CHAPTER VI.

HUNTING AND FOWLING.

Among the sports and pastimes of the Greeks, which may be considered

as a kind of supplement to gymnastics, we must class first the chase,

which Xenophon vainly hoped might be made to operate as a check on the

luxurious and effeminate habits of his contemporaries.[679] But each

age having its own distinctive characteristic, it profits very little

to aim at engrafting the customs of one period of civilisation upon

another. The world will go its own gait. Chuckfarthing and Pricking

the Loop might as well be recommended to young gentlemen and ladies

dying for love, as hunting to the population of a vain and foppish

city, to whom wild boars and wolves must seem certain death. However,

the country gentlemen, and the agricultural population generally, long

in their own defence continued the practice of the chase, though in

Attica the absence of wild animals, consequent upon a high and careful

cultivation, had reduced it at a very early period to a matter of mere

amusement.

Footnote 679:

In the early ages of the world, hunting we are assured led to the

establishment of monarchy by accustoming youth whose brains were in

their sinews to pay implicit obedience to their leaders in the

chase.—Bochart, Geog. Sac. t. i. p. 258.

But in remoter times, and in those parts of the country where game

always continued to abound, there were never wanting persons who

delighted in the excitement of the chase. Herdsmen, particularly, and

shepherds, considered it part of their occupation.[680] Thus we find

Anchises a young Trojan chief, who inhabited the hill country, making

his lair of bears and lion-skins, the spoils of his own lance.[681]

Sport, of course, it would furnish to bold and reckless young men, as

lion and tiger hunting still does to our countrymen in Northern India;

but from this recreation proceeded in some measure their safety, since

where wild beasts are numerous they not only devastate the

country,[682] trampling down the corn-fields and devouring herds and

flocks, but occasionally, if they chance to find them unarmed, dine

also upon their hunters. Thus the chase of the Calydonian boar, the

tally-ho’s and view-halloes of which still sound fresh in song, was

undertaken by the Ætolians and Curetes, for the purpose of delivering

the rustic population from a pest;[683] and precisely the same motive

urged Alcmena’s boy into the famous conflict with the Nemean

lion,[684] which he brought down with his invincible bow and finished

with his wild olive club. In like manner Theseus, his rival in glory,

slew the Marathonian bull; and delivered the Cretans from another

monster of the same kind.[685] He engaged, too, with a sow of great

size at Crommyon on the confines of Corinthia, and slaughtered the

pig, an achievement of much utility and no little glory.

Footnote 680:

Iliad, λ. 547.

Footnote 681:

Hom. Hymn in Vener. 160. seq.

Footnote 682:

Paus. i. 27. 9.

Footnote 683:

Iliad, ι. 547. sqq.

Footnote 684:

Theocrit. xxv. 211. sqq.

Footnote 685:

Paus. i. 27. 9. sqq.

The arms and accoutrements of these primitive sportsmen corresponded

with the rough service in which they were engaged. Sometimes, to the

attack of the wild bull or the boar, they went forth with formidable

battle-axes.[686] But when their game was fleet and innocuous a

handful of light javelins and the bow sufficed, as when Odysseus and

his companions beat the country in search of wild goats.[687] In the

Æneid, too, we find the hero doing great execution among a herd of

deer with his bow. Boar-spears also were in use ere the period of the

Trojan war, as Odysseus, who appears to have been excessively addicted

to the chase, is represented going thus armed to the field with the

sons of Autolycos when he was wounded by the hog.[688] With the same

weapon we find Adrastos engaged in the same sport, killing the son of

Crœsos.[689] The chase of the lion, which in Xenophon’s time could

no longer be enjoyed in Greece Proper, required the most daring

courage and the most formidable weapons, spears, javelins, clubs, and

burning torches, with which at last they repelled him at night from

the cattle stalls. Homer, as usual, represents the contest to the

life:[690]

“He turned to go, as slow retreats the lion from the stalls,

Whom men and dogs assault while round a shower of javelins falls.

They all night watch about their herds, lest he intent on prey

Should bear the flower of all their fields, the fattest bull away.

Onward impetuously he bounds—the hissing javelins fly

From daring hands, while torches send their blaze far up the sky.

He dreads, though fierce, the dazzling flames thick flashing on his

sight,

And hungry still and breathing rage, retires with morning’s light.”

Footnote 686:

Iliad, ρ. 520. seq. Feith. Antiq. Hom. iv. c. 2. § 2.

Footnote 687:

Odyss. ι. 155. seq.

Footnote 688:

Odyss. ι. 465. seq.

Footnote 689:

Herod. i. 43.

Footnote 690:

Il. ρ. 657. Cf. Aristot. Hist. Anim. ix. 31. Oppian Cyneget. iv.

131. sqq.

The existence of wild beasts in a country has by some been enumerated

among the causes of civilisation, and it may, under certain

circumstances, deserve to be so considered, though generally such

modes of accounting for things are exceedingly unphilosophical.

Mitford, who advances it,[691] needed but to cast a glance across the

Mediterranean to dissipate his whole theory, since nowhere are there

more wild beasts or men less civilised than in Africa. Egypt, Chaldæa,

Assyria, the earliest peopled countries, enjoyed few of these helps to

refinement. The reasons of Greek civilisation lay neither in their

country or in the accidents of it, but in the race itself, which, as

one family in a nation is distinguished from its neighbours by

superior genius, was thus distinguished from other races of men.

However, the lion, as we have seen, formerly existed among them,

though never probably in great numbers, and even in the age of

Herodotus was still found in a wild tract of country extending from

the Acheloös in Acarnania to the Nestos in Thrace,[692] where in

fabulous times Olynthos, son of Strymon,[693] is said to have been

slain in a lion hunt. In the age of Dion Chrysostom, however, this

fierce animal was no longer known in Europe.[694]

Footnote 691:

Hist. of Greece, i. 16.

Footnote 692:

Herod. vii. 125. seq.

Footnote 693:

Conon, Dieg. iv. ap. Phot. 131. Rüdig. Prolegg. ad Dem. Olynth. p.

3.

Footnote 694:

Orat. 21. t. i. p. 501. Reiske.

Dogs, all the world over and from the remotest times, have been man’s

companions in the chase, and Homer, the noblest painter of the ancient

world, has bequeathed us many sketches of the antique hunting breed.

It has above been seen that in company with man they feared not to

attack even the lion. Odysseus’ famous dog Argos was a hound that

“Never missed in deepest woods the swift game to pursue

If once it glanced before his sight, for every track he knew.[695]”

Footnote 695:

Odyss. ρ. 316. seq.

