OXFORD FROM WITHOUT

Some time ago I ventured to defend that race of hunted and persecuted

outlaws, the Bishops; but until this week I had no idea of how much

persecuted they were. For instance, the Bishop of Birmingham made some

extremely sensible remarks in the House of Lords, to the effect that

Oxford and Cambridge were (as everybody knows they are) far too much

merely plutocratic playgrounds. One would have thought that an Anglican

Bishop might be allowed to know something about the English University

system, and even to have, if anything, some bias in its favour. But (as

I pointed out) the rollicking Radicalism of Bishops has to be

restrained. The man who writes the notes in the weekly paper called the

_Outlook_ feels that it is his business to restrain it. The passage has

such simple sublimity that I must quote it—

“Dr. Gore talked unworthily of his reputation when he spoke of the

older Universities as playgrounds for the rich and idle. In the first

place, the rich men there are not idle. Some of the rich men are, and

so are some of the poor men. On the whole, the sons of noble and

wealthy families keep up the best traditions of academic life.”

So far this seems all very nice. It is a part of the universal

principle on which Englishmen have acted in recent years. As you will

not try to make the best people the most powerful people, persuade

yourselves that the most powerful people are the best people. Mad

Frenchmen and Irishmen try to realise the ideal. To you belongs the

nobler (and much easier) task of idealising the real. First give your

Universities entirely into the power of the rich; then let the rich

start traditions; and then congratulate yourselves on the fact that the

sons of the rich keep up these traditions. All that is quite simple and

jolly. But then this critic, who crushes Dr. Gore from the high throne

of the _Outlook_, goes on in a way that is really perplexing. “It is

distinctly advantageous,” he says, “that rich and poor—_i. e._, young

men with a smooth path in life before them, and those who have to hew

out a road for themselves—should be brought into association. Each

class learns a great deal from the other. On the one side, social

conceit and exclusiveness give way to the free spirit of competition

amongst all classes; on the other side, angularities and prejudices are

rubbed away.” Even this I might have swallowed. But the paragraph

concludes with this extraordinary sentence: “We get the net result in

such careers as those of Lord Milner, Lord Curzon, and Mr. Asquith.”

Those three names lay my intellect prostrate. The rest of the argument

I understand quite well. The social exclusiveness of aristocrats at

Oxford and Cambridge gives way before the free spirit of competition

amongst all classes. That is to say, there is at Oxford so hot and keen

a struggle, consisting of coal-heavers, London clerks, gypsies,

navvies, drapers’ assistants, grocers’ assistants—in short, all the

classes that make up the bulk of England—there is such a fierce

competition at Oxford among all these people that in its presence

aristocratic exclusiveness gives way. That is all quite clear. I am not

quite sure about the facts, but I quite understand the argument. But

then, having been called upon to contemplate this bracing picture of a

boisterous turmoil of all the classes of England, I am suddenly asked

to accept as example of it, Lord Milner, Lord Curzon, and the present

Chancellor of the Exchequer. What part do these gentlemen play in the

mental process? Is Lord Curzon one of the rugged and ragged poor men

whose angularities have been rubbed away? Or is he one of those whom

Oxford immediately deprived of all kind of social exclusiveness? His

Oxford reputation does not seem to bear out either account of him. To

regard Lord Milner as a typical product of Oxford would surely be

unfair. It would be to deprive the educational tradition of Germany of

one of its most typical products. English aristocrats have their

faults, but they are not at all like Lord Milner. What Mr. Asquith was

meant to prove, whether he was a rich man who lost his exclusiveness,

or a poor man who lost his angles, I am utterly unable to conceive.

There is, however, one mild but very evident truth that might perhaps

be mentioned. And it is this: that none of those three excellent

persons is, or ever has been, a poor man in the sense that that word is

understood by the overwhelming majority of the English nation. There

are no poor men at Oxford in the sense that the majority of men in the

street are poor. The very fact that the writer in the _Outlook_ can

talk about such people as poor shows that he does not understand what

the modern problem is. His kind of poor man rather reminds me of the

Earl in the ballad by that great English satirist, Sir W.S. Gilbert,

whose angles (very acute angles) had, I fear, never been rubbed down by

an old English University. The reader will remember that when the

Periwinkle-girl was adored by two Dukes, the poet added—

“A third adorer had the girl,

A man of lowly station;

A miserable grovelling Earl

Besought her approbation.”

Perhaps, indeed, some allusion to our University system, and to the

universal clash in it of all the classes of the community, may be found

in the verse a little farther on, which says—

“He’d had, it happily befell,

A decent education;

His views would have befitted well

A far superior station.”

Possibly there was as simple a chasm between Lord Curzon and Lord

Milner. But I am afraid that the chasm will become almost

imperceptible, a microscopic crack, if we compare it with the chasm

that separates either or both of them from the people of this country.

