, growth, maturity, decay, and death of the sun, followed by a

resurrection or new birth, when the same cycle begins anew. Hence the

oldest civilized nations have taken from the two phenomena of the day

and year the same fundamental ideas and festivals. The ideas are

those of a miraculous birth, death, and resurrection, and of an upper

and lower world, the one of light and life, the other of darkness

and death, through which the sun-god and human souls have to pass to

emerge again into life. The festivals are those of the four great

divisions of the year: the winter solstice, when the aged sun sinks

into the tomb and rises again with a new birth; the spring equinox,

when he passes definitively out of the domain of winter into that of

summer; the summer solstice, when he is in full manhood, "rejoicing

like a giant to run his course," and withering up vegetation as with

the hot breath of a raging lion; and, finally, the autumnal equinox,

when he sinks once more into the wintry half of the year and fades

daily amidst storms and deluges to the tomb from which he started.

Of these festivals Christmas and Easter have survived to the present

day, and the last traces of the feast of the summer solstice are

still lingering in the remote parts of Scotland and Ireland in the

Bel fires, which, when I was young, were lighted on Midsummer night

on the highest hills of Orkney and Shetland. As a boy, I have rushed,

with my playmates, through the smoke of those bonfires without a

suspicion that we were repeating the homage paid to Baal in the

Valley of Hinnom.

When we turn from science to art and industry, the same conclusion

of immense antiquity is forcibly impressed on us. In Egypt the reign

of Menes, 5000 B.C., was signalized by a great engineering work,

which would have been a considerable achievement at the present day.

He built a great embankment, which still remains, by which the old

course of the Nile close to the Libyan hills was diverted, and a

site obtained for the new capital of Memphis on the west side of

the river, placing it between the city and any enemy from the east.

At the same time this dyke assisted in regulating the flow of the

inundation, and it may be compared for magnitude and utility to the

modern _barrage_ attempted by Linant Bey and carried out by Sir Colin

Moncrieff. Evidently such a work implies great engineering skill,

and great resources, and it prepares us for what we have seen a few

centuries later in the construction of the Great Pyramids.

Many of the most famous cities and temples also of Egypt date back

for their original foundation to a period prior to that of Menes.

There is indeed every reason to suppose that one of the most colossal

and remarkable monuments, the Sphynx, with the little temple of

granite and alabaster between its paws, is older than the accession

of Menes. A tablet discovered by Mariette informs us that Khufu, the

builder of the Great Pyramid, discovered this temple, which had been

buried in the sand, and restored it. If a building of such simplicity

and solidity of structure required repairs, it must have existed

for a long time and been lost sight of. It is almost certain also

that if such a colossal and celebrated monument as the Sphynx had

been constructed by any of the historical kings, it would have been

mentioned by Manetho, as for instance is that of the step-pyramid of

Sakkarah by the fourth king of the first dynasty, and of a temple

of Pthah at Memphis, and a treatise on medicine, by the king who

succeeded Menes. The name of the Sphynx also, "the great Hor," points

to the period of the Horsheshu, or ruler priests of Horus, prior to

the foundation of the empire by Menes, and to the time before Osiris

superseded Horus, as the favourite personification of the Solar God.

Be this as it may, there is abundant proof that at the dawn of

Egyptian history, some 7000 years ago, the arts of architecture,

engineering, irrigation, and agriculture had reached a high level

corresponding to that shown by the state of religion, science, and

letters. A little later the paintings on the tombs of the Old Empire

show that all the industrial arts, such as spinning, weaving, working

in wood and metals, rearing cattle, and a thousand others, which

are the furniture of an old civilized country, were just as well

understood and practised in Egypt 6000 or 7000 years ago as they are

at the present day.

This being the case, I must refer those who wish to pursue this

branch of the subject to professed works on Egyptology. For my

present purpose, if the oldest records of monuments prove the

existence of a long antecedent civilization, it is superfluous to

trace the proofs in detail through the course of later ages.