And again when the same sagacious Nimrod makes his rounds in quest of

“belly timber,” a brace of dogs runs before him “examining the

traces,” while with boar-spear in hand he follows close at their

heels.[696] But already, even in those days, the habit of keeping more

cats than catch mice had got into fashion—that is among the

great—since we find grandees with their κύνες τραπεζῆες or “table

dogs,”[697] valued simply for their beauty. Patroclus maintained nine

of these handsome animals, and Achilles understanding his tastes, cast

two of them into the flames of his funeral pile, that their shades

might sit at his board in the realms below.[698]

Footnote 696:

Id. τ. 436. seq.

Footnote 697:

Id. ρ. 310.

Footnote 698:

Iliad ψ. 173. seq.

Footnote 699:

Deipnosoph. i. 22. et 24.

Fowling too, if we may depend upon Athenæus,[699] entered into the

list of heroic amusements. It is clear, however, that the sportsmen of

those days were arrant poachers, for, not content with attacking their

prey in open fight, they condescended to spread nets for them and set

gins for their feet. But being accomplished bowmen, however, they

could occasionally, when pressed for provisions, fetch down a thrush,

a pigeon, or a dove with an arrow, dexterously as that Jew in

Eusebius[700] who exhibited his marksmanship to demonstrate the

fallacy of augury. For in the funeral games of Patroclus, we find one

of the heroes hitting from a considerable distance a dove which had

been tied by a small cord to the summit of a mast.[701]

Footnote 700:

Præp. Evang. l. ix. c. 4. p. 408. d.

Footnote 701:

Iliad, ψ. 853. sqq.

They were given moreover not only to fishing with nets—a practice in

nowise unbecoming a hero when in want of a dinner—but even to angling

with “crooked O’Shaughnessies,”[702] as Homer expresses it; though the

passage in the Iliad, indeed, where a net is mentioned, cannot well be

adduced in corroboration, since it may refer to fowling as well as to

fishing.[703] Certain verses in the Odyssey, however, prove beyond a

doubt that the Greeks had already begun to derive a great part of

their sustenance from the sea;[704] and the Homeric heroes even

understood the value of oysters, which, as appears from the Iliad,

were procured by diving.[705]

Footnote 702:

Γναμπτοῖς ἀγκιστροίσιν. Odyss. μ. 331. seq. Ludovic. Nonn. de Re

Cibar. iii. 4. p. 294. Plut. de Solert. Anim. § 24. Cf. Antich. di

Ercol. t. i. tav. 36. p. 191. From an expression of Augustus, if we

can regard it as anything more than a figure of speech, it may be

inferred that to increase the luxury of the sport by converting it

into a species of gambling, people sometimes fished with golden

hooks.—Polyæn. Strat. viii. 24. 6.

Footnote 703:

Iliad, γ. 487. seq. Eustath. ad Odyss. χ. 386.

Footnote 704:

Odyss. χ. 386.

Footnote 705:

Iliad, π. 747. sqq.

Nevertheless these ancient heroes, though by no means averse as we

have seen to pigeons or oysters, delighted chiefly in the chase of the

larger animals, in which article of taste they agreed with Plato, who

considered all other kinds as unworthy of men. He appears to have

entertained an especial aversion for the Isaac Waltons of the ancient

world, and in his advice to youth earnestly exhorts them to eschew

hooks and fish-traps, which he slily classes with piracy and

house-breaking: and so he does fowling. Nor would his generous

philosophy countenance poaching with nets and gins and snares. His

sportsmen, modelled after the old Homeric type, were to mount their

chargers,[706] and accompanied by their dogs come to close quarters

with their wild foes in open daylight, and subdue them by dint of

personal courage.[707] Precisely similar views prevailed in the heroic

age, when the chiefs and principal men were exercised from boyhood in

the chase, as appears from the examples of Achilles and Odysseus;[708]

of whom the former, according to Pindar, tried his hand at a lion at

the age of six years, ἐξέτης τοπρῶτον. Being swift of foot as those

Arabs of Northern Africa, who, as Leo[709] says, are a match for any

horse, he used without the aid of dogs to overtake and bring down deer

with his javelin, and whatever prey he took he carried to his old

master Cheiron. This passage Mr. Cary has translated in the following

vigorous and elegant manner:—

“In Philyra’s house a flaxen boy

Achilles oft in rapturous joy

His feats of strength essayed.

Aloof like wind his little javelin flew,

The lion and the brinded boar he slew;

Then homeward to old Cheiron drew

Their panting carcases.

This when six years had fled;

And all the after time

Of his rejoicing prime

It was to Dian and the blue-eyed Maid

A wonder how he brought to ground

The stag without or toils or hound.

So fleet of foot was he.”

Footnote 706:

Cf. Poll. Onom. v. 17.

Footnote 707:

De Legg. vii. t. viii. p. 71. seq.—In his Republic boys were to be

permitted when they could do so with safety to proceed to the field

of battle, and there to approach sufficiently near the scene as to

be able like young hounds to taste, so to speak, of blood.—t. vi. p.

367.

Footnote 708:

Pind. Nem. iii. 43. seq. Diss. Odyss. τ. 429. seq.

Footnote 709:

Descrip. Afric.

Similar manners, if we may confide in Virgil,[710] prevailed among the

old inhabitants of Latium, and Xenophon[711] in his monarchical Utopia

trains the youth in the same habits.

Footnote 710:

Æneid, ix. 605.

Footnote 711:

Cyneg. ii. 1.

On hunting,[712] as practised in the civilised ages of Greece, we

possess more ample details, and it is chiefly by the minuter touches

that a picture of this kind can be invested with interest and utility.

Xenophon, an aristocratic country gentleman, who living in a corrupt

age was, as I have said, wisely partial to the nobler manners of the

past, considers the chase as a branch of education.[713] He does not,

however, entertain upon this subject the heroic views of Plato, but,

looking solely to utility, not only describes the physical conditions

and mental qualities of the hunter, but the nets, poles, arms, and

every implement made use of by the ancients in the chase.

Footnote 712:

To form a proper idea of the sporting vocabulary of the Greeks, the

reader should consult Julius Pollux, Onomasticon, v. 9.-94.

Footnote 713:

Cyneg. ii. 1.

Not to interfere with the discipline of the schools and the gymnasia,

the youths were exhorted to betake themselves to field-sports about

the age of twenty. Their notions of a sportsman’s costume differed

materially from our own, for instead of decking themselves like our

fox-hunters in scarlet, they selected the soberest and least brilliant

colours both for their cloaks and chitons. The latter were in general

extremely short, reaching merely to the hams, as Artemis is usually

represented in works of art. But the chlamys was long and ample, that

it might be twisted round the left arm in close contest with the

larger animals. Their hunting boots reached to the knee, and were

bound tight round the leg with thongs. Probably also, as in

travelling, they covered their heads with a broad-brimmed hat.

