CHAPTER XXV_A year in Russia

IN THE COUNTRY AFTER THE DISSOLUTION

NEAR MOSCOW, _August 1st_.

I have been staying for the last three days in the country quite close

to Moscow. I thought I should get away for a time from politics, from

talk of new Cabinets, new eras, liberal autocracy, strong-handed reform,

and other such pleasing illusions. I was mistaken. Politics filter

through everywhere now; in a third-class railway carriage, at the

station buffets, in the public parks, in the villages.

As regards the various opinions I heard expressed the prevailing one is

this: that the new Prime Minister’s programme of strong-handed Liberal

reform is a repetition of the programme of the last five Ministers of

the Interior.

M. Stolypin says these last five Premiers were all mistaken in their

policy; in the meantime (people say) it is difficult to see in what

respects his programme is to differ from theirs. And we have no evidence

as yet that M. Stolypin is an infinitely more capable man than Count

Witte. Some people, referring to the official denial of the article that

appeared in the semi-official newspaper _Rossia_, with regard to foreign

intervention, say: “If M. Stolypin cannot control the first page of his

official newspaper, how can he expect to control Russia?” Others

commenting on his intention to initiate social reform and put a stop to

the political movement, say that this effort is the very root and kernel

of the whole trouble in Russia; that the mistake of would-be reformers

has always consisted in their not understanding that social reforms are

impossible unless they are preceded by political reforms. (M.

Leroy-Beaulieu, in his splendid book on Russia, writes in a most

illuminating fashion on this very point.)

As regards what is actually happening in Moscow, the town is empty and

quiet; public meetings are forbidden, small political gatherings in

private houses are held only under surveillance of the police;

gatherings of the “Black Gang” are said to be allowed; the Press is

certainly subjected to a rigid censorship; the _Morning Post_ arrived

blacked out yesterday for the first time for two years; the manifesto of

the ex-members is being spread, likewise the manifesto of the Social

Democrats. I have not seen anybody who thinks that an era of peace and

resigned content has begun.

Near the house where I am living there is a village; as this village is

so close to the town of Moscow I thought that its inhabitants would be

suburban, and therefore not representative of peasant life. This is not

so. The nearness to Moscow seems to make no difference at all. I was

walking through the village on Saturday morning when a peasant who was

sitting on his doorstep called me and asked me if I would like to eat an

apple. I accepted his invitation. He said he presumed I was living with

X., as other Englishmen had lived there before. Then he asked abruptly,

“Is Marie Alexandrovna in your place?” I said my hostess’s name was

Marie Karlovna. “Of course,” he said, “I don’t mean here, but in your

place, in your country.” I didn’t understand. Then he said it again very

loud, and asked if I was deaf. I said I wasn’t deaf and that I

understood what he said, but I did not know to whom he was alluding.

“Talking to you,” he said, “is like talking to a Tartar. You look at one

and don’t understand what one says.” Then it suddenly flashed on me that

he was alluding to the Queen of England. “You mean Queen Alexandra,” I

said, “the sister of the Empress Marie Feodorovna.” “That’s what I

mean,” he said. It afterwards appeared that he considered that England

had been semi-Russianised owing to this relationship; he thought of

course that both the Queen and the Empress were Russians.

Two more peasants joined us, and one of them brought a small bottle (the

size of a sample) of vodka and a plate of cherries. “We will go and

drink this in the orchard,” they said. So we went to the orchard. “You

have come here to learn,” said the first peasant, a bearded man, whose

name was Feodor. “Many Englishmen have been here to learn. I taught one

all the words that we use.” I said I was a correspondent; that I had

just arrived from St. Petersburg, where I had attended the sittings of

the Duma. “What about the Duma?” asked the other peasant. “They’ve sent

it away. Will there be another one?” I said a manifesto spoke of a new

one. “Yes,” said Feodor, “there is a manifesto abolishing punishments.”

I said I hadn’t observed that clause. “Will they give us back our land?”

asked Feodor. “All the land here belongs to us really.” Then followed a

long explanation as to why the land belonged to them. It is the

property, as a matter of fact, of the Crown. I said I did not know. “If

they don’t give it back to us we shall take it,” he said simply. Then

one of the other peasants added, “Those manifestoes are not written by

the Emperor but by the ‘authorities.’” (The same thing was said to me by

a cabman at St. Petersburg, his reason being that the Emperor would say

“I,” whereas the manifesto said “We.”) Then they asked me why they had

not won the war; and whether it was true that the war had been badly

managed. “We know nothing,” he said. “What newspaper tells the truth?

Where can we find the real truth? Is it to be found in the _Russkoe

Slovo_?” (a big Moscow newspaper). They asked me about the Baltic Fleet

and why Admiral Nebogatoff had hoisted a signal which meant “Beat us.”

Then I went away, and as I was going Feodor asked me if I would like to

go and see the haymaking the next day. If so I had better be at his

house at three o’clock in the afternoon. The next day, Sunday, I kept my

appointment, but found nobody at home in the house of Feodor except a

small child. “Is Feodor at home?” I asked. Then a man appeared from a

neighbouring cottage and said: “Feodor is in the inn—drunk.” “Is he

going to the haymaking?” I asked. “Of course he’s going.” “Is he very

drunk?” I asked. “No, not very; I will tell him you are here.” And the

man went to fetch him. Then a third person arrived, a young peasant in

his Sunday clothes, and asked me where I was going. I said I was going

to make hay. “Do you know how to?” he asked. I said I didn’t. “I see,”

he said, “you are just going to amuse yourself. I advise you not to go.

They will be drunk, and there might be unpleasantness.”

Then Feodor arrived, apparently perfectly sober except that he was

rather red in the face. He harnessed his horse to a cart. “Would I mind

not wearing my hat but one of his?” he asked. I said I didn’t mind, and

he lent me a dark blue yachting cap, which is what the peasants wear all

over Russia. My shirt was all right. I had got on a loose Russian shirt

without a collar. He explained that it would look odd to be seen with

some one wearing such a hat as I had. It was a felt hat. The little boy

who was running about the house was Feodor’s son. He was barefooted, and

one of his feet was bound up. I asked what was the matter with it. The

bandage was at once taken off and I was shown the remains of a large

blister and gathering. “It’s been cured now,” Feodor said. “It was a

huge blister. It was cured by witchcraft. I took him to the Wise Woman

and she put something on it and said a few words and the pain stopped,

and it got quite well. Doctors are no good; they only cut one about. I

was kicked by a horse and the pain was terrible. I drank a lot of vodka

and it did no good; then I went to the Wise Woman and she put ointment

on the place and she spoke away the pain. We think it’s best to be cured

like this—village fashion.” I knew this practice existed, but it was

curious to find it so near Moscow. It was like finding witchcraft at

Surbiton.

