CONCLUSION.
The following is a cutting from the _Bulletin_:
SEQUELS TO THE GREAT CASE OF WYCKLIFFE v. MORRIS AND WINTER.
PHASE I.--Yesterday was a red letter day in Melbourne, for it
witnessed the double wedding of the heroes of the great case of
Wyckliffe v. Morris and Winter to two of the wealthiest and most
charming of Australian heiresses. Having successfully, and to the
admiration of their countrymen, vindicated the honour of Australia
on the person of its English traducer, Mr. Allen Winter and Mr.
Reginald Morris have now proceeded to demonstrate to Englishmen in
general, (and we may add to our own countrymen also), how possible
it is for an Australian heiress to ally herself with an Australian
husband. From to-day, Miss Hilda Mannahill, a daughter of whom
Australia is proud, reappears as Mrs. Allen Winter; and Miss May
Goodchild, the daughter of Mr. Goodchild, of Tasmania, reappears as
Mrs. Reginald Morris. A fashionable crowd packed Scott's Church,
where the ceremony was performed; and a larger and less
fashionable, but more enthusiastic, crowd lined the streets and
greeted both brides and bridegrooms with the heartiest cheers. With
one voice Australia wishes them health and happiness.
PHASE II.--Have you ever seen a whipped hound trailing along with
its tail between its legs? How furtively it gazes out of the corner
of one eye. With what anxious trepidation it endeavours to hide
itself behind the flimsiest obstacles! What an air of dilapidation
and misery it bears! How piteously it whines if you deign to notice
it, as if it said, "It wasn't me, but the ugly bull-dog round the
corner!" Passengers by the s.s. _Paramatta_, which left Adelaide
yesterday, were reminded of the aptness of this simile to one of
their number, who was leaving for England. He was a young man, with
a pale, emaciated face, a hang-dog expression, and having both ears
closely bandaged. His name is Villiers Wyckliffe, and he will be
able to tell England what he thinks of Australia, and on his person
he will bear, till his dying day, the mark of Australia's Revenge.
LATEST EDITION.
SYDNEY CUP.
Mrs. Allen Winter's "Wyck" won by two lengths.
FINIS.
APPENDIX.
AUTHORS' NOTE.
The authors would like it to be distinctly understood that the following
is an opinion formed by a young Australian, a keen observer who has
traversed the greater portion of the Colonies, mixed freely with all
classes, and attended meetings, at times presided over by eminent
politicians, at others by working men. The opinion given is an
unprejudiced one for which he alone is responsible. He is not connected
with any society whatsoever, nor has he any interest in one; and the
authors trust that their readers will treat it accordingly.
AUSTRALIAN GOVERNORS.
PAST--PRESENT--FUTURE.
LIST 1894.
_Colony_. _Salary_.
VICTORIA L10,000
NEW SOUTH WALES 7,000
SOUTH AUSTRALIA 5,000
QUEENSLAND 5,000
WESTERN AUSTRALIA 4,000
NEW ZEALAND 5,000
TASMANIA 3,500
L39,500
DEFINITION.
An Australian Governor is a gentleman, usually a nobleman, who, without
having any special qualifications, is sent out by the Crown to represent
the interests of Great Britain and to safeguard the bond that links the
Colony to its Mother Country. His position is virtually an anomaly and
he himself, a mere figure-head.
FROM A GENERAL POINT OF VIEW.
Governors may be divided into two classes, as follows:--
1.--Those who possess an income, and accept the position with the
intention of living a life of pleasure.
2.--Those who are hard pressed, and accept with the idea of
recruiting and saving money.
Herein is embodied the chief elements which will determine whether a
Governor is to become popular or unpopular, for no matter how excellent
his qualifications may be if he is poor his chances of becoming popular
are reduced to a minimum.
The indispensable conditions for an Australian Governor in Australian
eyes are as follows:--
He must be a titled nobleman of really ancient and distinguished family,
for the Australian Society folks "dearly love a lord."
He must possess a large private income and be prepared to spend it in
addition to his salary.
He must be an ardent sportsman and _bon viveur_, and yet be on terms of
sympathy with the Anti-Gambling Society and the Tee-total Party.
He must entertain right royally.
He must have no strong political opinions or, if he has, he must keep
them to himself.
He should be able to make a humorous, graceful and good-natured speech,
neither biassed nor erudite, on any subject that may come prominently
forward.
He must lay aside all aristocratic "airs," and be prepared to shake
every caller's hand at levees, etc.