The apparatus of a Greek sportsman would appear somewhat cumbersome,

and perhaps a little ludicrous to a modern Nimrod. But understanding

their own object they went their own way to work; their arms and

implements, varying with the chase in which they were engaged,

consisted of short swords, hunting knives[714] for the purpose of

cutting down brushwood to stop up openings in the forest, axes for

felling trees, darts furnished with thongs for drawing them back when

they had missed their aim, bows, boar-spears, weapons peculiarly

formidable, nets small and large, some for setting up in the plains,

some for traversing glades or narrow alleys in the woods, and others

shaped like a female head-net, to be placed in small dusky openings,

where being unperceived the game sprang into them as into a sack,

which closed about it by means of a running cord, net-poles, forked

stakes, snares, gins, nooses, and leashes for the dogs.[715] The darts

used on these occasions had ashen or beechen handles, and the nets

were usually manufactured with flax imported from Colchis on the

Phasis, Egypt, Carthage, and Sardinia.[716] Generally, too, they took

along with them the Lagobalon, a short, crooked stick with a knob at

one end, with which they sometimes brought down the hare in its

flight.[717] This practice, common enough among poachers in our

country, is by them denominated _squailing_.

Footnote 714:

Poll. v. 19.

Footnote 715:

Cf. Grat. Falisc. Cyneg. p. 14. Wase.

Footnote 716:

Xen. Cyneg. ii. 3. Grat. Falisc. Cyneg. p. 6. Wase. Pollux, v. 26.

Footnote 717:

Spanh. Obs. in Callim. Hymn. in Dian. ii. p. 122. Poll. v. 20.—Hares

are hunted with sticks in South Guinea by the blacks.—Barbot. iii.

14.

Without the aid of dogs, however, hunting is a poor sport. The

ancients, therefore, much addicted to this branch of education, paid

great attention to the breed of these animals, of which some were

sought to be rendered celebrated by heroic and fabulous associations.

Thus the Castorides, it was said, sprang[718] from a breed to which

the twin god of Sparta was partial; the Alopecidæ were a cross between

a dog and a she-fox; and a third kind[719] arose from the mingling of

these two races. Among modern sportsmen, there are also good

authorities who prefer harriers with a quarter of the fox-strain.[720]

Other kinds of hounds, as the Menelaides and Harmodian derived their

appellation from the persons who reared them.[721]

Footnote 718:

Poll. v. 39. Xen. Cyneg. iii. 1.

Footnote 719:

Arist. Hist. Anim. viii. 28. Poll. v. 39.

Footnote 720:

Letters on Hunting, p. 60.

Footnote 721:

Poll. v. 40.

But the whole breeds of certain countries[722] were famous, as the

Argive, the Locrian, the Arcadian, the Spanish, the Carian, the

Eretrian; the Celtic or greyhound (not known[723] in more ancient

times); the Psyllian, so called from a city of Achaia; the dog of

Elymæa, a country lying between Bactria and Hyrcania; the Hyrcanian,

which was a cross with the lion; the Laconian, of which the bitch was

more generous,[724] sometimes crossed with the Cretan, which was

itself renowned for its nose, strength and courage,[725] those which

kept watch in the temple of Artemis Dictynna having been reckoned a

match even for bears; the Molossian, less valued for the chase than as

a shepherd’s dog, on account of its great fierceness and power to

contend with wild beasts;[726] the Cyrenaic, a cross with the wolf,

and lastly the Indian, on which the chief reliance was placed in the

chase of the wild boar. This breed, according to Aristotle, was

produced by crossing with the tiger, probably the Cheeta.[727] The

first and second removes were considered too fierce and unmanageable,

and it was not until the third generation that these tiger-mules could

be broken in to the use of the sportsman. Some sought in mythology the

origin of this noble animal; for, according to Nicander, the hounds of

Actæon, recovering their senses after the destruction of their master,

fled across the Euphrates and wandered as far as India. Strange

stories are related of this breed, of which some it is said would

contend with no animal but the lion. Alexander’s dog, which he

purchased in India for a hundred minæ, had twice overcome and slain

the monarch of the forest.[728]

Footnote 722:

Arist. de Gen. Anim. v. 2. p. 344. Virg. Georg. iii. 405. See the

enumeration by Gratius, Cyneg. p. 20. seq.

Footnote 723:

Arrian, de Venat. c. 2.

Footnote 724:

Arist. Hist. Anim. ix. 1. Soph. Ajax, 8. Virg. Georg. iii. 405.

Λάκαιναι σκύλακες, Plat. Parmen. t. ii. p. 7. had long noses. Arist.

de Gen. Anim. v. 2. 344.

Footnote 725:

Æl. De Nat. Anim. iii. 2. Pashley, Travels in Crete, i. 33. Hughes,

Travels, &c. i. 489, 501.

Footnote 726:

Arist. Hist. Anim. ix. i.

Footnote 727:

Arist. Hist. Anim. viii. 28, with the observations of Camus, t. ii.

p. 215. Cf. Scalig. de Subtilitat. x. p. 383. Æl. de Nat. Anim.

viii. i.

Footnote 728:

Æl. De Nat. Anim. viii. 1. Poll. Onom. v. 42. seq.

Let us, therefore, now imagine the hounds exactly what they ought to

be, and observe under what circumstances they were led afield. As in

England, their principal sport was the hare. In winter,[729] it was

observed that puss, from the length of the nights, took a wider

circuit, and therefore afforded the dogs a better chance of detecting

her traces.[730] But when in the morning the ground was covered with

ice or white with hoar-frost, the dogs lost their scent, as also

amidst abundant dews or after heavy rains. The sportsman accordingly

waited till the sun was some way up the sky, and had begun to quicken

the subtile odours communicated to the earth.[731] The west wind,[732]

which covers the heavens with vast clouds and fills the air with

moisture, and the south blowing warm and humid, weaken the scent; but

the north wind fixes and preserves it.[733] By moonlight, too, as the

old sportsmen remark, and the warmth it emits, the scent is affected;

besides that when the moon shines brightly, in their frolicsome and

sportive mood the hares, in the secluded glades of the forest, take

long leaps and bounds over the green sward, leaving wide intervals

between their traces.[734]

Footnote 729:

See on the subject of scent, Sport. Mag. Jan. 1840, and compare

Essay on Hunting, p. 1. et seq.

Footnote 730:

Cf. Poll. v. 11. Σύμβολα ἐν τετυπωμένα τῇ γῇ.