Then we started for the hay meadows, which were about ten miles distant.

On the road we met other peasants in carts bound for the same

destination. They all gravely took off their hats to each other. After

an hour and a half’s drive we arrived at the Moscow River, on the bank

of which there is a tea-shop. Tea-shops exist all over Russia. The

feature of them is that you cannot buy spirits there. We stopped and had

tea. Everybody was brought a small teapot for tea and a huge teapot of

boiling water, and very small cups, and everybody drank about four or

five cups out of the saucer. They eat the sugar separately, and do not

put it into the cup.

Then we crossed the river on a floating bridge, and driving past a large

white Byzantine monastery arrived at the green hay meadows on the

farther river bank towards sunset. Then the haymaking began. The first

step which was taken was for vodka bottles to be produced and for

everybody to drink vodka out of a cup. Then there was a great deal of

shouting and an immense amount of abuse. “It doesn’t mean anything,”

Feodor said. “We curse each other and make it up afterwards.” Then they

drew lots for the particular strip they should mow; each man carrying

his scythe high over his shoulder. (“Don’t come too near,” said Feodor;

“when men have taken drink they are careless with scythes.”)

When the lots were drawn they began mowing. It was a beautiful sight to

see the mowing in the sunset by the river; the meadows were of an

intense soft green; the sky all fleecy and golden to the west, and black

with a great thundercloud over the woods to the east, lit up with

intermittent summer lightnings. The mowers were all in different

coloured shirts—scarlet, blue, white, and green. They mowed till the

twilight fell and the thundercloud got near to us. Then Feodor came and

made our cart into a tent by tying up the shafts, putting a piece of

matting across them, and covering it with hay, and under this he made

beds of hay. We had supper. Feodor said his prayers, and prepared to go

to sleep, but changed his mind, got up, and joined some friends in a

neighbouring cart.

Three children and a deaf and dumb peasant remained with me. The

peasants who were in the neighbouring tent were drunk; they began by

quarrelling, then they sang for about four hours without stopping; then

they talked. Feodor came back about half an hour before it was light,

and slept for that brief space. I did not sleep at all. I wasn’t tired,

and the singing was delightful to hear: so excessively characteristic of

Russia and so utterly unlike the music of any other country, except that

of Mongolia. What strikes me most about it is in the first place the

accuracy with which the parts are taken, and in the second place the

curious rhythm, and the close, ending generally on the dominant. The

children chattered for some time about mushroom gathering, and the deaf

and dumb man told me a lot by signs, and then they went to sleep.

As soon as it was light the mowers all got up and began mowing. I do not

know which was the more beautiful effect, that of the dusk or of the

dawn. The dawn was gray with pearly clouds and suffused with the

faintest pink tinge, and in the east the sun rose like a great red ball

with no clouds near it. At ten o’clock we drove to an inn and had tea;

then we drove back, and the hay, although it was quite wet, for it had

rained in the night, was carried there and then. “The women dry it at

home,” Feodor explained; “it’s too far for us to come here twice.” The

carts were laden with hay, and I drove one of them home, lying on the

top of the hay, in my sleep. I had always envied the drivers of carts

whom one meets lying on a high load of hay, fast asleep, and now I know

from experience that there is no such delicious slumber, with the kind

sun warming one through and through after a cold night, and the slow

jolting of the wagon rocking one, and the smell of the hay acting like a

soporific. Every now and then one wakes up to see the world through a

golden haze, and then one falls back and drowns with pleasure in a deep

slumber of an inexpressibly delicious quality.

When we re-crossed the river we again stopped for tea. As we were

standing outside an old woman passed us, and just as she passed one of

the peasants said to me, “Sit down, Barine.” Barine, I suppose everybody

knows, means a _monsieur_, in contradistinction to the lower class.

“Very like a Barine,” said the woman, with a sarcastic snort, upon which

the peasant told her in the plainest and most uncomplimentary speech I

have ever heard exactly what he thought of her personal appearance, her

antecedents, and what she was fit for. She passed on with dignity and in

silence. Then, after a time, I climbed up on the wagon again, and sank

back into my green paradise of dreams, and remember nothing more till we

arrived home at five o’clock in the evening.

ST. PETERSBURG, _August 6th_.

At a moment like this, when one meets with various conflicting

statements made by people in authority, Government officials or Liberal

leaders, as to what the Russian people, the real people, are thinking

and feeling, it seemed to me that it would be worth while to put aside

theoretical speculations for a moment, and to try to obtain some small

fragments of first-hand evidence with regard to what the people are

saying and thinking. With this object in view I have spent the last four

nights in the train between Moscow and St. Petersburg. My field of

observation was necessarily small, but it cannot be called

unrepresentative or anti-national.

The first thing which struck me was a small incident which occurred at a

railway station at Moscow, and has a certain significance. I was

engaging a cab, and near me an officer was doing the same thing. The

cabmen were expressing reluctance to accept the officer’s terms, and my

cabman turned round to me and said: “That man comes every day; he is

drunk, and he drives and drives, sometimes to the other end of the town,

and never pays a single kopeck.” “Why do you drive him if he never pays

you?” I asked. “There is nothing to be done—he is an officer,” answered

the cabman. This is a small example of how the lawlessness of the

existing system of government in Russia affects the poorer classes.

I travelled from Moscow to St. Petersburg by a slow train in a

third-class carriage. In the carriage was a mixed and representative

assembly of people—a priest, a merchant from Kursk, a photographer from

Tchelabinsk, a young volunteer: that is to say a young man doing his

year’s military service previous to becoming an officer, two minor

public servants, an ex-soldier who had been through the Turkish

campaign, a soldier who had lately returned from Manchuria, three

peasants, two Tartars, a small tradesman, a carpenter, and some others.

Besides these a whole band of gipsies (with their children) encamped

themselves on the platform outside the carriage, and penetrated every

now and then into the carriage until they were driven out by threats and

curses.

