As Spalato must be looked on as the great object of a Dalmatian

voyage, it may also be looked on as its centre. After Spalato the

coast scenery changes its character in a marked way. Hitherto hills,

comparatively low and utterly barren, come down straight to the sea,

while the higher mountains are seen only farther inland. From this

point the great mountains themselves come nearer to the water. We are

thus reminded of the change in the political boundary, how from this

point the Hadriatic territory of Austria and of Christendom becomes

narrower and narrower, till we reach the stage when the old dominion

of Ragusa becomes a mere fringe between the sea and the Turk, fenced

in from the former land of Saint Mark by the two points at either end

where the less dangerous infidel was allowed to spread himself to the

actual sea-board. But as the mountains come nearer to the sea, a

fringe of cultivation, narrower or wider, now spreads itself between

them and the water. Small towns and villages, detached houses, land

tilled with the vine and the olive, now skirt the bases of the

mountains, in marked contrast to the mere stony hills of the earlier

part of the voyage. The islands too among whose narrow channels we

have to make our way change their character also. After Spalato,

instead of mere uninhabited rocks, we come to islands of greater size,

some of them thirty or forty miles long, islands several of which have

a distinct place in history, islands containing towns and cities, and

which are still seats of industry and cultivation. These are the

islands which give such a marked character to the map of this part of

the Hadriatic, and they form the most marked feature in the fourth

day's voyage of the course from Trieste to Cattaro. The endless

islands which we have seen along the northern part of the Dalmatian

shore, bare and uninhabited rocks as many of them are, are without

history. Some of the Croatian islands indeed have somewhat of a

history; but with these we are not dealing; the barren archipelago of

Zara could never have had any tale to tell. First we pass through the

channel which divides the mainland from the large island of Brazza,

distinguished at a glance by its solid shape from its endless long

and narrow fellows. Dreary and rocky as it seems, it is the most

populous and industrious of the group, and at one point of its coast,

San Pietro, the steamer makes a short halt. So it does at the

picturesque little port of Almissa on the mainland, a nest of houses

and trees at the mountain's foot, standing so invitingly as to make

the traveller wish for a longer sojourn. Then comes Makarska, where we

are allowed a short glimpse of the little hill-side town, smaller and

more Dalmatian than any that we have yet seen. Presently we plunge

into the full intricacies of the Dalmatian seas. We pass through the

narrow channel which parts the mainland from the eastern promontory of

the long, slender island of Lesina--the _awl_. Here we come within old

Hellenic memories. We are now within the full range of Greek

colonization, though of Greek colonization only in its latest stage.

Issa, now Lissa, Black Korkyra, now Curzola, amongst the islands, and

Epidauros on the mainland, were all of them undoubted Greek

settlements. But Issa and Pharos, the only ones to which we can fix a

positive date, were colonized only in the first half of the fourth

century, and Dionysios of Syracuse had a hand in their colonization.