Footnote 731:

The phrase in Pollux is ἀποφέρεται ἀπ᾽ αὔτων (τῶν ἰχνῶν) τὸ πνεῦμα.

v. 12. The author of the Essay on Hunting (p. 15.) enumerating the

several kinds of scent, speaks of them as stronger, sweeter, or more

distinguishable at one time than another; and Pollux makes use of

much the same language: ἄνοσμα, δύσοσμα, εὔοσμα, κ. τ. λ. l. c.

Footnote 732:

Arist. Prob. xxvi. 23—Falling stars were regarded as a prognostic of

high winds, 24. Letters on Hunting, p. 106.

Footnote 733:

Cf. Xen. Cyneg. viii. 1.

Footnote 734:

Xen. Cyneg. v. 4. Poll. v. 67.

From a remark of Xenophon it appears that at least on one point the

sportsmen of antiquity were less humane than the modern, since they

pursued the chase even in breeding time.[735] They, however, spared

the young in honour of Artemis;[736] the spirit even of false

religion, on this, as on many other occasions, strengthening the

impulses of humanity.

Footnote 735:

See also Spanh. Obs. in Callim. t. ii. p. 123.

Footnote 736:

Xen. Cyneg. v. 14. Klaus. Com. in Agam. p. 114.—Leverets, properly

λαγίδια, were often in common with the young of all other wild

animals denominated ὀμβρίαι and ὀμβρίκια by the poets.—Poll. v. 15.

Several causes coöperated to render hares unplentiful on the Hellenic

continent,—the number of sportsmen, of foxes which devoured both them

and their young, and of eagles that delighted in its lofty and almost

inaccessible mountains, and shared its game with the huntsman and the

fox. Homer, in a few picturesque words, describes the war carried on

against puss by this destructive bird.[737] On the islands, whether

inhabited or not, few of these obstacles to their increase existed.

Sportsmen rarely passed over to them, and in such as were sacred to

any of the gods the introduction of dogs was not permitted, so that,

like the pigeons and turtle-doves of Mekka, they multiplied in those

holy haunts prodigiously.

Footnote 737:

Il. χ. 308. sqq.

It was prohibited by the laws of Attica[738] to commit the slightest

trespass during the chase. The sportsman was not allowed to traverse

any ground under cultivation, to disturb the course of running water,

or to invade the sanctity of fountains. The scene of action

accordingly lay among the woods and mountains, the common property of

the republic, or, if not, abandoned by general consent to the use of

the sportsman. Such were, for example, the woodland districts of

Parnes and Cithæron on the borders of Bœotia. Towards these the

huntsman, well shod, plainly and lightly dressed,[739] and with a

stick in his hand, set out about sunrise in winter, in summer before

day.[740] On the road strict silence was observed[741] lest the hare

should take the alarm and to her heels. Having reached the cover, the

dogs were tied separately that they might be let slip the more easily,

the nets were spread in the proper places, the net-guards set, and the

huntsman with his dogs proceeded to start the game, first piously

making a votive offering of the primitiæ to Apollo and Artemis,[742]

divinities of the chase.[743]

Footnote 738:

Xen. Cyneg. v. 34.

Footnote 739:

Poll. v. 17.

Footnote 740:

The pleasure experienced on these occasions is thus enthusiastically

described by Christopher Wase:—"What innocent and natural delights

are they, when he seeth the day breaking forth, those blushes and

roses which poets and writers of romances only paint, but the

huntsman truly courts! When he heareth the chirping of small birds

perched upon their dewy boughs, when he draws in that fragrancy of

the pastures and coolness of the air! How jolly is his spirit when

he suffers it to be imported with the noise of bugle-horns and the

baying of hounds which leap up and play around him!"—Pref. to Tr. of

Gratius, p. 3.

Footnote 741:

See, in the Cyropædia, i. 6. 40, an extremely interesting passage on

the chase of the hare.—Cf. Oppian. de Venat. iv. 422.

Footnote 742:

Hence the goddess obtained many of the epithets bestowed on her by

the poets, as: ἀγροτέρα, καὶ κυνηγέτις, καὶ φιλόθηρος, καὶ ὀρεία,

ἀπὸ τῶν ὀρῶν· καὶ Ἰδαία, ἀπὸ τῆς Ἴδης, καὶ δίκτυνα, ἀπὸ τῶν δικτύων·

καὶ ἑκηβόλος, ἀπὸ τοῦ ἑκὰς τὰ θνρία βάλλειν· καὶ πολλὰ ἄλλα ὀνόματα

ἀπὸ θήρας.—Poll. v. 13.

Footnote 743:

Xen. Cyneg. vi. 1. seq. Poll. v. 13.—It was customary, moreover, to

nail the head or a foot of the game to some tree in honour of

Artemis.—Sch. Aristoph. Ran. 143.

And now, exclaims the leader of the Ten Thousand, I behold the hounds,

joyous and full of fire, spring forward in the track of their game.

Eagerly and ardently do they pursue it—they traverse—they run about in

a circle—they advance now in a straight line, now bounding away

obliquely—they plunge into the thickets, across the glades, through

the paths, known or unknown, hurrying one before the other, shaking

their tails, their ears hanging low,[744] their eyes flashing with

fire. Drawing near the game they indicate the fact to their master by

their movements, kindling up into a warlike humour, bounding emulously

forward, scorning all thought of fatigue,—now in a body, now

singly,—till reaching the hiding-place[745] of the hare they spring

towards it all at once. In the midst of shouts and barking the swift

animal glances from her form with the hounds at her heels. The

huntsman, his left hand wrapped in his chlamys, follows staff in hand,

animating his dogs, but avoiding, even if in his power, to head the

game.[746]

Footnote 744:

C. Poll. v. 61.

Footnote 745:

Οἱ θάμνοι, the technical term for covert. Poll. v. 15.

Footnote 746:

Xen. Cyneg. vi. 14–17.

A singular species of chase, now common in our own rabbit-warrens,

appears to have passed over from Africa to the Balearic Isles, in an

ancient account of which the first mention of it occurs. Those

islands, it is said, were almost entirely exempted from vermin, but,

on the other hand, contained prodigious numbers of rabbits, which

almost destroyed every herb and plant by biting their roots. At

length, however, they discovered a remedy for this evil. They imported

ferrets from Africa, which, having first muzzled them, they let loose

in the rabbit-warrens. Creeping into the holes they scared forth the

inmates, which were caught by the sportsman. Strabo, who relates the

circumstance, calls the ferret a “wild cat.” Pliny, having likewise

described the devastations of the rabbits, speaks of it under the name

of _viverra_, and says it was held in great estimation for its utility

in this chase, which in the seventeenth century was practised in the

island of Procida, where they procured the animal from Sicily, and

denominated it Foretta, whence the English name. The common Italian

appellation was donnola.[747]

Footnote 747:

Vict. Var. Lect. xxxi. 20. p. 883. seq. Cf. Plin. Hist. Nat. viii.