The first thing everybody did was to make themselves thoroughly

comfortable: to arrange mattresses and pillows for the night; then they

began to make each other’s acquaintance. We had not travelled far before

the gipsies began to sing on the platform, and this created some

interest. They suggested fortune-telling, but the ex-soldier shouted at

them in a gruff voice to begone. One of the officials had his fortune

told. The gipsy said she could do it much better for five roubles (ten

shillings) than for a few kopecks, which he had given. I had my fortune

told, which consisted in a hurried rigmarole to the effect that I was

often blamed, but never blamed others; that I could only work if I was

my own master, and that I would shortly experience a great change of

fortune. The gipsy added that if I could give her five roubles she would

tie a piece of bark in my handkerchief which, with the addition of a

little bread and salt, would render me immune from danger. The gipsies

soon got out. The journey went on uneventfully—

Le moine disait son bréviaire,

La femme chantait,

as in La Fontaine’s fable. We had supper and tea, and the ex-soldier

related the experiences of his life, saying he had travelled much and

seen the world (he was a Cossack by birth), and was not merely a

_Moujik_. This offended one of the peasants, a bearded man, who walked

up from his place and grunted in protest, and then walked back again.

They began to talk politics. The Cossack was asked his opinion on the

attitude of the Cossacks. He said their attitude had changed, and that

they objected to police service. The photographer from Tchelabinsk

corroborated this statement, saying he had been present at a Cossack

meeting in Siberia. Then we had a short concert. The photographer

produced a mandoline and played tunes. All the inmates of the carriage

gathered round him. One of the peasants said: “Although I am an ignorant

man” (it was the peasant who had grunted) “I could see at once that he

wasn’t simply playing with his fingers, but with something else” (the

tortoiseshell that twangs the mandoline). He asked the photographer how

much a mandoline cost. On being told thirty roubles he said he would

give thirty roubles to be able to play as well as that. Somebody, by way

of appreciation, put a cigarette into the mouth of the photographer as

he was playing.

Then I went to bed in the next compartment; but not to sleep, because a

carpenter, who had the bed opposite mine, told me the whole story of his

life which was extremely melancholy. The volunteer appeared later; he

had been educated in the Cadet-Corps, and I asked him if he would soon

be an officer. “I will never be an officer,” he answered; “I don’t want

to be one _now_.” I asked him if a statement I had read in the

newspapers was true to the effect that several officers had telegraphed

to the Government that unless they were relieved of police duty they

would resign. He said it was quite true; that general discontent

prevailed among officers; that the life was getting unbearable; that

they were looked down upon by the rest of the people, and besides this

they were ordered about from one place to another. He liked the officers

whom he was with very much, but they were sick of the whole thing. Then

towards one in the morning I got a little sleep. As soon as it was

daylight everybody was up, making tea and busily discussing politics.

The priest and the tradesman were having a discussion about the Duma,

and every one else, including the guard, was joining in.

“Do you understand what the Duma was?” said the tradesman; “the Duma was

simply the people. Do you know what all that talk of a movement of

liberation means? It means simply this: that we want control,

responsibility. That if you are to get or to pay five roubles or fifty

roubles you will get or pay five roubles or fifty roubles, not more and

not less, and that nobody will have the right to interfere; and that if

some one interferes he will be responsible. The first thing the Duma

asked for was a responsible Ministry, and the reason why it was

dissolved is that the Government would not give that.”

The priest said that he approved of a Duma, but unless men changed

themselves no change of government was of any use. “Man must change

inwardly,” he said.

“I believe in God,” answered the tradesman, “but it is written in the

Scripture that God said: ‘Take the earth and cultivate it,’ and that is

what we have got to do; to make the best of this earth. When we die we

shall go to Heaven, and then”—he spoke in a practical tone of voice

which settled the matter—“then we shall have to do with God.” The priest

took out his Bible and found a passage in the Gospel. “This

revolutionary movement will go on,” he said, “nothing can stop it now;

but, mark my words, we shall see oceans of blood shed first, and this

prophecy will come true,” and he read the text about one stone not being

left on another.

Then they discussed the priesthood and the part played by priests. “The

priests play an abominable part,” said the tradesman; “they are worse

than murderers. A murderer is a man who goes and kills some one. He is

not so bad as the man who stays at home and tells others to kill. That

is what the priests do.” He then mentioned a monk who had preached

against the Jews in the South of Russia. “I call that man the greatest

criminal, because he stirred up the peasants’ blood, and they went to

kill the Jews. Lots of peasants cease to go to church and say their

prayers at home because of this. When the Cossacks come to beat them,

the priests tell them that they are sent by God. Do you believe they are

sent by God?” he asked, turning to the bearded peasant.

“No,” answered the peasant; “I think they are sent by the devil.” The

priest said that the universal dominion of the Jews was at hand. The

tradesman contested this, and said that in Russia the Jews assimilated

themselves to the people more than in other countries. “The Jews are

cunning,” said the priest; “the Russians are in a ditch, and they go to

the Jews and say: ‘Pull us out.’” “If that is true,” said the tradesman,

“we ought to put up a gold statue to the Jews for pulling us out of the

ditch. Look at the time of the _pogroms_, the rich Russians ran away,

but the richest Jews stayed behind.” “They are clever; they knew their

business. If they stayed you may be sure they gained something by it,”

said the merchant from Kursk. “But we ought to be clever, too,” said the

tradesman, “and try and imitate their self-sacrifice. Look at the Duma.

There were twenty Jews in the Duma, but they did not bring forward the

question of equal rights for the Jews before anything else as they might

have done. It is criminal for the priests to attack the Jews, and if

they go on like this the people will leave them.”

“Whereas,” said the merchant from Kursk thoughtfully, “if they supported

the people the people would never desert them.” “The priests,” said one

of the other nondescript people, “say that Catherine the Second is a

goddess; and for that reason her descendants have a hundred thousand

acres. General Trepoff will be canonised when he dies, and his bones

will work miracles.”

The guard joined in here, and told his grievances at great length. They

discussed the assassinations of Hertzenstein and Admiral Chouchnin.

“Hertzenstein never did any one any harm,” some one said; “Chouchnin

condemned hundreds and hundreds of people to death.”

At one of the stations a fresh influx of people came, among others an

old peasant and a young man in a blouse. The old peasant complained of

the times. “Formerly we all had enough to eat; now there is not enough,”

he said. “People are clever now. When I was a lad, if I did not obey my

grandfather immediately he used to box my ears; now my son is surprised

because I don’t obey him. People have all become clever, and the result

is we have got nothing to eat.” The young man said the Government was to

blame for most things. “That’s a difficult question to be clear about.

How can we be clear about it? We know nothing,” said the old peasant.

“You ought to try and know, or else things will never get better,” said

the young man. “I don’t want to listen to a _Barine_ like you,” said the

old peasant. “I’m not a _Barine_, I am a peasant, even as thou art,”

said the young man. “Nonsense,” said the old peasant.

The discussion was then cut short by our arrival at St. Petersburg.