When we turn to the Fine Arts we find the same evidence. The

difficulty is not to trace a golden age up to rude beginnings, but

to explain the seeming paradox that the oldest art is the best. A

visit to the Museum of Boulak, where Mariette's collection of works

of the first six dynasties is deposited, will convince any one that

the statues, statuettes, wall-pictures, and other works of art of

the Ancient Empire from Memphis and its cemetery of Sakkarah, are

in point of conception and execution superior to those of a later

period. None of the later statues equal the tour _de force_ by which

the majestic portrait statue of Chephren, the builder of the second

great pyramid, has been chiselled out from a block of diorite, one of

the hardest stones known, and hardly assailable by the best modern

tools. Nor has portraiture in wood or stone ever surpassed the ease,

grace, and life-like expression of such statues as that known as the

Village Sheik, from its resemblance to the functionary who filled

that office 6000 years later in the village where the statue was

discovered; or those of the kneeling scribes, one handing in his

accounts, the other writing from dictation. And the pictures on the

walls of tombs, of houses, gardens, fishing and musical parties, and

animals and birds of all kinds, tame and wild, are equally remarkable

for their colouring and drawing, and for the vivacity and accuracy

with which attitudes and expressions are rendered. In short Egypt

begins where most modern countries seem to be ending, with a very

perfect school of realistic art.

[Illustration: THE VILLAGE SHEIK, A WOODEN STATUETTE. Boulak

Museum, from Gizeh.--According to the chronological table of

Mariette, this statue is over 6000 years old. From a photograph

by Brugsch Bey.]

For it is remarkable that this first school of art of the Old Empire

is thoroughly naturalistic, and knows very little of the ideal or

supernatural. And the tombs tell the same story. The statues and

paintings represent natural objects and not theological conventions;

the tombs are fac-simile representations of the house in which the

deceased lived, with his mummy and those of his family, and pictures

of his oxen, geese, and other belongings, but no gods, and few of

those quotations from the Todtenbuch which are so universal in later

ages. It would seem that at this early period of Egyptian history

life was simple and cheerful, and both art and religion less fettered

by superstitions and conventions than they were when despotism and

priestcraft had been for centuries stereotyped institutions, and

originality of any sort was little better than heresy. War also and

warlike arms hardly appear on these earliest representations of

Egyptian life, and wars were probably confined to frontier skirmishes

with Bedouins and Libyans, such as we see commemorated on the tablet

of Snefura at Wady Magerah.

In Chaldæa the evidence for great antiquity is derived less from

architectural monuments and arts, and more from books, than in Egypt,

for the obvious reason that stone was wanting and clay abundant

in Mesopotamia. Where temples and palaces were built of sun-dried

bricks, they rapidly crumbled into mounds of rubbish, and nothing was

preserved but the baked clay tablets with cuneiform inscriptions. In

like manner sculpture and wall-painting never flourished in a country

devoid of stone, and the religious ideas of Chaldæa never took the

Egyptian form of the continuance of ordinary life after death by

the Ka or ghost requiring a house, a mummy, and representations

of belongings. The bas-relief and fringes sculptured on slabs of

alabaster brought home by Layard and others, belong mostly to the

later period of the Assyrian Empire.

Accordingly, the oldest works of art from Chaldæa consist mainly

of books and documents in the form of clay cylinders, and of gems,

amulets, and other small articles of precious stones or metals. But

the recent discovery of De Sarzec at Sirgalla shows that in the very

earliest period of Chaldæan history the arts stood at a level which

is fairly comparable to that of the Old Empire in Egypt. He found

in the ruins of the very ancient Temple of the Sun nine statues of

Patesi or priest-kings of Accadian race, who had ruled there prior to

the consolidation of Sumir and Accad into one empire by Sargon I.,

somewhere about 3800 B.C. The remarkable thing about these statues is

that they are of diorite, similar to that of the statue of Chephren,

which is believed to be only found in the peninsula of Sinai, and is

so hard that it must have taken excellent tools and great technical

skill to carve it. The statues are much of the same size and in the

same seated attitude as that of Chephren, and have the appearance of

belonging to the same epoch and school of art. This is confirmed

by the discovery along with the statues of a number of statuettes

and small objects of art which are also in an excellent style,

very similar to that of the Old Egyptian dynasty, and show great

proficiency both in taste and in technical execution.