8, cum notis. Strab. iii. 2. p. 231.

It is clear, however, that in classic times the ferret was unknown in

Greece, otherwise we should never have heard of the proverb of the

Carpathian and his Hare[748] applied to persons who brought evil upon

themselves. Originally, we are told, the Island of Carpathos[749] was,

like Ithaca, entirely destitute of hares; but a pair having been at

length introduced, multiplied so prodigiously that they almost

depopulated the island by devouring the fruits of the earth. A similar

fact is related of the island Porto Santo, near Madeira, for Prince

Henry of Portugal, immediately after its discovery, “sent Bartholomew

Perestrello with seeds to sow and cattle to stock the place; but one

couple of rabbits put in among the rest increased so prodigiously that

all corn and plants being destroyed by them it was found necessary to

unpeople the place.”[750]

Footnote 748:

Suid. v. Λαγώς. t. ii. p. 3.

Footnote 749:

This island now abounds in cattle and game, particularly quails and

partridges.—Dapper, Descrip. des Iles de l’Archip. p. 173.

Footnote 750:

Hist. of Navig. prefixed to Church. Coll. of Voy. and Trav. vol. i.

p. xx.

A peculiar kind of hare is commemorated by the ancients as found in

Elymœa. It is said to have been little inferior in size to the fox, to

have been elongated and slender in shape, and blackish in colour, with

a long white tip at the end of the tail. It is remarked by the same

writer that the scent left by leverets on the ground is stronger and

more pungent than that of the grown hare, so that the dogs become

furious on getting wind of it.[751]

Footnote 751:

Poll. v. 74.

From the chase of the hare and rabbit we pass on to that of the fawn

and the stag, in which they made use of Indian dogs,[752] animals of

great strength, size, speed, and courage. Fawns[753] were hunted in

spring, the season of their birth. The first step was for the

sportsman to beat up the woods to discover where the deer were

numerous; and having found a proper place he returned thither before

day, armed with javelins, and accompanied by a game-keeper with a pack

of hounds. The dogs were kept in leash afar off, lest they should give

tongue at the sight of the deer. He himself took his station on the

look-out. At break of day[754] the does, with their yellowish and

richly-speckled skins, were seen issuing from the thickets, followed

by their still more delicately-spotted fawns, which they led to the

places[755] where they usually suckled them, while the stags stationed

themselves at a distance, as an advanced guard, to defend them from

all intruders. The graceful creatures then lay down to perform their

matronly office, looking round watchfully the while to observe whether

they were discovered. This pleasing task completed, they, like the

stags, posted themselves in a circle about their fawns to protect

them. Sportsmen have no sentiment. At the very moment when this most

beautiful exhibition of mute affection would have warmed with sympathy

the heart of the philosopher or the poet, the dogs were let loose,

while their master and his companions, armed with javelins, closed

upon the game. The fawn itself, unless chilled and drenched by the

dew—in which case it frisked about—would remain still in its place and

be taken. But on hearing its cries the doe rushed forward to deliver

it, and was smitten down by the javelins or torn to pieces by the

dogs. The chase of the female elephant in Africa exhibits the same

traits of affection in the brute and ferocity in man. In this case the

young will fight for his mother, or the mother for her young till

death.

Footnote 752:

Xen. Cyneg. ix. 1.

Footnote 753:

The terms by which, in our old hunting vocabulary, the stag was

known at the different periods of his life are as follow:—1. a fawn;

2. a pricket; 3. a sourell; 4. a soure; 5. a buck of the first head;

6. a buck. Wase. Pref. to Gratius, p. 12.

Footnote 754:

Xen. Cyneg. ix. 3.

Footnote 755:

That is on the ὀργάδες or lawns, which, according to Pollux they

chiefly frequented, v. 15. Cf. Schneid. ad Xen. Cyneg. ix. § 1.

When the fawn had attained any considerable size, and begun to feed

among the herd, the chase of it became more arduous. The fidelity of

instinctive love, opposed to human sagacity, exhibited all its force.

Closing round their young and drawing up in front of them, the stags,

emboldened by affection, trampled the dogs under their feet,

frequently to death, unless the huntsman, dashing into the midst of

them, could succeed in detaching a single animal from the herd. But,

supposing this done, the hounds at first remained far behind the fawn,

which, terrified at finding itself alone, bounded along with

incredible velocity, though, its strength soon failing, it in the end

fell a prey to the hunter.

The object of the ancients, however, in the chase not being simple

sport, but to obtain possession by the shortest method possible of the

game, they set snares in the narrows of the mountains, around the

meadows, near the streams and freshes, and in the thickets—wherever,

in short, stags could be taken. Pitfalls, too, were dug, as in Africa

for the lion,[756] and most of those stratagems resorted to which the

Nubians and Egyptian Arabs put in practice against the gazelle. It was

in fact common to erect, with rough stones or wood, a sort of skreen,

perhaps semicircular, like those behind which the hunters of the

desert hide, to conceal themselves when lying in wait for the

game.[757]

Footnote 756:

Xen. Cyneg. ix. 14. sqq.—Ælian describes another method of taking

these animals not much practised by modern sportsmen; that is to say

by the charms of music, as the Egyptian Psylli captured serpents.—De

Nat. Anim. xii. 46.

Footnote 757:

Poll. v. 36.

For the chase of the wild boar,[758] at once a manly and a useful

sport, somewhat complicated preparations were necessary. In this the

dogs of India, of Crete, of Locris, of Sparta, hunted side by side,

and the sportsman took the field armed with strong nets, javelins,

hunting poles, and snares. The boar-spears of the ancients[759] were

most carefully fashioned, with a broad sharp head and handle of tough

wood. So likewise were their hunting-poles armed with long iron

points, fixed in brazen sockets, with a shaft of service wood.

Footsnares of great strength were set at intervals. This was not the

sport of a solitary hunter. They went out in considerable numbers, and

kept close together, finding still, for lack of fire-arms, no small

difficulty in coping with the foe. On reaching the spot where they

supposed the hog to be ensconced, the dogs were all led carefully in

leash with the exception of one Spartan hound, which was let loose and

accompanied in all his movements. When he appeared to have found the

track, they followed him, and he thus took the lead in the chase.

Numerous signs also directed the movements of the hunter; in soft

places the track, broken branches in thickets, and in forests the

wounds on the bark of trees, given by the boar in sharpening his tusks

as he passed.[760]

Footnote 758:

Cf. Aristoph. Vesp. i. 202. seq. Xen. Cyrop. i. 6. 28.

Footnote 759:

Xen. Cyneg. x. 3.