CONCLUSION

This book admits of no real conclusion, since its sole object is to

throw a few sidelights on a struggle which is still going on, and which

is possibly still in its infancy. My experience of it so far leads me to

believe that there are only two sides in this struggle (although at

first sight it appears to be infinitely more complicated), and that

these two sides are the same which have split up all countries in all

times under various names such as Roundheads and Cavaliers, or Reds and

Whites.

In Russia the two classes are the defenders and the opponents of the

Government, or rather of the autocracy. The former base their

contentions on the affirmation that Russia is an Oriental country and

that Western institutions are unsuited to the Russian people.

Parenthetically, I must mention that I am not alluding to the extreme

reactionaries—to those people who wish to go back to institutions which

existed before the time of Peter the Great. I am referring to

intelligent people who, while belonging to no political parties, simply

disbelieve in the Liberal movement in Russia, consider it to be the

hysterical cackling of an unimportant minority, and think that the whole

matter is mere stuff and nonsense. The opinion of these people is

certainly worth considering, not because they are more impartial than

others who belong to parties, since their ideas are equally based upon

prejudice, but because they may be right. These people say that all talk

of a Constitution is beside the mark. They argue thus:

“We must have a Constitution, just as we have an Army and a Navy,

because the idea soothes the revolution-haunted breasts of foreign

financiers, but we shall never have a real Constitution because we don’t

want one. Reforms? Oh, yes, as many as you please, on paper, signed and

countersigned, but they will remain a dead letter, because they are not

adapted to the character and the spirit of the nation. You cannot force

Russian peasants to own land in the way Western peasants do. You can

make laws telling them to do so, but if you force them you will only

drive them to rebellion. Russia is like China; you can draw up a

Constitution for Russia, but when it is carried out you will find that

the only practical difference between the old state of affairs and the

new is that the writing-table of the Minister of Foreign Affairs is to

be oblong instead of round. People say that the Russian people is good

and that its Government is bad, but the faults of the people are not the

result of the inherent vices of the Government; the vices of the

Government are the logical result of the faults, which in their turn are

the inevitable complement of the good qualities, of the people. The

desire for Liberal reforms based on Western examples is merely a

fictitious agitation of a minority, namely, the ‘Intelligenzia’ or

middle class, who have forgotten and lost their native traditions and

instincts and have adopted and not properly assimilated the traditions

and instincts of Western Europe. They have ceased to be Russian, and

they have not become European. They have taken the European banner of

ideals, but they do not know what to do with it; they cannot hold it up

in their weak Slav hands. The result is words, words, words. This

chatter will continue for a time, and when people get tired of

listening, it will cease. As for the people, the real people, they will

settle their affairs with those immediately connected with them, with

their landlords, &c. The Government will make plenty of reforms on paper

and have a Duma; but everything will go on exactly as it was before.

Because you cannot change the character of a people, and the form of

government they enjoy is the result and the expression of their

qualities and of their defects.”

Such are the arguments I have often heard advanced by these people, and

I say once more that they may be right. Three years ago I was firmly

convinced that they were right, and even now I have an open mind on the

subject, although two years of close contact with Russians of all

classes have led me to change my own opinion, and to agree with the

other equally impartial people, who are just as Russian and have just as

much knowledge of the country and experience of their fellow countrymen,

and who flatly deny the whole thing. According to this school, the

comparison with China is wrong because the Chinese are intellectually a

highly civilised nation, and the proportion of them who can read and

write is large. The present _régime_ in Russia is not the natural

expression of national characteristics, but a fortuitous disease which

has been allowed to spread without ever having been radically treated.

Neither Autocracy nor Bureaucracy is a thing which has grown out of the

immemorial traditions and habits of the Russian people; Autocracy was

the product of a comparatively recent change in Russian history, and

Bureaucracy the accidental result of the further changes introduced by a

man of genius. The Government made certain things impossible: such as

education for the peasants, laws for the peasants, justice, &c.; then,

when the results of these prohibitions began to make themselves felt,

turned round and said: “You see what these men are like; it is no use

giving them anything because they are hopeless; they are like niggers

and must be treated as such.” This has been the proceeding of the

Government: to prevent, prevent, and prevent again; and then, when the

explosion resulting from the prevention occurred, to observe how right

they had been in preventing, and how necessary it was to prevent more

and more, because it was the only thing the people understood. In this

blindness and obstinacy, year after year deferring the payment of their

debt, they have let the interest accumulate; and when they eventually

have to pay, far more will be required of them than they need originally

have surrendered.

The people who represent these two schools of thought both say that they

are Russia. They assert: “We are Russia—tout le reste est littérature.”

Only time can show which is right. I have noticed that with the

representatives of both these schools the wish is father to the thought

and that they generalise on their own desires and their own experience

coloured by those desires. Which really represents Russia, we shall know

perhaps in ten years’ time. As far as my own experience goes among

peasants, workmen, &c., they have all been representatives of the second

school. But then, the first school would say that this is immaterial,

because the people may be thirsty for law, and yet incapable of drinking

it.

But those who belong to the second school, and without following any

party are liberal in thought and deed, say to their opponents: “If it is

true that what you represent is really Russia, we have no further wish

to remain Russians, and the day you are proved to be in the right, we

will emigrate and settle in Turkey, in Persia, or in China.”

INDEX

Agrarian Question, the—

Agitation, beginnings of the, 98, 99

Cadets, attitude towards the, 230

Cause of the problem, 178–79

Duma, speeches in the, 235

Expropriation scheme, 179–81

Government’s attitude towards, 108–9

Peasants’ view of the land purchase, 145–47;

of possession, 290–91

Solutions proposed, 88–89, 179–83, 230–32

Aladin, M.—

Politics of, 223–24

Speeches of, 199–200, 208, 214, 221, 246–47

Alexander II., reforms of, 182, 214, 270–71

Alexander III., policy of, 182

Alexandra, Queen, Russian opinion of, 290

Alliance of October 17th, _see_ Octobrists

“Alliance of the Russian People”—

Demonstration outside the Kremlin, 49

Principles of the, 152–53

Amnesty Question, the, 36, 37—

Current ideas on, 225–26

English opinion on, 262

Kovolievski, Prof., speech on, 215

Nabokov, M., speech on, 213–14

Anikin, M., his speeches, 214, 221

Anti-revolutionaries, attacks on Count Witte, 79

Army, the—

Rostov Regiment, mutiny in the, 50

Spirit in the, 64–65, 72, 209–10, 236, 299

Volunteers, position of, 296–99

Arnold, Matthew, _quoted_, 37;

his books on the Russian index, 92

Art nouveau style, prevalence in Russia, 192, 245

Artistic Theatre, Moscow, Gorki’s play at, 29–30

Assumption, Cathedral of the, Holy Week services, 163–64

Audience, characteristics of a Russian, 198–99

Aulard, Prof., _quoted_, 222

Austin, Alfred, 82

Austrians in St. Petersburg, 286

Autonomists, number in the Duma, 218

Bacon, Lord, 106

Baikal, Lake of, 4

Balfour, Mr., 105, 240, 284

Barine, meaning of term, 295

Bastille, storming of the, Walpole _quoted_, 116–17

Bauman, veterinary surgeon shot, 28;

his funeral, 32–33

Beaconsfield, Lord, 119

Beethoven, _Fidelio_, 40

Bielostok, massacre at, 253

Birch, punishment abolished by Alexander II.