Lesina is Pharos, the ancient colony of the Ægæan Paros, whose name

still lives on Slavonic lips in the shape of _Far_ or _Hvar_. It

plays a considerable part in the history of Polybios, as the island of

that Dêmêtrios whose crooked policy formed an important element in the

affairs of mankind in the days when Greek and Roman history began to

flow together into one stream. These islands form one of the highways

by which Rome advanced to the possession of Illyricum, Macedonia, and

Greece. But we see neither the ancient nor the modern city, neither

Pharos nor Lesina; we merely skirt the island to find ourselves in the

channel of Narenta. That name suggests yet another pirate power, later

than that of Tenta and Dêmêtrios, that power of the old Pagania against

which Venice, in her early days, had to wage so hard a struggle. We

seem to be pressing on between the mainland and a long, slender,

mountainous island; but our course suddenly turns; the seeming island

is no other than the long peninsula of Sabioncello, a peninsula not

Venetian but Ragusan. We get merely a glimpse down the gulf, at the

end of which Turkish Klek once divided the possessions of the two

maritime commonwealths, and still, nominally at least, breaks the

continuity of Austrian dominion. But, if the peninsula was Ragusan, a

narrow channel only parts it from an island which was a chief seat of

the power of the rival city. We skirt the western horn of Sabioncello,

and another turn leads us through the channel--narrower than any

through which we have passed--which divides it from Curzola, Black

Korkyra of old. We stop for a little while off the island capital, the

fortress of Curzola, which was to the declining navy of Venice what

Pola now is to the rising navy of Austria. This channel passed, we

come to the last of the great islands. For miles and miles we skirt

the Ragusan island of Meleda, long, slender, with its endless hills of

no great height standing up like the teeth of a saw--a true sierra in

miniature. Here volumes of scriptural controversy are open to us. As

we are not tossed up and down in Hadria, but are floating along as on

a lake or a river, we muse on the claims which all local and some

independent authorities have set up for Illyrian Meleda, as against

Phoenician Malta, to be the true seat of the shipwreck of Saint Paul.

But Meleda can have its claims admitted only on the condition of being

shut out from Hellenic fellowship, even though its barbarians were of

a mood which led them to show no little kindness to strangers. It is

hard also to understand how those who were making their way from

Meleda to any point of Italy could have any possible business at

Syracuse. At all events, with Meleda the island history ends, though

the island scenery does not end as yet. Several islands, smaller than

these more famous ones, but not so small as they look on the map,

fringe the coast till we enter the haven of Gravosa, the port of

modern Ragusa, with its thickly wooded shores, a marked contrast to

the bleakness and barrenness of so many other points of the Dalmatian

coast.