Footnote 760:

The huntsmen give judgment of the wild boar by the print of his

foot, by his rooting; a wild swine roots deeper than our ordinary

hogs, because its snout is longer, and when he comes into a

corn-field, as the Calydonian boar in Ovid, turns up one continued

furrow, &c.—Wase, Illustrations, V. p. 64.

Generally the traces were found leading to some sheltered nook, warm

in winter, in summer cool, where the boar made his lair. On

discovering him the dog gave tongue, but the animal in general refused

to rise. The hound was then withdrawn and put in leash with the

others, and every opening, save one, leading to the place, closed with

nets, the upper ends of which were passed over the forks of trees. The

nets were hung so as to belly outwards, and carefully disposed so that

they could be seen through. Bushes cut hastily supported them on

either side, and closed every aperture through which the game could

attempt to force a way. This done the hounds were all slipped, and the

hunters, armed with pikes and spears, entered the netted enclosure.

One of the boldest and most experienced led the dogs; the others

followed at intervals, leaving an ample space between them for the

boar, which if closely hemmed in might have inflicted on his opponents

the fate of Adonis. Presently the hounds sprang all at once upon the

game, which rising in sudden alarm tossed the first it encountered

into the air, and breaking through the pack made away towards the

nets, followed by men and dogs in full cry. On finding the

unaccustomed opposition, he would, if running down hill, plunge right

forward to force his way through; if in a plain he would stand still,

glaring fiercely around.

The dogs, however, soon closed upon his track, while the hunters

galled him with javelins and stones, approaching closer and closer

till he was driven by his own impetuosity into the nets. Upon this the

most daring of his pursuers drew near, pike in hand, and sought to put

an end to the contest by piercing him in the head. Sometimes,

notwithstanding all they could do, instead of plunging into the toils

he would turn upon them; in which case some dexterous sportsman, armed

with spear or pike, usually presented himself to receive his charge

with one foot advanced, impelling the weapon with the right hand,

directing it with the left. Instead, however, of rushing on at once

the hog would perhaps pause a moment to reconnoitre, when it behoved

his antagonist carefully to mark every movement of his head or glance

of his eye.[761] For in the very moment that a blow was aimed at him,

he would sometimes dash the spear aside with tusk or snout, and the

next moment be upon his enemy, whose only chance of safety now

consisted in throwing himself instantaneously on his face, and holding

fast by whatever he could grasp, since, the tusks of the boar curving

upwards, he found it difficult to gore his enemy thus lying, and

failing to turn him over would in his fury trample on him. A second

hunter now rushed forward to deliver his companion, and usually drew

off the hog by dexterous attacks in flank. The fallen sportsman,

recovering at the same time his feet and his spear, must by the laws

of the chase return to the combat, and could only secure his

reputation by immolating his foe. By this time, indeed, the task had

generally become easier; for, rendered reckless by fury, he would

throw himself impetuously on their pikes, which, but for the

protecting guards at the head, would have gone through him handle and

all. His whole frame now appeared to be kindled with rage, his blood

boiling, his eyes flashing, and his tusks so nearly on fire that if

brought in contact with hair at the moment of death, they would

frizzle it like a red-hot iron.[762]

Footnote 761:

Cf. Poll. v. 23. sqq.

Footnote 762:

Οὕτω δὲ πολλὴ ἡ δυναμίς ἐστιν αὐτοῦ, ὥστε καὶ, ἃ οὐκ ἂν οἴοιτό τις,

πρόσεστιν αὐτῷ· τεθνεῶτος γὰρ εὐθὺς ἐάν τις ἐπὶ τὸν ὀδόντα ἐπιθῇ

τρίχας, συντρέχουσιν· οὑτως εἰσὶ θερμοὶ· ζῶντι δὲ διάπυροι, ὅταν

ἐρεθίζηται· οὐ γὰρ ἂν τῶν κυνῶν, ἁμαρτάνων τῇ πληγῄ τοῦ σώματος,

ἄκρα τὰ τριχώματα περιεπίμπρα.—Xen. Cyneg. x. 17. Cf. Poll. v. 80.

Oppian. Venat. iii. 379. seq. Scalig. Poët. v. 14. p. 698.

Of the hunting of the bear[763] the ancients have left us no exact

description. As this animal abounded, however, in most parts of

Greece, where it was extremely troublesome and destructive,

particularly to the fruit-trees, various expedients were hit upon for

taking and destroying it. Sometimes it was pursued as game and brought

down by the bow; but the common method appears to have been to make

use of traps and snares. They dug, for example, a deep trench round

one of those trees in the fruit of which the bear particularly

delighted, and covering it with reeds or brittle branches, they

sprinkled thereon a thin layer of earth, and concealed the whole

apparatus with fresh grass. The bear, proceeding as usual towards the

tree on his thievish errand, broke in the roof of the pit with his

weight, and was caught. Even in the most civilised times this animal

had not been wholly extirpated from Attica,[764] but, as well as the

boar, was found on Mount Parnes. In Laconia also, through the whole

range of Taygetos, it abounded, together with hogs, deer, and wild

goats. Bruin was sacrificed in Achaia to Artemis Laphria. In Thrace

the white bear was found.[765]

Footnote 763:

Pausanias mentions the bear as an inhabitant of Pendeli. “About

three years since one was shot in the mountains of Parnassos, and

brought to Aracooa. The lynx, the wild cat, the wild boar, the wild

goat, the stag, the roebuck, the badger, the martin, and squirrel

inhabit the steeper rocks of Parnassos, and the thick pine forests

above Callidia. The rough mountains about Marathon are frequented by

moles, foxes, and jackals; weasels are sometimes taken in the

villages and out-houses; hares are too numerous to be

particularised.” Sibthorp in Walp. Mem. i. 73.

Footnote 764:

Paus. i. 32. 1.

Footnote 765:

Paus. iii. 20. 4. vii. 18. 13. viii. 17. 3.

Respecting the habits of the Grecian bear the ancients have left us

some few facts which may be worth repeating. When it comes forth from

the den,[766] where it has passed the winter, it is said to chew bits

of wood, and to feed on snake-weed, wake-robin, or cuckoo-pint (arum

maculatum[767]), which has a purgative power. These operations

performed, its ravenous appetites immediately awake, and it commences

its devastations in the farm-yard, the orchard and the apiary.