Biron, Duc de, _quoted_, 249

Bismarck, Prince, policy, 41, 102, 111–12

“Black Gang,” or “Black Hundred,” 28, 34–35, 67, 88, 289

Black Sea Fleet, mutiny, 6

“Block,” composition of the, 156

Boswell, _quoted_, 152

Boulygin project, the, 98

“Browning” pistols, use of, 50

Bruno, Giordano, 112

Buckle read in Russia, 93

Bunyan, popularity of “Pilgrim’s Progress,” 148

Bureaucratic system, faults of the, 94–95

Burial of Our Lord, service commemorating, 163–64

Byron read in Russia, 93, 105, 273

Cabman, the, in Moscow, 73, 291

“Cadets,” _see_ Constitutional Democrats

Capital Punishment—

Abolition in Russia, question of, 260–61

Bill passed by the Duma abolishing, 270–72

Carlyle read in Russia, 93

Catherine II., 301

Character, English and Russian compared, 77–78, 223–24

Chartres, Bishop of, _quoted_, 207

Chernaia, village of, 51–55

Chinese—

Hospitality of the, 12–13

Recitation, their manner of; 15–16

Wizard, the professional, 16–17

Chila, description, 5–7

Chouchnin, Admiral, assassination, 301

Climate, Russian, 180–81

Commerce and Industry, party of—

Principles of, 153

Union with the Octobrists, 156

Congress, the Inter-Parliamentary, 262, 273

Conservative Party, the—

Attitude towards the Manifesto of Oct. 17th, 133;

towards the Duma, 222–23;

towards the Government, 275

Dissolution, opinion of the, 282

Position after the Manifesto, 38

Constituent Assembly, the demand for, 42, 76

Constitution, Government’s intentions regarding a, 109, 132

Constitutional Democrats, the—

Characteristics, 194–95

Current ideas on their policy, 94, 226–29, 230–32

Moderates’ charges against, 153–54

Origin of the, 129–30

Policy, 46, 153, 175–76, 181–82, 283–85

Programme, their election, 87, 158–59

Prominent members sketched, 218–220

Strength in the Duma, 156, 158–59, 218

Tiers-État compared with the, 205–7

“Controller” of a train, his duties, 5

Convicts, Russian, treatment of, 24, 26

_Cornhill Magazine_ sold in Moscow, 160

Cossacks, the—

Attitude towards the “soldiers,” 12

Opinion of a Cossack regarding, 298

People, treatment of, 28–29, 33, 68–69

Council of Empire, charges against the Duma, 197

Crown, misunderstanding between the Duma and the, 278–79

Dante, _quoted_, 19

Danton, _quoted_, 249

De Witt, 112

Decembrists of 1825, 82

“Declaration of the Rights of Man,” 107

Delegate, the election of a, 154–56

Demchinsky, Boris Nikolaievitch, 10

Democratic Reform, the Party of, Policy, 220

Dolgoroukoff, Prince, 130, 220

Dostoievski, 18, 89—

Anniversary celebrations, 121

Genius of 122–27,

“Letters from a Dead House,” popularity of, 149–50

Peasants’ opinion of his books, 264

Doyle, Conan, read in Russian, 18

Dresden Hôtel, Moscow, 188

Drunkenness in Russia, 7

Du Maurier, _quoted_, 32

Dubassoff, Admiral, addresses the crowd, 49;

charges against, 68, 86

Duma, the—

Capital punishment abolished, 270–72

Censure, vote of, passed, 215

Composition, 218–24

Concession, the, of Aug. 6th, 98

Current ideas regarding the, 225–32, 299–300

Dissolution, 275–81;

ex-members’ appeal to the country, 287

Emperor’s refusal to receive President, 207–9

General desire for, 88

Government’s attitude towards, 221, 234, 259

Loan Question, the, 174–77

Opening of the, 191–201

Orderliness of the, 198–99, 203

Prime Minister’s Address, 212–13

Prognostications regarding, 153, 156–58, 189–90

Speech of a peasant, 215–17;

of Prince Urussoff, 250–57

Durnovo, M.—

Policy, 95, 132, 136

Resignation, 174, 184

Easter in Moscow, 162–69

Education, faults of English, 92–93,

_see also_ Schools

Eight-hours’ day question, 87–88

Ekaterinoslav Regiment, the, 165

Elections, results of the, 156

Electorate Law, news of the, brought to Moscow, 61–62

Elizabeth, Empress, capital punishment abolished by, 260, 270

Emigration suggested as solution to agrarian question, 181–83

England—

Attitude of average Russian towards, 93

Convention in, Russian opinion regarding, 103–6, 240–42, 266

Opinion in, on Russian questions, 259–62

Ermitage Restaurant, proprietor shot, 67

Ermolov, police officer, his crime, 78;

his punishment, 261

Esthonians, number of, in the Duma, 218

Expropriation of private property proposed, 179–80;

of State Lands, 180–81

Extreme Conservatives, reception of the October Manifesto, 135

Extreme Radicals, reception of the October Manifesto, 135

Fairs—

Moscow town, 169

Palm Sunday at Red Place, 159–61

Fasts, Holy Week, observance of, 163–64

Feodor, peasant, his opinions, 290–95

Fielder’s School, the revolutionary meeting in, 56;

condition after the bombardment, 66

Finland, political meeting at Terrioki, 243–49

Fontanka, the printing-press discovered at, 254–56

Foreign intervention after dissolution of the Duma, 286, 288–89

Franchise Law, nature of the, 154–56

Freedom of Speech granted by October Manifesto, 98–99

French Revolution—

Russian compared with, 116–18, 174, 205–7, 210

Walpole, Horace, _quoted_, 116–18

Funeral in Moscow, description of a, 32–33

Gapon, 248

“Gasudar,” the, 77

Germany, attitude towards the Polish question, 41–42

Gipsies, Russian, 297

Gladstone, 106

Glinka, M., doctor, 14, 17

Godziadan, the military station at, 10

Gogol, his unpopularity, 149

Gonchuling, description, 9–10;