Lastly, but by no means least in importance, he must possess a wife of
an amiable disposition, who will mix on cordial terms with the ladies,
condescend to "talk chiffons" and even scandal when required; and one,
who in addition to being a perfect hostess, must hold herself ever ready
to be at the beck and call of the general public to lay foundation
stones, open bazaars and perform the hundred-and-one similar social
functions.
These qualifications are not severe, and many men going out for a life
of pleasure would find little difficulty in fulfilling them. The
stumbling-block to most aspirants would be in the two first clauses, for
one need only glance over the peerage to find to his astonishment how
few really representatives of ancient families are possessed of good
incomes. The large incomes are enjoyed by the self-made men who have
been raised to the peerage of late years, but though Australians would
object to a poor man, they would not have a wealthy, self-made man,
however celebrated he might be, at any price; for the Colonies are great
respecters of, and believers in, blue blood, as they possess an
abundance of the commoner quality already.
Lord Carrington stands supreme in the annals of Australian history as
the most popular Governor who has ever visited her shores. Since he
holds a position so unique it may be as well to examine the means to
which he owed his success. They lie in a nut-shell. He realised his
position as a figure-head. He knew he would be called upon to lavish
hospitality on a grand scale, and to confine himself to the exercise of
social qualities only. He made his plans accordingly.
His predecessor, an old and well-tried diplomatist, had failed through
interference, and he profited by the experience. A week after his
arrival he could count his admirers by the score, and a few months later
the Colony from end to end sang his praises. And what a glorious time
the Society folk had! what delightful garden-parties, entertainments,
and picnics! No gathering was complete without the genial Lord and his
Lady, and they, recognising the situation, were always ready and willing
to put in an attendance at every function, at all of which they
invariably received a loyal and hearty welcome. In the council-room his
Lordship was equally ready to act up to the ideal. When his Ministers
attended to discuss politics he yawned, languidly--so gracefully,
indeed, that the "Carrington yawn" became the rage in Sydney--he would
put the papers aside in his genial way, bid them do anything they
pleased, and order refreshments of the most enticing nature, and
politics would be forgotten. Undoubtedly among their many estimable
qualities the greatest lay in the interest both took in the welfare of
the poor; and when the day of their departure came, there was as genuine
a display of grief on the part of the poverty-stricken, who had been the
recipient of their bounty, as from those in higher places who had
revelled in their hospitality.
Sir Henry Loch, as Governor of Victoria, rivalled Lord Carrington very
closely in popularity. He might be taken as an exception to the rule,
for, although not a lord, he showed himself to be such an excellent
diplomatist, and capable of giving such sensible advice, that his
opinion was always sought by his Ministers on matters of importance.
Even these qualities in a man would not always ensure his success, for,
were he too eager to give his advice, he might be classed as an
interferer; but, as previously mentioned, Sir Henry was an excellent
diplomatist. At the same time he had the good fortune to have in his
wife one of the most amiable and genial hostesses that ever presided
over a Government House in the Colonies.
How readily a Governor may become unpopular may be illustrated in the
case of one within the last ten years, who received a most cordial
welcome and flattering reception, the whole Colony turning out to do him
honour. His lady, however, the following day turned the tide against
him, by summoning a meeting of all the local business people and
delivering a very pathetic lecture on domestic economy. The following
day Society received the appalling news that no balls, receptions, or
parties were to be expected, as they came out with the intention of
economising, having to keep up a second establishment in England. This
occurred strangely enough in by far the most hospitable and
pleasure-loving of the Australasian Colonies. Needless to say, it did
not take many months before they were given to understand what was
expected from a Governor. They fell in gracefully with the hint given
them, and towards the end of their term became fairly popular.
Upon the Governors of to-day little more than a few passing remarks need
be made, as no one of them can rank as a really popular Governor.
Lord Kintore cannot by any means be considered a success. Certainly he
was not rich when he accepted the position, but he was fortunate in
being put in the way of "a good thing," by some of those gentlemen,
eager for social distinction, with whom the Colonies swarm. The good
thing came off, and he became richer to the extent of some thirty
thousand--but his advisers are still waiting for titles. His popularity
was not increased by that expensive trip of his across Australia, for
although he may have figured as a hero in England, by no means did he do
so in Australia, for he travelled _en prince_, with his medical adviser
and every other personal and material luxury provided at the expense of
the Colony. Lady Kintore could never feel at home in the Colonies and
openly showed her preference for English life and ways, preferring
rather to entertain English Royalty and nobility than the "common
Australians." Consequently, Government House in Adelaide has been voted
a distinct failure since she became its hostess. The Premier of South
Australia has announced that the Governor's salary will in future be
reduced by two thousand pounds; his reasons are obvious. The other
Colonies will follow suit for a certainty, so the halcyon days of an
Australian Governor may fairly be said to be over.