Ragusa, the city of argosies, the commonwealth which so long was the

rival of Venice and which never stooped to be her subject, so

thoroughly suggests maritime enterprise by her very name, that we are

surprised to find that Ragusa herself has ceased to be a port of any

moment. Her mighty walls, her castles, her more distant forts, still

rise out of the sea, and the mightier wall of mountains just behind

her still fence off her land, as the narrowest rim of Christendom,

from the land of the infidel beyond. All this is as it was; modern

military art has added to the defences of Ragusa, but it has not taken

away her elder bulwarks. But her haven is now of the very smallest,

and admits only vessels of the smallest size. The modern haven is at

Gravosa, and the road which Sir Gardner Wilkinson describes as so well

kept, but as useless because no carriages went upon it, is still as

good and more useful. At this moment Ragusa bears the honourable

character of a city of refuge for the unhappy ones who seek shelter

under the government of a civilized state from the barbarian rule

beyond the mountains. Her suburbs are crowded with women and children

flying from the seat of war, for whom the charity both of the state

and of private persons is doing much, but whose sufferings--as one who

has seen them can bear witness--cry for the sympathy and help of all

who have hearts and who have not invested in Turkish bonds. As we pass

by and look on the city--no city surely fronts the sea more proudly

than Ragusa--as we turn round to the island of La Croma, lying off

what was Ragusa's harbour, the island which suggests the names of

Richard of Poitou and of Maximilian of Mexico--the scene is so

peaceful and lovely, the warlike defences look such mere things of the

past, that it is hard indeed to believe that, just beyond the mountain

barrier, warfare is going on in its bitterest and yet its noblest

form--the struggle of an oppressed people to cast off the yoke of

ages. This form of speech may grate somewhat on the received phrases

of Western diplomacy; but, however we might be bound to write in

England, in Dalmatia--so close to the facts--we may be allowed to

write as all men in Dalmatia think and speak. We pass La Croma, and

our time among the islands is over; no other that can be called more

than a mere rock meets us between Ragusa and Cattaro. At last we enter

the loveliest of inlets of the sea, the _Bocche di Cattaro_. A narrow

strait leads us between points of land which were once Ragusan on the

west and Venetian to the east, into the winding gulf, girded by

mountains, and now for nearly its whole extent fringed by towns,

villages, houses, cultivation in every form--a land where the

sublimity of the rugged mountain has come into close partnership with

the loveliness of the smiling dwelling-places of man. As we pass

through the strait, a piece of barren mountain to the left marks the

second piece of territory where the Turk was allowed to isolate the

two commonwealths, and where, in name, his dominion still reaches to

the shore of the lovely gulf. We pass on, as on the smoothest of

lakes, round mountain headlands, with their rich fringe of life, by

towns and villages, many of which have their own local history both in

earlier and later times, till we reach the most distant of Dalmatian

cities, Cattaro at the innermost point of her own unrivalled _Bocche_.

Hemmed in between the mountains and the sea--though it seems almost

strange to apply the word sea to the gentle waters of her

harbour--with the mountains again rising on the other side, Cattaro

seems indeed to be the end of its own world. Yet in the days of

Venetian greatness, Cattaro was far indeed from being the last point

of the dominion of Saint Mark. Climb the heights above the city, and

the eye stretches far away along the Albanian coast, a coast along

which many a city and island once bowed to the winged lion, till in

fancy we track our course, as by stepping stones along the sea, to

distant Crete and to more distant Cyprus.

Cattaro, the end of the outward journey, will also be the beginning of

the journey back again. The little town, with its narrow paved

streets, its little piazze, still keeps up the same Venetian tradition

as elsewhere. And the walls of the fortress climbing far up the

mountain show how firm was the grasp of the ruling city over its

subjects. But at Cattaro and throughout the Bocche another feature

strikes us which we do not see either at Spalato or at Ragusa. The

churches do not all belong to one denomination; the Eastern, the

Orthodox, Church, holds its own in this corner of Venetian or Austrian

rule at least as firmly as its Latin rival. The fact is, what is

forced upon our notice at every step, that, the further we go along

this coast, the Italian element dies out and the Slavonic element

grows. It is so in language, in dress, in everything. Zara, Spalato,

Ragusa, Cattaro, each city is less and less Italian according to its

geographical position. The inland country is, of course, Slave

throughout. But at Cattaro the Slave element distinctly predominates,

even in the town; Italian can hardly be said to be more than the best

known among foreign languages. The pistol and yataghan worn in the

belt, a general costume essentially the same as that of the

Montenegrin, has gradually been growing upon us; here in Cattaro it is

the rule, almost more than the rule. In short, the Bocchese, the

Montenegrin, the Turkish rayah of Herzegovina, really differ in

nothing but the difference of their political destinies. They are

members of the same immediate family, whose fortunes have led them in

three different directions. Now the religious tendency of the

south-eastern Slaves, as is only natural from their geographical

position, has always been towards the Eastern Church rather than the

Western, towards the New Rome rather than towards the Old. Here, where

the Slavonic element is so distinctly the stronger, the religious

developement has taken its natural course, and the Orthodox population

in Cattaro and all the coasts thereof is always a large minority, and

in some places it actually outnumbers the Latins.

We have professed to give only the impressions of the outward voyage,

though our account may have here and there been influenced by later

impressions drawn from fuller observation on the way back. But the way

back, and the fuller knowledge gained in its course, only brings out

more strongly the intense charm of Dalmatian coast and mountain

scenery, fitly united with the deep historic interest of cities which,

though they seem to form a world apart by themselves, have played

their part in the world's history none the less. No one can visit

Dalmatia once without a wish that his first visit may not be his last;

no one can take a glimpse of any of her cities without the desire that

the glimpse may be only the forerunner of more perfect knowledge.

CURZOLA.

1881.