Of course the truth is exactly as the Bishop of Birmingham put it. I am

sure that he did not put it in any unkindly or contemptuous spirit

towards those old English seats of learning, which whether they are or

are not seats of learning, are, at any rate, old and English, and those

are two very good things to be. The Old English University is a

playground for the governing class. That does not prove that it is a

bad thing; it might prove that it was a very good thing. Certainly if

there is a governing class, let there be a playground for the governing

class. I would much rather be ruled by men who know how to play than by

men who do not know how to play. Granted that we are to be governed by

a rich section of the community, it is certainly very important that

that section should be kept tolerably genial and jolly. If the

sensitive man on the _Outlook_ does not like the phrase, “Playground of

the rich,” I can suggest a phrase that describes such a place as Oxford

perhaps with more precision. It is a place for humanising those who

might otherwise be tyrants, or even experts.

To pretend that the aristocrat meets all classes at Oxford is too

ludicrous to be worth discussion. But it may be true that he meets more

different kinds of men than he would meet under a strictly aristocratic

_regime_ of private tutors and small schools. It all comes back to the

fact that the English, if they were resolved to have an aristocracy,

were at least resolved to have a good-natured aristocracy. And it is

due to them to say that almost alone among the peoples of the world,

they have succeeded in getting one. One could almost tolerate the

thing, if it were not for the praise of it. One might endure Oxford,

but not the _Outlook_.

When the poor man at Oxford loses his angles (which means, I suppose,

his independence), he may perhaps, even if his poverty is of that

highly relative type possible at Oxford, gain a certain amount of

worldly advantage from the surrender of those angles. I must confess,

however, that I can imagine nothing nastier than to lose one’s angles.

It seems to me that a desire to retain some angles about one’s person

is a desire common to all those human beings who do not set their

ultimate hopes upon looking like Humpty-Dumpty. Our angles are simply

our shapes. I cannot imagine any phrase more full of the subtle and

exquisite vileness which is poisoning and weakening our country than

such a phrase as this, about the desirability of rubbing down the

angularities of poor men. Reduced to permanent and practical human

speech, it means nothing whatever except the corrupting of that first

human sense of justice which is the critic of all human institutions.

It is not in any such spirit of facile and reckless reassurance that we

should approach the really difficult problem of the delicate virtues

and the deep dangers of our two historic seats of learning. A good son

does not easily admit that his sick mother is dying; but neither does a

good son cheerily assert that she is “all right.” There are many good

arguments for leaving the two historic Universities exactly as they

are. There are many good arguments for smashing them or altering them

entirely. But in either case the plain truth told by the Bishop of

Birmingham remains. If these Universities were destroyed, they would

not be destroyed as Universities. If they are preserved, they will not

be preserved as Universities. They will be preserved strictly and

literally as playgrounds; places valued for their hours of leisure more

than for their hours of work. I do not say that this is unreasonable;

as a matter of private temperament I find it attractive. It is not only

possible to say a great deal in praise of play; it is really possible

to say the highest things in praise of it. It might reasonably be

maintained that the true object of all human life is play. Earth is a

task garden; heaven is a playground. To be at last in such secure

innocence that one can juggle with the universe and the stars, to be so

good that one can treat everything as a joke—that may be, perhaps, the

real end and final holiday of human souls. When we are really holy we

may regard the Universe as a lark; so perhaps it is not essentially

wrong to regard the University as a lark. But the plain and present

fact is that our upper classes do regard the University as a lark, and

do not regard it as a University. It also happens very often that

through some oversight they neglect to provide themselves with that

extreme degree of holiness which I have postulated as a necessary

preliminary to such indulgence in the higher frivolity.

Humanity, always dreaming of a happy race, free, fantastic, and at

ease, has sometimes pictured them in some mystical island, sometimes in

some celestial city, sometimes as fairies, gods, or citizens of

Atlantis. But one method in which it has often indulged is to picture

them as aristocrats, as a special human class that could actually be

seen hunting in the woods or driving about the streets. And this never

was (as some silly Germans say) a worship of pride and scorn; mankind

never really admired pride; mankind never had any thing but a scorn for

scorn. It was a worship of the spectacle of happiness; especially of

the spectacle of youth. This is what the old Universities in their

noblest aspect really are; and this is why there is always something to

be said for keeping them as they are. Aristocracy is not a tyranny; it

is not even merely a spell. It is a vision. It is a deliberate

indulgence in a certain picture of pleasure painted for the purpose;

every Duchess is (in an innocent sense) painted, like Gainsborough’s

“Duchess of Devonshire.” She is only beautiful because, at the back of

all, the English people wanted her to be beautiful. In the same way,

the lads at Oxford and Cambridge are only larking because England, in

the depths of its solemn soul, really wishes them to lark. All this is

very human and pardonable, and would be even harmless if there were no

such things in the world as danger and honour and intellectual

responsibility. But if aristocracy is a vision, it is perhaps the most

unpractical of all visions. It is not a working way of doing things to

put all your happiest people on a lighted platform and stare only at

them. It is not a working way of managing education to be entirely

content with the mere fact that you have (to a degree unexampled in the

world) given the luckiest boys the jolliest time. It would be easy

enough, like the writer in the _Outlook_, to enjoy the pleasures and

deny the perils. Oh what a happy place England would be to live in if

only one did not love it!

All Things Considered · 第 13 / 37 题