Delighting greatly in honey it attacks and overthrows the hives which

it tears to pieces in order to devour the combs, though Pliny[768]

adduces another reason for this fact, exceedingly characteristic of

that writer. He says that the bear, after his winter sleep, finding

his eyes dim and his head heavy, applies to the bees as to skilful

oculists, that in revenge for robbing them of their honey, sting him

angrily about the face, which by letting much blood relieves him at

once from his ophthalmia and his headache. The bear, it is well known,

is omnivorous like man. He accordingly plunders the bean-fields, and

feeds on every kind of pulse. In robbing orchards,[769] too, his

courage and ability are great, being as I have said as complete an

adept as a school-boy in climbing trees, out of which when he has

satisfied himself he descends, like the aforesaid mischievous beast,

feet foremost. When none of the delicacies above enumerated was within

his reach, the bear would feed on ants, crabs, or any kind of vermin,

but preferred of course the flesh of the larger animals, such as the

stag, the wild boar, and the bull. His mode of taking his prey was

curious. Upon the boar and stag he probably dropped from his hiding

place in the trees, but the stratagem by which he usually got the bull

into his power was this.[770] Throwing himself on the ground directly

in his way he provoked the lord of the herd to gore him, upon which,

seizing his horns, and fastening ravenously upon his shoulder, he

brought him to the ground, where he fed upon his carcass at leisure.

When flying from the more terrible face of man, the female usually

drove her young before her, or taking them up in her mouth or on her

back, she would endeavour to escape with them into the trees.[771]

Footnote 766:

Aristot. Hist. Anim. ix. 6. viii. 17. vi. 30. Ælian de Nat. Anim.

vi. 3. Cf. Buffon, Hist. Nat. t. viii. p. 27.

Footnote 767:

This now we find is the food of swine. “Leaving Pyrgo (in Bœotia),

we advanced along the plain to Eremo Castro; in our road we observed

droves of pigs tearing up the ground for the roots of the

cuckow-pint (arum maculatum) which was called by the swineherds

δρακοντίο.”—Sibth. in Walp. i. 65.

Footnote 768:

Nat. Hist. viii. 54.

Footnote 769:

Aristot. Hist. Anim. viii. 5.

Footnote 770:

Ælian. de Nat. Anim. vi. 6. Aristot. ut sup.

Footnote 771:

Aristot. Hist. Anim. ix. 6. Ælian. de Nat. Anim. vi. 6.

As the lion was not found in Greece in the civilised periods of its

history, the chase of it cannot be said to have formed an Hellenic

amusement.[772] They might, however, by proceeding a little beyond the

borders in their colonies of Thrace and Asia Minor, on Mount Pangæos,

on the Mysian Olympos, and in Syria, enjoy this dangerous pastime if

they desired it. In all those countries, however, both the lion,[773]

the panther, the pard, the lynx, and other animals of this destructive

class had been confined to the mountains, where, as an acute and

experienced observer has remarked, they lose much of their force and

ferocity. The expression made use of by Xenophon proves in fact that

the dread of man had driven them almost into inaccessible fastnesses,

whither they could not be pursued by the hunter, so that they were

chiefly taken in their descent to the lowlands by poisoning, with

aconite,[774] the waters or the baits which they set for them:

sometimes, indeed, when want compelled them into the plains, parties

of hunters on horseback, and armed to the teeth, would assault and

destroy them, not without imminent peril. Pitfalls, too, of ingenious

construction were dug for them, having an earthen pillar in the centre

on which a goat was tied.[775] The encircling moat, like that above

described, destined for the bear, was concealed by a covering of

slender bushes which, breaking under them, they were precipitated to

the bottom and there killed. The wolf, though a sacred animal[776] in

Attica, had by the laws a price set upon his head, at which

Menage[777] wonders, though the Egyptians also slaughtered their

sacred crocodiles, when they exceeded a certain size.

Footnote 772:

Xen. Cyneg. xi. 1.

Footnote 773:

Pollux (v. 14.) observes that in his time lions were chiefly found

in mountainous tracts as wild boars were in marshes and pardales in

the depths of the woods.

Footnote 774:

Xen. Cyneg. xi. 2. Poll. v. 82. Plin. viii. 27. Dioscor. iv. 77.

Foxes were supposed to be killed by baits steeped in the juice of

bitter almonds (Id. i. 176); wolves, panthers, dogs, &c. by

dog’s-bane.—Id. iv. 81.

Footnote 775:

Oppian. de Venat. iv. 85. sqq.

Footnote 776:

Cf. Hesych. v. Λυκαβ.

Footnote 777:

Ad D. Laert. p. 20. b. c. Meurs. Solon, c. 19.

In the chase of the wild goat the bow, among the mountains of Crete,

was made use of, and so skilful as marksmen were the Cretans[778] that

from the depths of the valleys they would bring down their game from

the pinnacles of the loftiest cliffs.[779] They were fabled to have

been taught the art of hunting by the Curetes, and, practising it

constantly in steep and difficult places, they acquired great

suppleness and agility of body, and were exceedingly swift of

foot.[780]

Footnote 778:

The very name of the Cretans has by some been derived from the use

of the bow. Κρῆτες, παρὰ τὸ ἐπὶ κέρασι βιοτεύειν· κυνηγετικοὶ γάρ.

Etym. Mag. 537. 54. See in Homer a description of the bow of

Pandaros where we are told it was made from the horns of a wild

goat.—Il. δ. 105. sqq.

Footnote 779:

Ælian. Var. Hist. i. 10. On the cothurnos which these hunters wore,

see Spanheim ad Callim. in Dian. 16. p. 142. sqq. Bœttig. Les

Furies, p. 37. The high half-boot worn by Artemis in the chase is

represented in Mus. Chiaramon. pl. 18.

Footnote 780:

Athen. xii. 28. Meurs. Cret. p. 177.

The Macedonians, too, were both practised and enthusiastic sportsmen,

and delighted in the amusement even whilst engaged in their most

toilsome expeditions. Thus during the campaigns of Alexander in Asia,

we find the generals Leonatos and Menelaos or Philotas[781] carrying

about among their baggage, linen skreens, ten or twelve miles in

length, which during their halts they caused to be stretched round a

given district, where they hunted as in a park. An anecdote is related

strikingly illustrating the high estimation in which the chase was

held at the court and among the nobles of Macedonia, where it was

customary for the son to sit upright on a chair at his father’s table

and not to recline among the guests until he had slain a wild boar out

of the toils. Cassander, son of Antipater, continued, it is said,[782]

up to his thirty-fifth year bolt upright at the regal board, because,

though a brave man and a skilful hunter, fortune had constantly denied

him the pleasure of despatching the hog after the prescribed fashion.

Footnote 781:

Athen. xii. 55. Plut. Alex. § 40. See in Wase’s Illustrations, p.

68. an account of the Polish royal hunts in which, on a smaller

scale, the same practice prevailed.

Footnote 782:

Athen. i. 31.