We part from Spalato; by the time that we have made two or three

voyages in these seas, we shall find that there are several ways of

reaching and parting from Spalato. We speak of course of ways by sea;

by land there is but one way, and that way leads only to and from

places at no great distance, and it does not lead to or from any place

in the direction in which we are now bent. By sea the steamer takes

two courses. One keeps along the mainland, that which allows a glimpse

of the little towns of Almissa and Makarska, both nestling by the

water's edge at the mountain's foot. Of these Almissa at least has an

historical interest. Here Saint Mark was no direct sovereign; his

lion, if we rightly remember, is nowhere to be seen, a distinction

which, along this whole line of coast, Almissa alone shares with

greater Ragusa. Was it a commonwealth by itself, cradled on the

channel of Brazza like Gersau on the Lake of the Four Cantons? Or was

it the haven of the inland commonwealth of Polizza, which, like

Gersau and a crowd of other commonwealths, perished at the hands of

their newborn French sister for the unpardonable crime of being old?

But far more interesting is the other route of the steamers, that

which leads us among the greater islands. Here, as soon as we pass

Spalato, as soon as we pass the greatest monument of the dominion of

Rome, we presently find ourselves in a manner within the borders of

Hellas. We pass between Brazza and Solta, we skirt Lesina and think

once more of its old Parian memories. We look out on Lissa, where the

Hellenic name lives on with slighter change, but we are more inclined

to dwell on those later memories which have made its name an unlucky

one in our own day, a far luckier one in the days of our grandfathers.

At last we make our first halt for study where a narrow strait divides

the mainland, itself all but an island, from another ancient seat of

Greek settlement, the once renowned isle of Curzola.

Curzola--such is its familiar Italian form--is the ancient Black

Korkyra, and on Slavonic lips it still keeps the elder name in the

shape of _Kerker_. But the sight of [Greek: hê melaina Korkyra]

suggests a question of the same kind as that which the visitor is

driven to ask on his first sight of Montenegro. How does a mass of

white limestone come to be called the Black Mountain? Curzola can

hardly be called a mass of white limestone; but the first glance

shows nothing specially black about it, nothing to make us choose this

epithet rather than any other to distinguish this Hadriatic Korkyra

from the more famous Korkyra to the south. That some distinguishing

epithet is needed is shown by the fact that, not so very long ago, a

special correspondent of the _Times_ took the whole history of Corfu

and transferred it bodily to Curzola. The reason given for the name is

the same in Curzola and in Montenegro. The blackness both of the

island and of the mountain is the blackness of the woods with which

they are covered. True the traveller from Cattaro to Tzetinje sees no

woods, black or otherwise; but he is told that the name comes from

thick woods on the other side of the principality. So he is told that

Black Korkyra was called from its thick woods, its distinctive feature

as compared with the many bare islands in its neighbourhood. But no

black woods are now to be seen in that part of the island which the

traveller is most likely to see anything of. There were such, he is

told; but they have been cut down on this side, while on the other

side they still flourish. As things are now, Curzola is certainly less

bare than most of its fellows; but the impression which it gives us

is, of the two, rather that of a green island than of a black one. It

is not green in the sense of rich verdure, but such trees as show

themselves give it a look rather green than black. At any rate, the

island looks both low and well-covered, as compared with the lofty and

rocky mountains of the opposite peninsula of Sabioncello. The two are

at one point, and that a point close by the town of Curzola, separated

by a very narrow strait. And the nearness of the two formed no

inconsiderable part of their history. There was a time when Curzola

must have been, before all things, a standing menace to Sabioncello,

and to the state of which Sabioncello formed an outpost. Sabioncello,

the long, narrow, stony peninsula, all backbone and nothing else,

formed part of the dominions of the commonwealth of Ragusa. Curzola

was for three centuries and a half a stronghold of that other

commonwealth which Ragusa so dreaded that she preferred the Turk as

her neighbour. Nowhere does the winged lion meet us more often or more

prominently than on the towers and over the gates of Curzola. And no

wonder; for Curzola was the choice seat of Venetian power in these

waters, her strong arsenal, the place for the building of her galleys.

If Aigina was the eyesore of Peiraieus, Curzola must have been yet

more truly the eyesore of Sabioncello.