The discovery of these diorite statues at such a very early date

both in Egypt and Chaldæa, raises a very interesting question as to

the tools by which such an intractable material could be so finely

wrought. Evidently these tools must have been of the very hardest

bronze, and the construction of such works as the dyke of Menes and

the Pyramids, shows that the art of masonry must have been long known

and extensively practised. But this again implies a large stock of

metals and long acquaintance with them since the close of the latest

stone period.

Perhaps there is no test which is more conclusive of the state of

prehistoric civilization and commerce than that which is afforded by

the general knowledge and use of metals. It is true that a knowledge

of some of the metals which are found in a native state, or in easily

fusible ores, may coexist with very primitive barbarism. Some even

of the cannibal tribes of Africa are well acquainted with iron, and

know how to smelt its ores and manufacture tools and weapons. Gold

also, which is so extensively found in the native state, could not

fail to be known from the earliest times; and in certain districts

pure copper presents itself as only a peculiar and malleable sort

of stone. But when we come to metals which require great knowledge

of mining to detect them in their ores, and to produce them in

large quantities; and to alloys, which require a long practice of

metallurgy to discover, and to mix in the proper proportions, the

case is different, and the stone period must be already far behind.

Still more is this the case when tools and weapons of such artificial

alloys are found in universal use in countries where Nature has

provided no metals, and where their presence can only be accounted

for by the existence of an international commerce with distant

metal-producing countries. Iron was no doubt known at a very early

period, but it was extremely scarce, and even as late as Homer's time

was so valuable that a lump of it constituted one of the principal

prizes at the funeral games of Patroclus. Nor is there any reason to

suppose that the art of making from it the best steel, which alone

could have competed with bronze in cutting granite and diorite, had

been discovered. It may be assumed, therefore, that bronze was the

material universally used for the finer tools and weapons by the

great civilized empires of Egypt and Chaldæa during the long interval

between the neolithic stone age and the later adoption of iron.

Evidently then, both the Egyptians and the Chaldæans must have been

well provided with bronze tools capable of hewing and polishing the

hardest rocks. Now bronze is an alloy of copper and tin. Copper is

a common metal, easily reduced from its ores, and not infrequently

occurring in a metallic state, as in the mines of Lake Superior,

where the North American Indians hammered out blocks of it from the

native metal. And we have proofs that the ancient Egyptians obtained

copper at a very early date from the mines of Wady Magerah in the

peninsula of Sinai, and probably also from Cyprus. But where did they

get their tin, without which there is no bronze? Tin is a metal

which is only found in a few localities, and in the form of a black

oxide which requires a considerable knowledge of metallurgy to detect

and to reduce. The only considerable sources of tin now known are

those of Cornwall, Malacca, Banca, and Australia. Of these, the last

was of course unknown to the ancient world, and it is hardly probable

that its supplies were obtained from such remote sources as those of

the extreme East. Not that it is at all impossible that it might have

been brought from Malacca by prehistoric sea-routes to India, and

thence to Egypt by the Red Sea and to Chaldæa by the Persian Gulf,

and this is the conjecture of one of the latest authorities in a very

interesting work just published on the _Dawn of Ancient Art_. But it

seems highly improbable that, if such routes had been established,

they should have been so completely abandoned as they certainly

were when the supply of tin for the Eastern world was brought from

the West. In fact, when we get the first authoritative information

as to the commerce in tin, about 1000 B.C., we find that it was

supplied mainly by Tyre, and came from the West beyond the Straits of

Gibraltar; and in the Greek Periplus, written in the first century,

it is distinctly stated that India was supplied with tin from Britain

by way of Alexandria and the Red Sea, which is hardly consistent

with the supposition that the tin of Malacca had been long known and

worked.