tram-railway from, 20

Gorki, Maxim, “Children of the Sun,” description, 29–30

“Gospodi, Gospodi,” 166

Government, the—

Attitude towards the Duma, 221, 234, 258–59

Employment of the Press, 234–35, 250–56

Oppression of lower classes, 296

Policy of “Proisvol,” 86–87, 94–96

Resignation of the Ministry, July, 1906, 274

Governor-General, Moscow, the attack on, 188–89

Governors, Provincial, empowered to “outlaw” province, 99

Habeas Corpus, the Russian, 224

Haggard, Rider, read in Russian, 18

Hall of the Duma, description, 191–92

Hardie, Mr. Keir, 284

Haymaking near Moscow, 291–97

Hertzenstein, M., account of, 220;

assassination of, 301

Herzen the Socialist, 160

Heyden, Count, politics, 218

Hliebnikov, M., Cossack officer, 14, 18, 122

Holy Shroud, the Service of the, 163

Holy Week in Moscow, 162–63

Homel, the January massacre at, 253

Hooliganism in St. Petersburg, 40;

in Moscow, 49–50;

_see also_ Black Gang

Hôtel de France, Moscow, 28;

the Métropole windows broken by the Black Gang, 35;

the National, 35;

the Dresden, Moscow, 73

Hugo, Victor, _quoted_, 118

Hung-Hutzes, depredations by the, 20

Ibsen, 103

Ignatieff, Count, estates of, 236

“Intellectuals,” the, character of, 43;

wholesale arrests of the 132

Intelligenzia, the—

As a Political Party, 130

Revolutionary sympathies of the, 77, 81–83, 90–91

Treatment by the Government, 91–96

Irkutsk, 3

Ivan Veliki, Cathedral of, 164

Jacobins, the, 88

Jen-tzen-tung, description, 11–12, 15–16, 20

Jerome, Jerome K., read in Russian, 18

Jewish massacres, the, 250–57, 300–301

Jilkin, M., 245

John, Father, of Kronstadt, 52

Johnson, Dr., _quoted_, 114, 148, 152

Junius, _quoted_, 186–88

Karakosof, execution of, 271

Karavaieff, B. V. Kousmin, 220

Kareev, N., 220

K. D. Club, the, deserted on dissolution of the Duma, 281

Kharbin, description of, 8–9

Khilkoff, his portrait, 22

Kiev, massacres at, 253, 255

Kipling, Rudyard, read in Russian, 18;

the “Jungle Book,” 210–11

Kizlitzki, M., of the battery, 14, 17–18

_Kniaz Potemkin_, the mutiny on the, 98

Knout, use of the, abolished, 270

Kokoshkin, F. F., joins the Zemstvoists, 130;

speeches of, 219

Kologrivo, village of, 270

Komissaroff, officer, and the printing-press, 254–55

_Koulich_, 165, 166

Kouropatkin, 10, 220

Kouznetsk, town of, effect of railway strike at, 21–25

Kouznetski Most, the, Moscow, 59

Kovolievski, Prof.—

Expropriation, his speech on, 214–15

Inter-Parliamentary Congress, to go to, 272

Motion of, 192–94

Style of oratory, 199, 208–9, 220

_Kreekòons_, arrests of the, 154

Kremlin, the—

Demonstrations on the Emperor’s birthday, 49

Easter Services in, 162–69

Kronstadt, the mutiny at, 44, 98

La Fontaine, _quoted_, 297–98

Labour Party, composition in the Duma, 218, 221

Labour Party Club, 281

Land, _see_ Agrarian question

Landlords, condition subsequent to the land sales, 178–79

Landscape, a typical Russian, 144

Lansdowne, Lord, 284

Law and Order, party of, 153

“League of Liberation” formed by the Zemstvoists, 129

Lee, Vernon, 161

Leroy-Beaulieu, M., _quoted_, 270–71;

his book on Russia, 289

Letts, number of, in the Duma, 218

Li, Chinese measure, 12

Libau, the mutiny at, 98

Liberal Party, the—

Attitude towards the War, 128

Demands of, 36–38, 42

Manifesto, reception of the, 35, 133–34

Views of, 107–116, 303–7

_Liberté de Mœurs_, 234, 241

Liberty of the Press, _see_ Press

Liberty, personal, in Russia, 242–45

Linievitch, 9

Ling Po, 15

Literature, amount of translations from English, read, 18–19

Lithuanians, number of, in the Duma, 218

Little Russians, 24

Loan, the Foreign—

Party opinions regarding, 174–77

Social Revolutionaries, attitude of the, 169–70

Lobkovski Pereoolok, the, Moscow, 56

London, a Russian’s opinion of, 266

Losev, peasant, his speech in the Duma, 215–17

Louis XVI., Prof. Aulard on, _quoted_, 222;

his policy, 258–59

Lvov, M., joins the Zemstvoists, 130, 220

Mæterlinck, 103

Manchuria, outbreak of typhus, 4;

chaos at the Railway Station, 7–8

Manège, the, Easter at, 165

Manifesto of December, 1904, 98

Manifesto of October 17, 1905—

Moscow, effect of publication in, 27–28, 31–38

Nature of the, 132–33

Party opinion on, 134–35

St. Petersburg, effect of publication in, 107–8

Trepoff, attitude towards the, 39

Manifestoes, party, after dissolution of the Duma, 289;

the two, of February 18, 1905, 98

Marlborough, Duke of, 106

“Marseillaise,” singing of the, 244

Martial Law enforced in Poland, 42, 99

Massacres, the, Prince Urussoff’s speech on the causes, 250–57

Maundy Thursday services, 163

Maupassant, Guy de, 264

Metrofan, porter, disappearance, 67;

death, 73

Métropole Restaurant, Moscow, 31

Milioukov, Prof., forms the “Union of Unions,” 130

Leader of Cadet party, 153, 218–19

Policy of, 208–9

Mill, John S., read in Russia, 93

Milton read in Russia, 93;

_Paradise Lost_, 147–50

Mirabeau, Walpole’s criticism, 117–18, 120;