It is only of what must have been the special eyesore of its Ragusan

neighbours, of the fortified town of Curzola and of a few points in

its near neighbourhood, that we can now speak. Curzola is one of the

larger Dalmatian islands; and it is an island of some zoological

interest. It is one of the few spots in Europe where the jackal still

lingers. Perhaps there is no other, but, as we have heard rumours of

like phænomenon in Epeiros, a decided negative is dangerous. We

believe that, according to the best scientific opinion, "lingered" is

the right word. The jackal is not an importation from anywhere else

into Curzola; he is an old inhabitant of Europe, who has kept his

ground in Curzola after he has been driven out of other places. But he

who gives such time as the steamer allows him in the island to the

antiquities of the town of Curzola need cherish no hope or fear of

meeting jackals. He might as soon expect to meet with a horse. For,

true child of Venice, Curzola knows neither horse nor carriage. Horses

and carriages are not prominent features in any of the Dalmatian

towns; but they may be seen here and there. They are faintly tolerated

within the walls of Ragusa, and we have certainly seen a cart in the

streets of Zara. But at Curzola they are as impossible as at Venice

itself, though not for the same reason. Curzola does not float upon

the waters; it soars above them. The Knidian emigrants chose the site

of their town in the true spirit of Greek colonists. It is such

another site as the Sicilian Naxos, as the Epidauros of the

Hadriatic, as Zara too and Parenzo, though Zara and Parenzo can lay

no claim to a Greek foundation. The town occupies a peninsula, which

is joined to the main body of the island by a narrow isthmus. The

positive elevation is slight, but the slope close to the water on each

side is steep. From the narrow ridge where stands the once cathedral

church, the streets run down on each side, narrow and steep, for the

most part ascended by steps. The horses of the wave are the only

steeds for the men of Black Korkyra, and those steeds they have at all

times managed with much skill. The seafaring habits of the people take

off in some measure from the picturesque effect of the place. There is

much less to be seen, among men at least, of local costume at Curzola

than at other Dalmatian towns. We miss the Morlacchian turbans which

become familiar at Spalato; we miss the Montenegrin coats of the brave

_Bocchesi_, which fill the streets of Cattaro, not without a meaning.

Seafaring folk are apt to wear the dress of their calling rather than

that of their race, and the island city cannot be made such a centre

for a large rural population as the cities on the mainland. But, if

the men to be seen at Curzola are less picturesque than the men to be

seen at Spalato or Ragusa, their dwellings make up for the lack.

Curzola is a perfect specimen of a Venetian town. It is singular how

utterly everything earlier than the final Venetian occupation of 1420

has passed away. The Greek colonist has left no sign of himself but

the site. Of Roman, of earlier mediæval, times there is nothing to be

seen beyond an inscription or two, one of which, a fragment worked

into the pavement of one of the steep streets, records the connexion

which once was between Curzola and Hungary. With præ-Venetian

inscriptions we may class one which is post-Venetian, and which

records another form of foreign dominion, one which may be classed

with that of Lewis the Great as at least better than those which went

between them. From 1813 to 1815--a time memorable at Curzola as well

as at Cattaro--the island was under English rule, and the time of

English rule was looked on as a time of freedom, compared with French

rule before or with Austrian rule both before and after. It is not

only that an official inscription speaks of the island as "libertate

fruens" at the moment when the connexion was severed; we believe that

we are justified in saying that those two years live in

Black-Korkyraian memory as the one time for many ages when the people

of Black Korkyra were let alone.

The formerly cathedral church is the only building in the town of

Curzola which suggests any thought that it can be older than 1420.