In the celebrated 27th chapter of Ezekiel, which describes the

commerce of Tyre when in the height of its glory, tin is only

mentioned once as being imported along with silver, iron, and lead

from Tarshish, _i.e._ from the emporium of Gades or Cadiz, to

which it had doubtless been brought from Cornwall. The only other

reference to tin is, that Javan, Tubal, and Meshech, _i.e._ the

Ionians, and tribes of Asia Minor in the mountainous districts to

the south of the Black Sea, traded with slaves and vessels of brass,

and if brass meant bronze, this would imply a knowledge of tin. The

only other considerable supply of tin which is certainly known came

from the Etruscans, who worked extensive tin mines in Northern Italy.

But the evidence of these does not go back farther than from 1000

to 1500 B.C., and it leaves untouched the question how Egypt and

Chaldæa had obtained large stocks of bronze, certainly long before

5000 B.C.; and how they kept up these stocks for certainly more than

2000 years before the Phoenicians appeared on the scene to supply

tin by maritime commerce. It is in some other direction that we

must look, for it is certain that neither Egypt nor Chaldæa had any

native sources of this metal. They must have imported, and that from

a distance, either the manufactured bronze, or the tin with which to

manufacture it themselves by alloying copper. The latter seems most

probable, for the Egyptians worked the copper mines of Sinai from

a very early date, and drew supplies of copper from Cyprus, which

could only have been made useful by alloying it with tin, while if

they imported all the immense quantity of bronze which they must have

used, in the manufactured state, the pure copper would have been

useless to them.

A remarkable fact is that the bronze found from the earliest

monuments downwards, throughout most of the ancient world, including

the dolmens, lake villages, and other prehistoric monuments in which

metal begins to appear, is almost entirely of uniform composition,

consisting of an alloy of 10 to 15 per cent. of tin to 85 or 90 per

cent. of copper. That is for tools and weapons where great hardness

was required, for objects of art and statuettes were often made of

pure copper, or with a smaller alloy of tin, showing that the latter

metal was too scarce and valuable to be wasted.[5] Evidently this

alloy must have been discovered in some locality where tin and copper

were both found, and trials could be made of the proportions which

gave the best result, and the secret must have been communicated

to other nations along with the tin which was necessary for the

manufacture. Where could the sources have been which supplied this

tin and this knowledge how to use it, to the two great civilized

nations of Egypt and Chaldæa, where we can say with certainty that

bronze was in common use prior to 5000 B.C.? If we exclude Britain

and the extreme East, there are only two localities in which

extensive remains of ancient workings for tin have been discovered;

one in Georgia on the slopes of the Caucasus, and the other on the

northern slope of the Hindoo-Kush in the neighbourhood of Bamian.

And the knowledge both of bronze and of other metals, such as iron

and gold, seems to have been universally diffused among the Turanian

races who were the primitive inhabitants of Northern Asia. How

could Egypt have got its tin even from the nearest known source?

Consider the length of the caravan route; the number of beasts of

burden required; the necessity for roads, depôts, and stations; the

mountain ranges, rivers, and deserts to be traversed; such a journey

is scarcely conceivable either through districts sparsely peopled and

without resources, or infested by savage tribes and robbers. And yet

if the tin did not come by land, it must have come for the greater

part of the way by water, floating down the Euphrates or Tigris, and

being shipped from Ur or Eridhu by way of the Persian Gulf and Red

Sea.

[5] This normal alloy does not seem to have been in general use

in Egypt before the eighteenth dynasty, and the bronze of earlier

periods contains less tin. But evidently a very hard alloy of

copper must have been used from the earliest times, to chisel out

statues of granite and diorite, and although tin was too scarce

for common use, the tools for such purposes must have contained a

considerable percentage of it.