In Lord Hopetoun we have a young and inexperienced man. He is popular
among a certain class, but, taking him all round, he can neither be
regarded as a success nor a failure; but he has a few exceptionally good
traits of character, by which he will be remembered long after his time
has expired.
Sir Robert Duff, the recently-appointed Governor of New South Wales, has
on more than one occasion offended the Colonials and, judging by the way
he is spoken of in the Press, his term of office is not likely to be a
happy one, nor will it tend to strengthen the existing bond.
The Press of Australia may generally be regarded as very enthusiastic in
its support of the Governors, and, considering the weight and influence
it carries and exercises, it is well that this is so. The only
exception to the rule is the _Sydney Bulletin_, a paper with a large
circulation, which it owes to its outspoken opinions and clever
caricatures of all the leading men and incidents of the day. It carries
considerable influence with it, more especially in the democratic
circles, throughout all the Colonies. Most of the Governors that have
held office in Australia will, no doubt, have unpleasant recollections
of its satire.
Every Colony has her leading dailies, and they, taken as a whole, may be
termed loyal supporters of Great Britain and her Sovereign.
The reasons that may be assigned are many.
In the first place, they have to meet the wishes of their subscribers
and, undoubtedly, the majority of the more important have strictly loyal
opinions, and both have become used to the groove in which they have
been running for so many years, probably dating back to the days when
the right of free speech was not so permissible as it now is.
Then again, the Press seemed to think it their duty to accept with
acclamation any representative sent out by the Crown, no matter whether
he was suitable for the position or not, but this has to a great extent
become altered, thanks to Queensland, the most outspoken and independent
of all the Colonies, when her able Premier put down his foot and said
that he should be consulted before an appointment was ratified. Even
then some of the older journals reproved Queensland for her audacity,
but fortunately they were in the minority and had to give way.
Of course, no Governor however dull he might be, would be so injudicious
as to offend the Press, for he would not increase the popularity of his
stay, nor would he tend to strengthen the connecting link; consequently
the chief officers of the Press enjoy many privileges not known to the
outside world; but that's diplomacy.
There are times, however, when the Governors may, either from want of
knowledge or from other reasons, overstep the limits of their duty. The
Press will then in leading articles gently point out the error of their
ways, and offer sensible advice on the subject; if the offender be wise
he will withdraw, unconditionally, and then all will be well; but should
he persevere in his antagonism he will receive a severe slating. This
of course is only referring to extra-ordinary cases, as the Governors as
a rule are allowed a wide scope in which to humour their whims.
From the foregoing it will be seen that, taken from a general point of
view, the duties of the Governors are merely to preside, entertain right
royally and to be good fellows; for this the Colonies are prepared to
pay handsome salaries and bow down to her Majesty's representatives,
professing their apparent sincerest loyalty to the Crown.
FROM A YOUNG AUSTRALIAN POINT OF VIEW.
Within the last few years there has been a strong feeling of democracy
growing in Australia. It can be traced to two great sources. Firstly, to
the fact that the young Australians have grown tired of the continual
display of so-called loyalty, and secondly, to the great struggles that
have taken place between capital and labour; and although neither party
recognises each other's policy these are so similar in the main points
that they will be taken collectively, including that of a third and
weaker party, who, although also of the same mind, do not recognise
either of the former.