_quoted_, 199–200, 210

Mirsky, Prince, his reforms, 98, 114, 119, 120

Moderates, the—

Criticism of Count Witte, 46

Number of, in the Duma, 218

Principles, 80

Monarchical party, the, 152

Monarchy, attitude of the political parties towards the, 152, 153

Mongols, manner of riding, 13–14;

dress of, in Jen-tzen-tung, 16

Morley, John, read in Russia, 93

_Morning Post_ and the Censorship, 289

Morshansk, 151

Moscow—

After the Rising, 63–74;

after the dissolution of the Duma, 288

Christmas Day 1905 in, 59–61

Easter in, 162–69

Election results in, 154, 156–57

Hooliganism in, 49–50

Manifesto of October, effects of publication, 27–28, 31–38

Political parties in, 128–36

Strikes in, effects of, 50–62, 99

Suburbs of, 289–90

Town fairs of, 169

Witchcraft in, 292

_Moscow Gazette_, connection with the massacres, 253

Moscow River, the, 293

_Moujik_, the term, 298

Mukden, battle of, 9

Murders, political, prevalence of, 272

Muromtzeff, C. A., President of the Duma, 192, 196, 219

Musalmans, number of, in the Duma, 218

Mwilnikov, the, Moscow, 56

Nabokov, M., his speech replying to the Prime Minister, 213–14;

his style of oratory, 219

Name-day, observance of the, 265

Napoleon, his policy, 111

Nationalists, the reactionary, criticism of Count Witte, 46

Nazarenko, the peasant, sketch, 263–64, 273, 279;

returns to Finland, 281

Nebogatoff, Admiral, 291

Necker, M., Walpole’s criticism, 117

Neglinii Proiesd, the, Moscow, 59, 68

Nevsky Prospect, St. Petersburg, 281

New Year, Russian observance of the feast, 82–83, 89

Nicholas II.—

Absolute authority preserved by the October Manifesto, 132–33

Audience refused to President of Duma, 207–9

Knout, use of, abolished by, 270

Reign of, sketched, 172–73

Zemstvo deputation to, 98

Nikolaiev, Railway Station seized by the strikers, 57;

scene on Christmas Day, 1905, 60

Nikolaievitch, Dimitri, on the political outlook, 171–77

“Norodniu Dom,” the, St. Petersburg, 265–67

_Novoe Vremya_, the, 214

Octobrists, the—

Attitude towards the Manifesto, 108

Dissolution of the Duma, opinion regarding, 282

Election results, reception of the, 157

Moderate principles of the, 153, 156

“Old Souls,” arrangement for the purchase of land, 145–46

Opéra Bouffe, the, 44

Orleans, Duke of, Walpole’s criticism, 117

Ostrovski, Mr., 9

Ouida, 138

Oushitai, Chinese town, 12, 20

Palm Sunday in Moscow, 159–61

Paris, the street fighting of ’32, &c., 57, 69;

a Russian’s opinion of, 266

_Pascha_, 165, 166

Peace negotiations, the, popular opinion regarding, 1–3, 8–10, 15, 16

Peasants, the—

Character, 65, 143–44, 181–82

Condition, 1905–6, 88–89

Duma, opinion of the, 196–99;

their behaviour in the, 203–4, 209–10;

their politics in the, 221

Education and literary taste of, 147–51

Emigration, the question of, 181–83

Franchise, method of using the, 154

Land purchase, view of the, 145–47

Poverty of, 179–80

Speech of a peasant in the Duma, 215–17

People, the Russian, description, 141–44

Peter the Great, his policy, 229

Peterhof, suburb of, description, 204–5

Petrajitski, L., 220

Petruckin, peasant, his opinions, 267–270, 273, 274

Petrunkevitch, I., leader of the Zemstvoists, 129;

Cadet, 153;

his style, 219

Piensa, railway strike at, 25

Plehve, M., public opinion regarding, 47;

his _régime_, 119, 182

Poland—

Constitutional liberties delayed, 40–42

Duma, number of Poles in the, 218

Local autonomy for, desired by Cadets, 153

Martial law declared, 99

Police—

Abolition of the secret force, 36

Cadets opposed by, 157

December rising, non-preparedness for, 131–32

Massacres, connection with the, 250–56

Methods of the, 170, 201, 226

Shooting of, 78–79, 207, 261

Unlimited powers of the, 94

Withdrawal and restoration of, in Moscow, 28, 35

Politeness, Russian, 4–5

Political Parties, formation of the, 128–29, 152

Postal Strike, the, effects of, 44, 99;

arrest of the officials, 99

Presnaya, destruction of the factory at, 85

Press, the—

Censorship of, 95;

renewed after dissolution of the Duma, 289

English, accusations against, 79

Freedom of, 119

Massacres, connection with the, 250–56

Ministerial use of the, 234–35

Radical, attacks on Count Witte, 42–43;

on the Government, 119

Revolutionary spirit of, 237

Priests, a peasant’s opinion of the, 300–301

Printing-Press, discovery of the, 254–56

Prisoners, political, amnesty to, _see_ Amnesty question;

deportment of, 6

Professional classes, parties formed among the, 130;

_see also_ Intelligenzia

Public meetings, law forbidding, August 6, 1905, 98;

allowed by October Manifesto, 98–99

Public opinion on the situation, Dec., 1905,47–59

_Punch_ sold in Moscow, 160

Railway travelling in Russia, 4, 8, 243, 296–97

_Ravnienie_ or “levelling,” peasants’ view of, 145

Red Cross—

Abuse of the, 67

Encampments near Jen-tzen-tung, 12

Red Place, Palm Sunday fair at, 159–61

_Reformkleider_, use of, 245

Religion of the peasants, 268–69

Renan, _quoted_, 84–85, 103

_Retch_, the, 284

Revolution of December, 1905—

Account, 65–69

Causes, 69–74

Effect on nature of the people, 142–43

Revolutionaries, the—

Criticism of Count Witte, 46

Demands of, 75–77

Tactics of, 65–66

Riansk, Railway strike at, 25;

scene at the station, 60

Riazan, Railway strike at, 25–26

Riding school, Moscow, Cossacks fire from, 33

Right and Order, Alliance of, 100, 156

Robespierre, speech of, 199–200;