Documentary evidence, we believe, is scanty, and contains no mention

of the church earlier than the thirteenth century. In England we

should at first sight be tempted to assign the internal arcades to the

latter days of the twelfth; but the long retention of earlier forms

which is so characteristic of the architecture of this whole region

makes it quite possible that they may be no earlier than the Venetian

times to which we must certainly attribute the west front. Setting

aside a later addition to the north, which is no improvement, this

little _duomo_ consists of a nave and aisles of five bays, ending in

three round apses. Five bays we say, though on the north side there

are only four arches; for the tower occupies one at the west end. The

inner arcades and the west doorway are worthy of real study, as

contributions to the stock of what is at any rate singular in

architecture; indeed a more honourable word might fairly be used. The

arcades consist of plain pointed arches rising from columns with

richly carved capitals, and, like so many columns of all ages in this

region, with tongues of foliage at their bases. Above is a small

triforium, a pair of round arches over each bay; above that is a

clerestory of windows which within seem to be square, but which

outside are found to be broad pointed lancets with their heads cut

off. In England or France such a composition as this would certainly,

at the first sight of its general effect, be set down as belonging to

the time of transition between Romanesque and Gothic, to the days of

Richard of Poitou and Philip Augustus. And the proportions are just as

good as they would be in England or France; there is not a trace of

that love of ungainly sprawling arches which ruins half the so-called

Gothic churches of Italy. But, when we look at the capitals, we begin

to doubt. They are singularly rich and fine; but they are not rich and

fine according to any received pattern. They are eminently not

classical; they have nothing more than that faint Corinthian stamp

which no floriated capital seems able quite to throw away; they do not

come anything like so near to the original model as the capitals at

Canterbury, at Sens, or even at Lisieux. But neither do they approach

to any of the received Romanesque or Byzantine types, nor have they a

trace of the freedom which belongs to the English foliage of days only

a little later. They are more like, though still not very much like,

our foliage of the fourteenth century; there is a massiveness about

them, a kind of cleaving to the shape of the block, which after all

has something Byzantine about it. Those on the north side have figures

wrought among the foliage; the four responds have the four

evangelistic symbols. Here then we cannot fail to find the lion of

Saint Mark, but we find him only in his place as one of a company of

four. Would the devotion of the Most Serene Republic have allowed its

patron anywhere so lowly a place as this to occupy? Otherwise the

character of the capitals, which extends to the small shafts in the

triforium, might tempt us to assign a far later date to these columns

and arches than their general effect would suggest. But at all events

they are thoroughly mediæval; there is not the faintest trace of

_Renaissance_ about them.

Outside the church, the usual mixed character of the district comes

out more strongly. The addition to the north, and the tower worked in

instead of standing detached, go far to spoil what would otherwise be

a simple and well-proportioned Italian front. Both the round

window--of course there is a round window--and the great doorway are

worthy of notice. The window is not a mere wheel; the diverging lines

run off into real tracery, such as we might see in either England or

France. The doorway is a curious example of the way in which for a

long time in these regions, the square head, the round arch, and the

pointed arch, were for some purposes used almost indifferently. The

tradition of the square-headed doorway with the arched tympanum over

it never died out. We may believe that the mighty gateways and

doorways of Diocletian's palace set the general model for all ages.

But when the pointed arch came in, the tympanum might be as well

pointed as round. Sometimes the pointed tympanum crowns a thoroughly

round-headed doorway, and is itself crowned with a square spandril,

looking wonderfully like a piece of English Perpendicular. In the west

doorway at Curzola things do not go quite to such lengths as this; but

they go a good way. The square doorway is crowned by a pointed

tympanum, containing the figure of a bishop; over that again is a kind

of canopy. This is formed of a round arch, springing from a pair of

lions supported on projections such as those which are constantly

used, specially at Curzola, for the support of balconies. The lions

which in many places would have supported the columns of the doorway

seem, though wingless, to have flown up to this higher post. For here

the doorway has nothing to be called columns, nothing but small

shafts, twisted and otherwise, continued in the mouldings of the arch.

The cornice under the low gable is very rich; the tower is of no great

account, except the parapet, and the octagon and cupola which crown

it, a rich and graceful piece of work of that better kind of

_Renaissance_ which we claim as really Romanesque.

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