Scores of societies and parties are to be found scattered over the
length and breadth of the Colonies. They are to be found in the handsome
chambers of the City Clubs, presided over by some of the leading men of
the day, and they are to be found in the white-washed parlour of the
bush public-house, with a rough labouring, yet perhaps a deep-thinking,
man at their head, coupled with occasional assistance perhaps of a
delegate from some Union or the Labour representative in Parliament for
that district. At the present time they are disunited for reasons of
their own, and in many cases they would feel insulted at the very idea
of their names being coupled together: consequently, each works on what
it considers its own lines, which it naturally believes to be the
correct ones; but one day Great Britain will make another blunder--which
judging from past events cannot be considered altogether an
impossibility--and the Young Australians, feeling themselves strong
enough in numbers, will rise and assert their opinion or in other words
will take objection; the result will be that publicity will be given to
their opinions and arguments, and then for the first time the other
societies and parties will recognise how closely their policies agree,
and they will naturally extend their sympathy towards them; this will
give the Young Australians confidence and they will take a more
determined stand, with the result that the outside bodies will proffer
their assistance and will act as tributaries feeding a running stream;
with others joining in from other quarters this small insignificant
stream will gradually swell, and the result will be a vast river of
party feeling with so strong a current and such immense volume that to
try and divert its course would be useless. Considering that the present
labour parties, who are democrats almost to a man, hold the balance of
power in all the principal Parliaments some idea might be formed of the
power that Young Australians would hold when they had asserted
themselves.
Now, supposing such a body had been formed, what would their policy be?
The first on the list would be the appointment of their leaders by
ballot, this over, the more important step would be taken on true
democratic lines to secure their permanency; consequently the first item
of importance would be the guarding against social distinctions in the
shape of knighthoods emanating from Great Britain. This might seem of
trivial importance to such a body, as it might be argued that men of
their opinions would not be the ones to have the refusal of such
distinctions, and yet it would be so, for one has only to look at
every-day life in Australia and to watch what is going on, to be
convinced of the importance of the precautions.
Knighthoods and social distinctions may well be looked on as a curse in
Australia, and it's only the Crown's advisers that really know what a
trump card they hold in having an abundant supply always on hand ready
to be distributed at the slightest notice. Should it enter the minds of
any reader that this casts a reflection on the holders of such
distinctions let it be instantly dismissed, for there are gentlemen of
the first water holding titles, to whom every right thinking person will
admit their claim to the highest distinction the Crown could bestow on
them, for they have helped to build up the Empire and make it what it
now is, and are men whose consciences would allow them to assert that in
accepting the same they only did their duty; but it's not of this class
that anything need be said, it is those who are daily practising
hypocrisy and appearing as philanthropists by bestowing munificent gifts
on institutions, or are agreeable to sell their opinions with the hope
of securing the coveted honours. Take away the titles granted to
politicians, and very few will remain, and as politics has long since
been acknowledged the cheapest way to become knighted, the competition
has become very keen, with the result that influential men with strong
Republican opinions, are offered and accept a title, thereby selling
themselves. There are men who once were acknowledged to be as firm as a
rock in their sentiments, wavering as the coveted curse is dangled in
front of their nose. Intrigues and conspiracies are carried on between
themselves, and the whole political career of many an honest man has
been blasted by his ambition to have a handle to his name.
There is another class who try to work the oracle through the Governors,
but that has not proved a success.
Then come the philanthropists, one of whom barely escaped taking his
title into penal servitude lately, and another of whom, on securing the
title, at once came to England and settled down as an English nobleman,
giving strict orders for his estates to be managed in the most
economical way, in order that he might be able to live as a gentleman in
England; he has been successful and is now related to titled families of
the class with which England abounds, for ever on the alert to make the
acquaintance of millionaires' daughters. That this class of people
should be titled is what disgusts the Young Australians, especially when
they have so many good citizens, men who have introduced capital,
started industries and manufactories and have assisted to build up the
commercial trade with the world; these are passed over and not noticed,
for the simple reason that their names do not appear in print twice a
day, but they are true men and are thought none the less of. Much as the
many worthy recipients are admired, there is yet a class that are held
to be far superior, and they are those who, on being pressed to accept
the honours, refused, preferring to keep their opinions unfettered; they
are the men Young Australians admire, and are prepared to follow.
"Cut the painter" might be suggested by some weak and injudicious member
of about the calibre of that novelist who made use of the same
expression in his report of his reception in the Colonies. This,
however, would be negatived immediately, as it would be entirely in
opposition to what their policy would be.
The next question, undoubtedly, would be the appointment of Governors,
and a motion proposing the abolition of English Governors would be
brought forward and received with such enthusiasm that it would quickly
be recognised as a point of vital importance and interest.
On looking at the definition of a Governor it is seen that his position
is an anomaly and he himself a figure-head, his duty being to strengthen
the link that connects the Colony to Great Britain, This definition as
before mentioned, may be allowable from a general point of view, but
never from the Young Australians' point of view, for they recognise that
these gentlemen of pleasure cost the Colonies L39,500 a year in
salaries, and another L20,000 may be added for incidental expenses,
interest, etc., making, roughly speaking L60,000 a year, or nearly
sufficient to pay the interest on a three per cent. loan of two
millions. It would be argued in the first place that the sixty thousand
was simply thrown away, and in the second that the time had arrived when
men of ability took the places of the figure-heads.