It is difficult to conceive that such an international commerce

can have existed at such a remote period, and the difficulty is

increased by the fact that in Europe, where we can pretty well

trace the passage from the neolithic into the bronze period, bronze

does not seem to have been known until some 2000 or 3000 years

later, when the Phoenicians had migrated to the eastern shore of

the Mediterranean, and extended their commerce and navigation far

and wide over its northern coasts and islands; and at a still later

period, when the Etruscans had established themselves in Italy and

exported the products of the Tuscan tin mines by trade routes over

the Rhætian Alps. It is even doubtful whether there was any knowledge

of metals in Europe prior to the Phoenician period, as the Aryan

names for gold, silver, copper, tin, and iron are borrowed from

foreign sources; and have no common origin in any ancestral language

of the Aryan races before they were differentiated into Greek, Latin,

Teutonic, Celtic, and Slavic. Copper seems to have been the first

metal known, and there are traces of a copper age prior to that of

bronze in some of the older neolithic lake villages of Switzerland

and Italy, and in very old tombs and dolmens in Hungary, France,

and the south-west of Spain. But these copper implements are very

few and far between, they are evidently modelled in the prior forms

of polished stone, and must have been superseded after a very short

time by the invention or importation of bronze, which, as already

stated, implies a supply of tin, and a common knowledge of the art of

alloying copper with it in the same uniform proportion which gives

the best result.

But in the historic records and remains of Egypt and Chaldæa, which

go so much further back, bronze had evidently been long known when

history commences. The Accadian name for tin, _Id-Kasdaru_, is the

oldest known, and reappears in the Sanscrit _Kastira_, the Assyrian

_Kasugeteira_, and the Greek _Kassiteros_. The oldest known name for

copper is the Accadian _urud_ or _urudu_, which singularly enough

is preserved in the Basque _urraida_, while _as rauta_ it reappears

as the name for iron in Finnish, and as _ruda_ for metal generally

in Old Slavonic. In Semitic Babylonian, copper is _eru_, which

confirms the induction that the metal was unknown to the primitive

Semites, and adopted by them from the previously existing Accadian

civilization. We are thus driven back by every line of evidence

to the conclusion that Egypt and Chaldæa were in the full, bronze

age, and had left the stone period far behind them, long before the

primitive stocks of the more modern Aryan and Semitic populations of

Europe and Western Asia had emerged from the neolithic stage, and

for an unknown period before the definite date when their history

commences, certainly not less than 7000 years ago.

We are also driven to the conclusion that other nations, capable of

conducting extensive mining operations, must have been in existence

in the Caucasus, the Hindoo-Kush, the Altai, or other remote regions;

and that routes of international commerce must have been established

by which the scarce but indispensable tin could be transported from

these regions to the dense and civilized communities which had grown

up in the alluvial valleys and deltas of the Nile and the Euphrates.

It is very singular, however, that if such an intercourse existed,

the knowledge of other objects of what may be called the first

necessity, should have been so long limited to certain areas and

races. For instance, in the case of the domestic animals, the horse

was unknown in Egypt and Arabia till after the Hyksos conquest, when

in a short time it became common, and these countries supplied the

finest breeds and the greatest number of horses for exportation. On

the other hand, the horse must have been known at a very early period

in Chaldæa, for the tablet of Sargon I., B.C. 3800, talks of riding

in brazen chariots over rugged mountains. This makes it the more

singular that the horse should have remained so long unknown in Egypt

and Arabia, for it is such an eminently useful animal, both for peace

and war, that one would think it must have been introduced almost

from the very first moment when trading caravans arrived. And yet tin

must have arrived from regions where in all probability the horse had

been long domesticated before the time of Menes. The only explanation

I can see is, that the tin must have come by sea, but by what

maritime route could it have come prior to the rise of Phoenician

commerce, which was certainly not earlier than about 2000 B.C., or

some 3000 years after the date of Menes? Could it have come down the

Euphrates or Tigris and been exported from the great sea-ports of

Eridhu or Ur by way of the Persian Gulf and Red Sea?