There is one department of the chase, and that perhaps the most

curious and interesting, which was not practised by the Greeks of

classical times, though it cannot be said to have been unknown to

them; I mean falconry, described by several ancient writers as it was

pursued in India and in Thrace. If I give a short description of it,

therefore, it must be regarded as a digression introduced for the

purpose of completing, as far as possible, the circle of ancient

amusements. Ctesias,[783] who was contemporary with Socrates, and

published his Indian history four hundred years before Christ, seems

to be the oldest writer by whom falconry is mentioned. He tells us

that among the Hindùs hares and foxes were hunted with kites, ravens,

and eagles, and minutely describes the way in which the birds were

broken in. Having been caught while young, they were first taught to

fly at tame hares and foxes in the following manner. The animals with

pieces of flesh tied to them were started in sight of the falcons,

which were immediately let loose and sent in pursuit. When they caught

and brought back the game the flesh was given them as their reward,

and by this bait and allurement they were encouraged to persevere.

When sufficiently trained, they were taken to the mountains and flown

against wild hares and foxes. The passion for falconry is still kept

alive in the East, particularly in Persia, where the shâh-baz, or

royal falcon, is flown against hares and antelopes, occasionally

invested with leathers, which protect him from being torn

asunder.[784] But the most daring and dangerous service in which

falcons have ever been employed is the chase of the wild horse by the

Turcomâns of Khiva on the eastern shores of the Caspian.[785] A more

detailed description of ancient falconry than that given by Ctesias is

found in a work attributed to Aristotle.[786] It is said, observes

this writer, that the youth of Thrace, who were addicted to hunting,

pursued their game by the assistance of hawks. On arriving upon the

ground, the falcon, which had evidently been trained for the purpose,

obeyed the calls of the sportsmen and chased the birds into the

thickets, where they were knocked down with hunting-poles and taken.

Even when the falcons themselves captured the game, they brought it to

the hunters, who as in modern times gave them, as a reward, some

portion of the animal.

Footnote 783:

Ap. Ælian. de Nat. Anim. iv. 26.

Footnote 784:

Sir John Malcolm’s Sketches of Persia.

Footnote 785:

Anthony Jenkinson in Hackluyt, v. i. p. 368.

Footnote 786:

De Mirab. Auscult. 128. Beckm. Hist. of Discov. and Inven. i. p.

321.

In their fowling they made use of great cruelty:—Pigeons and

turtle-doves were commonly blinded, to be used as decoys, and in this

condition would sometimes live eight years.[787] Partridges were

employed for the same purpose in a different manner. The male bird

having been tamed was put out in the neighbourhood of a covey, upon

which the boldest of the wild birds came forward to fight him, and was

secured with the net. The challenge was usually accepted by every male

bird in the covey until one after another they were all taken. When

the female was employed she drew them successively to the nets by her

call.[788] The first that is deluded is generally the principal cock

in the covey, which the others collecting together seek to drive away.

To elude their pursuit the leader sometimes drew near the decoy in

silence, that he might not have to contend with the other males. Not

unfrequently they would descend and allow themselves at such times to

be caught on the roofs of the houses.[789]

Footnote 787:

Arist. Hist. Anim. ix. 8. Xenoph. Cyrop. i. 6. 39. has introduced

many particulars respecting fowling.

Footnote 788:

Cf. Xen. Memorab. ii. 1. 4. Their nets were denominated νεφέλαι,

Schol. Aristoph. Av. 194. Cf. Schol. Pac. 1144. The man who watched

the nets bore the name of λινόπτης.—Aristot. ap. id. ibid.

Footnote 789:

Athen. ix. 42.

The Greeks established at Alexandria had, according to Athenæus, who

was a native of Egypt, a kind of chase peculiar to themselves, viz.

that of the horned owl. The sophist of Naucratis has indeed been

suspected of confounding the ὠτὸς with the ὠτὶς, that is, the owl with

the bustard;[790] but it having been in his power to examine what he

relates, I shall lay his account before the reader, who will judge for

himself. This bird, it is said, is found in great numbers in the

desert near Alexandria, (though I myself saw none there,) and is as

much given to mimicry as a monkey. Above all things he is ambitious of

imitating man, and, as far as possible, will do whatever he sees done

by the fowler. Aware of his propensity in this way, these gentlemen,

when desirous of taking an owl, carried along with them into the

desert a thick tenacious glue, with which on coming within eyeshot of

the Otos they affected to anoint their eyes. Then laying down the

glue-pot on the sand they retreated to some hollow for concealment.

Upon this the owl having watchfully observed their movements,

approached, and covering his eyes with the treacherous ointment was

blinded and taken.

Footnote 790:

Alexand. Myndius calls it the λαγωδίας in which case it may probably

mean the _Ptarmigan_.

Another mode of catching this bird also prevailed. It having been

discovered that he was as partial as the Bedouin Arab to the company

of a horse, the fowlers covered themselves with horses’ skins, and in

this disguise approaching the flock were enabled to catch as many as

they pleased. A third method of taking the Otos was one which exposed

the unfortunate bird to the ridicule of the comic poets. The fowlers

setting out upon the chase in pairs, separated at coming in sight of

the game. One of the two then stepped out in front of the game and

commenced a jig, upon which the thoughtless mimic immediately did the

same, beating exact time with his feet, and keeping his eye fixed upon

his wily teacher. While the merry victim was thus engaged, capering,

springing, and pirouetting like a feathered Taglioni, the other

bird-catcher approached from behind and seized him by the neck.

The same story is related by other writers of the Scops or

mocking-owl, in imitation of whose movements, the ancients had a

celebrated dance.[791]

Footnote 791:

Athen. ix. 44. seq. Arist. Hist. Anim. viii. 12 ad fin.

Quails in certain seasons of the year frequent Greece in vast numbers,

as they do Egypt and Southern Italy.[792] It has been supposed that

the island of Delos received the name of Ortygia from the quails

(ὄρτυγες), which alighted on it in great numbers during their

migration towards the north. They were likewise plentiful in

Phœnicia,[793] where they sacrificed them to Heracles. Numerous

contrivances were resorted to for catching this bird. During pairing

time it was taken as follows: mirrors were set up in the fields with

snares in front of them, and the quail running towards the imaginary

bird was there entrapped. Clearchos of Soli describes a curious mode

of capturing jackdaws. In places frequented by those birds they used,

he says, to lay broad vessels filled to the brim with oil. Presently

the jackdaws, curious and prying in their temper, would alight on the

edges, and, being vastly pleased with the reflection of their own

beauty, would chuckle over it and clap their wings, till becoming

saturated with oil the feathers stuck together and they could no

longer fly.

Footnote 792:

They are taken in so great numbers in the island of Capri that they

constitute the chief source of revenue to the bishop of that island.

Footnote 793:

Phanodem. l. iii. ap. Ath. ix. 47.

The History of the Manners and Customs of Ancient Greece, Volume 1 (of 3) · 第 6 / 12 章