The English Governor is sent out to strengthen the existing bond, or in
other words to preach loyalty. "God save the Queen" is his text, his
motto and his password. If he attends a public function, "God save the
Queen" is conspicuous on the walls; if he replies to a toast he will
make frequent reference to the estimable qualities of Her Majesty. If he
walks or drives down the street, the street bands and barrel-organs play
"God save the Queen"; if he attends or promises to attend a theatrical
performance, nothing is done until his arrival, even if it be an hour
late, then everybody in the house is expected to rise, and take off
their hats, when the orchestra greets him with "God save the Queen." If
he attends a dinner, "God save the Queen" is inscribed on the menu
between each of the courses, and is supposed to be partaken of; if he
visits a school the children will have been practising for months, at
home, in the street, in school and everywhere, "God save the Queen"; if
he attends a football match or any athletic sports, he is the centre of
attraction, all in the grand stands rise while the band plays "God save
the Queen." These are a few instances that have become law in Australia,
and the song or tune has just about the same effect on the Young
Australians as a worn-out, threadbare music-hall song would have on a
first-night audience; and yet there are plenty of people to be found who
will acknowledge that it's the prettiest tune they ever heard, and with
a "God bless the dear old lady," they are arguing the next instant with
themselves that it must come, it's only a matter of waiting, another
thousand or two judiciously expended will do it. To keep the tune of
"God save the Queen" fresh in the Australian's ears costs sixty thousand
a year.
One of the greatest surprises an Australian has on his arrival in
England is the comparative lack, of loyal display. There, the Queen's
birthday is taken no more notice of than if it were a commoner's, the
Prince of Wales's less, even the papers make very slight mention of the
fact. Britons dearly love their ruler and are always ready to obey when
called on, but, they do not make any attempt to impress it upon every
one that visits their shores, and by so doing command respect. As for
Earls and Lords they are spoken of as my milkman, Lord So-and-So, or my
fruiterer or butcher, the Earl of So-and-So, or my dressmaker the
Countess of So-and-So, as they are rapidly becoming mixed up in trade.
To return to the loyal subjects of Australia, what does loyalty mean?
Ask for a truthful statement and nine out of ten will reply,
"self-interest." This is why Young Australians object, for, taken as a
whole they do not trouble about Society and its ways; they are open,
candid and, above all, they despise hypocrisy. So, instead of the
Governor strengthening the existing bond, he is weakening it, looking at
it from a general point of view, and this fact is regretted by the Young
Australians, for, although they will always be ready and willing to show
their highest respect and admiration for both Her Majesty and her
dominions, and wish, if anything, to strengthen the bond, yet they will
not recognise figure-heads when they have men of ability among
themselves, willing and capable to govern the Colony at a third of the
expense. Young Australians are loyal, although they may have their own
peculiar way of showing their loyalty.
Supposing the English Governors were to be withdrawn, it might be asked
what would the connecting link be which would still bind the Colonies to
Great Britain. That might be answered in a very practical way. If Great
Britain wishes to be represented in the Colonies, let her send out men
of commercial and business ability as Ambassadors, paying them
sufficient to be able to entertain right royally; that would have the
desired effect. But why should it be necessary for Great Britain to be
represented at all, for there is not the slightest fear of Australia
attempting to cut the leading strings, but, on the other hand, it would
be so beneficial to the Colonies and all concerned, that the act would
be so appreciated as to make the bond stronger than ever. Such
arrangements as the Australian Squadron now in force might be improved
upon and continued, and many more that would undoubtedly suggest
themselves to the interests of both parties.
There can be no doubt that at its first intimation the candidature for a
Local Governorship would bring forth many aspirants for the honour, but,
fortunately for Australia, every Colony has men who stand head and
shoulders above their fellows, that when a minute examination of the
necessary qualifications was held there would be no difficulty in
selecting the proper man for the position.
In order to point out the contrast between the Local and English
Governors, let us consider the action of each at an imaginary meeting
called to discuss the most important phase in Australian history, viz:
Federation.
The present system will be dealt with first.
As the Governors of to-day are recognised only as figure-heads, they
would not be invited to attend, consequently the whole onus of the
undertaking would fall on the Premiers and their Parliamentary
colleagues.