This seems the more probable, as Eridhu was certainly an important

maritime port at the early period of Chaldæan civilization. The

diorite statues found at Tell-loh by M. de Sarzec are stated by an

inscription on them to have come from Sinai, and indeed they could

have come from no other locality, as this is the only known site

of the peculiar greenish-black basalt or diorite of which those

statues and the similar one of the Egyptian Chephren of the second

pyramid are made. And in this case the transport of such heavy

blocks for such a distance could only have been effected by sea.

There are traces also of the maritime commerce of Eridhu having

extended as far as India. Teak wood, which could only have come from

the Malabar coast, has been found in the ruins of Ur; and "Sindhu,"

which is Indian cloth or muslin, was known from the earliest times.

It seems not improbable, therefore, that Eridhu and Ur may have

played the part which was subsequently taken by Sidon and Tyre, in

the prehistoric stages of the civilizations both of Egypt and of

Chaldæa, and this is confirmed by the earliest traditions of the

primitive Accadians, which represent these cities on the Persian Gulf

as maritime ports, whose people were well acquainted with ships, as

we see in their version of the Deluge, which, instead of the Hebrew

ark of Noah, has a well-equipped ship with sails and a pilot, in the

legend of Xisuthros.

The instance of the horse is the more remarkable, as throughout a

great part of the stone period the wild horse was the commonest of

animals, and afforded the staple food of the savages whose remains

are found in all parts of Europe. At one station alone, at Solutre

in Burgundy, it is computed that the remains of more than 40,000

horses are found in the vast heap of _débris_ of a village of the

stone period. What became of these innumerable horses, and how is it

that the existence of the animal seems to have been so long unknown

to the great civilized races? It is singular that a similar problem

presents itself in America, where the ancestral tree of the horse is

most clearly traced through the Eocene and Miocene periods, and where

the animal existed in vast numbers both in the Northern and Southern

Continent, under conditions eminently favourable for its existence,

and yet it became so completely extinct that there was not even a

tradition of it remaining at the time of the Spanish conquest. On

the other hand, the ass seems to have been known from the earliest

times, both to the Egyptians and the Semites of Arabia and Syria, and

unknown to the Aryans, whose names for it are all borrowed from the

Semitic. Large herds of asses are enumerated among the possessions

of great Egyptian landowners as far back as the fifth and sixth

dynasties, and no doubt it had been the beast of burden in Egypt for

time immemorial.

It is in this respect only, viz. the introduction of the horse, that

we can discern any foreign importation calculated to materially

affect the native civilization of Egypt, during the immensely long

period of its existence. It had no doubt a great deal to do with

launching Egypt on a career of foreign wars and conquests under the

eighteenth dynasty, and so bringing it into closer contact with other

nations, and subjecting it to the vicissitudes of alternate triumphs

and disasters, now carrying the Egyptian arms to the Euphrates and

Tigris, and now bringing Assyrian and Persian conquerors to Thebes

and Memphis. But in the older ages of the First and Middle Empire,

the ox, the ass, the sheep, ducks and geese, and the dog, seem to

have been the principal domestic animals. Gazelles also were tamed

and fed in herds during the Old Empire, and the cat was domesticated

from an African species during the Middle Empire.

Agriculture was conducted both in Egypt and Chaldæa much as it is

in China at the present day, by a very perfect system of irrigation

depending on embankments and canals, and by a sort of garden

cultivation enabling a large population to live in a limited area.

The people also, both in Egypt and Chaldæa, seem to have been

singularly like the modern Chinese, patient industrious, submissive

to authority, unwarlike, practical, and prosaic. Everything,

therefore, conspires to prove that an enormous time must have elapsed

before the dawn of history 7000 years ago, to convert the aborigines

who left their rude stone implements in the sands and gravels of

these localities, into the civilized and populous communities which

we find existing there long before the reigns of Menes and of Sargon.

Human Origins · 第 5 / 9 章