Danton’s criticism, 249

Rodichev, M.—

Cadet leader, 153

Speeches of, 199, 214

Zemstvoist leader, 129, 219–20

_Rossia_, the, 276, 288

Rostov Regiment, mutiny in the, 50

Ruskin read in Russia, 93

_Russ_, the, criticism of C. Witte, 117

_Russkie Viedomosti_, 43;

suppression of the, 87

_Russkoe Slovo_, offices burnt, 66;

attack on Count Witte, 79

St. Petersburg—

Current ideas in, Feb., 1906, 100–120

Election results in, 154, 156

Emperor’s birthday, demonstrations, 49

Foreign intervention, the, 286

Hooliganism in, 49–50

Strikes in, 39–44, 99

Samara, 21, 22

Saratov, agrarian agitation in, 99

Sardou, _quoted_, 138

Saviour, Church of the, 165–66

Schipov, Mr., endeavours to unite the Zemstva, 129–30;

his politics, 218;

formation of new ministry entrusted to, 274

Schools, village evening, 53–55;

village day, 150;

instituted by the Zemstvoists, 183

Schumann, Clara, 164

Serfs, results of emancipation, 178

Sevastopol, the mutiny in, 99

Shakespeare read in Russia, 93

Shaw, Bernard, 105

Shelley read in Russia, 93, 105, 267, 273

Siberia, suggested emigration to, 181

Sieyès, _quoted_, 206

Singing, Russian peasant, 294

Sipiagin, M., case of, 185

Sisran, the station at, 21

_Skashi_ or tellers of tales, 149

“Skitaletzt,” his style, 82

Social Democrats, the—

Aladin’s speech, criticism of, 248

Political parties, position among, 154

Principles, 46

Social Revolutionaries, the—

Elections, abstain from action in, 157

Political parties, position among, 154

Principles, 46

Socialist Club, the, 281

Socialists, 154, 156

“Societies,” arrangement by, for the purchase of land, 145–46

Soldiers’ Hospital, Moscow, 72–73, 89, 166–69

Sortes Virgilianæ, 72

Sosnofka, 137–51

South African War, Russian opinions, 101–2

Spencer, Herbert, read in Russia, 93, 264, 267

Stachovitch, M. A., politics of, 130, 218

Stanislavoshi, M., 29

State Lands, expropriation proposed, 180–81

States-General, opening compared with opening of Duma, 205–7

Stevenson read in Chinese, 18

Stolypin, M., policy, 288–89

Strikes, the—

General, in Moscow, Dec., 1905, 50–62

Guerilla tactics of the Strikers, 57

Postal, in Moscow and St. Petersburg, 44, 99

Railway, warnings of, 5–7;

October incidents at Kouznetsk, 21–25;

behaviour of the strikers, 25;

effect in Moscow, 31–38

Struve, M., 153

Students, the, behaviour on publication of Manifesto, 27–28;

treatment by the Black Gang, 34–35

Suffrage, universal, the demand for, 42, 87;

question of women’s, 158

Tacitus _quoted_, 95

Tagantzef, M., comments on capital punishment, 271

_Tarantass_, the, 139

Ta-shi-chiæ, battle of, incident, 17–18

Tauris Palace, description, 191

Tea-shops, Russian, 293

Telegrams, posting of, in the Duma, 204

Terrioki in Finland, political meeting at, 243–49

Tiers-Etat, Cadets compared with the, 205–7

Tolstoi, treatment by the Government, 105;

compared with Dostoievski, 126;

a peasant’s opinion of, 263–64

Toula, 21

Transbaikalia, 6

Trepoff, General—

Character, 39–40

_Dictatorship_ of, 98

Radical Press and, 43

Resignation demanded, 36

Troubetzkoi, Prince S. N., 128

Turkestan, suggested emigration to, 181

Twain, Mark, read in Russian, 18

Typhus, outbreak in Manchuria, 4

Ukraine, number of, in the Duma, 218

Ukase of December, 1904, 98

“Union of Unions,” formation of the, 130

Unions, political, formation of, November, 1904, 130

Urussoff, Prince, 220;

his speech in the Duma, 250–57

Verne, Jules, _Michel Strogoff_, 139

Village, description of a Russian, 140–41

Vilna, the massacre at, 253

Vinaver, M., 220

Volkonsky, Prince, politics, 218

Voting, orderliness during the, 159

Walpole, Horace, _quoted_, 116–18, 120

War, the, current ideas regarding, 101–2

Ward, Mrs. Humphrey, read in Russian, 18

Wells, H. G., _Kipps_, 105;

_Food of the Gods_, 113

_Windt_, the game of, 228

Witchcraft, employment of, 292

Witte, Count—

Financial policy, 177

Greatness of his task, 185–86

Komissaroff, his interview with, 255

Manifesto of October 17th, publication, 107

Party criticism of, 46–47, 79–81, 134–36

Power of, 43–44

Public opinion regarding, 17, 47–48, 184–85

Radical press, opposition, 42

Resignation, 175, 184

_Russ_, criticism of the, 117

Zemstva, their address to, 99;

their attitude towards, 110–13

Zemstva, the—

Coalition of, 128–30

Emperor, the deputation to, 98, 128

Leaders refuse Cabinet posts, 135–36

Liberal demand regarding Ministers, 36

Schools instituted by the, 183

Witte, attitude towards, 99, 103, 110–13

Zemstvo Constitutionalists, formation of the, 129–30

Zhilkin, his style, 221

Zola, M., compared with Dostoievski, 126;

read in Russia, 264

=The Gresham Press=

UMWIN BROTHERS, LIMITED

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A CATALOGUE OF BOOKS

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Beginner’s Books, 20

Business Books, 20

Byzantine Texts, 21

Churchman’s Bible, 21

Churchman’s Library, 21

Classical Translations, 21

Commercial Series, 22

Connoisseur’s Library, 22

Library of Devotion, 23

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Illustrated Pocket Library of Plain and Coloured Books, 24

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Junior School-Books, 26

Leaders of Religion, 27

Little Blue Books, 27

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Oxford Biographies, 30

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Social Questions of To-day, 31

Textbooks of Science, 31

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Handbooks of Theology, 31

Westminster Commentaries, 32

Fiction, 32–36

The Shilling Novels, 37

Books for Boys and Girls, 38

Novels of Alexandre Dumas, 38

Methuen’s Sixpenny Books, 39

NOVEMBER 1906

A CATALOGUE OF

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=Adams (Frank).= JACK SPRATT. With 24 Coloured Pictures. _Super Royal

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=Adeney (W. F.)=, M.A. See Bennett and Adeney.

=Æschylus.= See Classical Translations.

=Æsop.= See I.P.L.

=Alnsworth (W. Harrison).= See I. P. L.

=Alderson (J. P.).= MR. ASQUITH. With Portraits and Illustrations.

_Demy 8vo. 7s. 6d. net._

A Colonial Edition is also published.

=Aldis (Janet).= MADAME GEOFFRIN, HER SALON, AND HER TIMES. With many

Portraits and Illustrations. _Second Edition. Demy 8vo. 10s. 6d.

net._

A Colonial Edition is also published.

=Alexander (William)=, D.D., Archbishop of Armagh. THOUGHTS AND

COUNSELS OF MANY YEARS. _Demy 16mo. 2s. 6d._

=Alken (Henry).= THE NATIONAL SPORTS OF GREAT BRITAIN. With

descriptions in English and French. With 51 Coloured Plates. _Royal

Folio. Five Guineas net._ The Plates can be had separately in a

Portfolio. _£3. 3s. net._