Every Parliament may be divided into three distinct classes, the
Government, the Opposition, and the Labour Party, consequently the
leaders of all three parties would be required to assist in the
movement. They might fairly be said to represent the Colony, but would
it be likely that the Opposition, who have perhaps lately been thrown
out of power, would assist their opponents to complete what is to be the
most important step in Australian history? No, most decidedly not, for
they would recognise that the party in power would take the sole credit
for having brought it about. Shewing how eager the Premiers of the
Colonies are to personally bring about that most important step, it may
be mentioned that the last three Premiers of New South Wales have each
made overtures to the other Colonies, and yet were they to meet in
convention their opinions would be divided, with the result that
Federation would be just as far off as ever it was, and under the
existing regime it will never be brought to a head.
Now, supposing that a Local Governor was at the head of the Colony how
different things would be, for he would have no political or party
feelings, he would be the friend of all, and were a convention to be
called, he, a man of ability and integrity, with his whole interests in
the Colony, would meet men of the same calibre from the other Colonies;
he would be accompanied by his able ministers and leaders of the
different parties; all party strife would be put aside, for on his
shoulders would fall the credit of such an undertaking, and the parties,
glad to choose a medium by which their opponents would not succeed over
them, would gladly consent to the intervening party, consequently this
policy would be unanimous, and the long-talked of Federation
accomplished.
English Governors are a direct stumbling-block to Federation, and before
any convention is held, steps should be taken for the removal of the
obstacles.
Had Australia been self-governed, or even had the Governors been shrewd
business men, there is a great possibility that that great financial
crisis, which nearly crippled Australia and by which millions were lost,
might have been avoided. This may seem a rash statement, and yet when
the facts are considered there undoubtedly does seem to have been a
possible probability.
It is well known that the crisis did not come suddenly, for never had
there been so much warning and time given in which to prepare for an
impending catastrophe. For months and months dark and heavy clouds were
hanging over financial circles, threatening to burst at any moment.
Depositors were in a fever of excitement, they held their deposit
receipts in their hands ready to withdraw at the first alarm, their
excitement stood on the balance, ready to burst forth or to be smoothed
down into confidence by a judicious action of some responsible parties
had it been forthcoming, but, alas, the Commercial Bank of Australia was
allowed to suspend payment and the panic burst forth in every direction
and no amount of work could cool the excited crowds.
The Commercial Bank, with its numerous branches, had been doing an
extensive business, and was a prominent member of the Associated Banks,
which was formed with the idea of assisting each other. When the
Directors of the Bank saw how matters stood they approached the
association in a half-hearted way and received a half-hearted answer,
and the result was disaster.
Now, supposing that one of the Governors had been a keen, shrewd man of
business, and a man who could look far ahead of him, and supposing that
he could have forgotten that he was a mere figure-head, he would have
stepped forward and said, "The Commercial Bank shall not close its
doors." With such an affirmation, had he approached the Government of
the Colony and, through them hastily summoned the leaders of the other
Colonies, there is no doubt but that an arrangement would have been
arrived at, by which the crisis could have at least been suspended for
a sufficient time to either allow the bank to unload some of its more
pressing liabilities or to realise on its assets, and thereby,
sufficient time would have been gained for some arrangements to be
entered into with the British depositors and investors, who no doubt
would only have been too agreeable to assist.
Worse crises than the Australian have been avoided, to wit, Baring
Brothers, but certainly this is only an individual opinion.
In conclusion, the Young Australian, trusting that he has not
overstepped the boundary in the expressions of his opinions, and that no
personalities will be taken, heartily wishes the Young Australians every
success. It will be from Colonies such as Queensland and South Australia
that steps will be first expected to be taken, for Queensland has
already shown her cards and that clever South Australian Premier is
going a step farther, and when South Australia has her
Lieutenant-Governor in power she will show the other Colonies the
immense advantages to be derived therefrom, and they will very soon
follow in her footsteps, for men of his calibre are not to be had so
readily in Great Britain.
END OF APPENDIX.
Transcriber's Note
Page 009 'badge was to to held.' changed to 'badge was to be held.'
Page 317 'back to the the "Grosvenor.' changed to
'back to the "Grosvenor."'
Page 346 'made so thatit' changed to 'made so that it'
Page 349 'Toowoomba up Queeensland' changed to
"Toowoomba up Queensland'
All instances of 's. s.' standardised to the more frequently
occurring 's.s.'