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The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898
Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and
their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions,
as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the
political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those
islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the
close of the nineteenth century,
Volume XLIX, 1762-1765
Edited and annotated by Emma Helen Blair and James Alexander Robertson
with historical introduction and additional notes by Edward Gaylord
Bourne.
The Arthur H. Clark Company
Cleveland, Ohio
MCMVII
CONTENTS OF VOLUME XLIX
Preface 11
Documents of 1759-1765
Conquest of Manila by the English, 1762, and other events,
1762-1765
Plan of an expedition for the conquest of the
southern Philippines. [Sir William Draper?; Canton,
ca., 1759?] 27
Letters to Clevland. Admiral Samuel Cornish; Manila
Bay, October 31, and November 10, 1762 44
Letter to Lord Anson. Admiral Samuel Cornish; Manila
Bay, November 1, 1762 60
Letters to Earl of Egremont. Sir William Draper;
Manila, November 1, and November 2, 1762 65
Draper's Journal. Sir William Draper; [Manila?], 1762 81
Rojo's Journal. Manuel Antonio de Rojo y Vieyra;
Manila, December 23, 1762 104
Anda and the English invasion, 1762-1764. Simon de
Anda y Salazar, and others; Manila and Bacolor,
October 8, 1762-March 9, 1764 132
Rojo's narrative. Manuel Antonio de Rojo y Vieyra;
[Manila, 1763] 176
Synopsis of letter to Cárlos III. Simon de Anda y
Salazar; Manila, June 22, 1764 262
Letter to Cárlos III. Simon de Anda y Salazar;
Manila, July 23, 1764 269
Letter to Gonzalez. Baltasar Vela, S.J.; Manila,
July 24, 1764 288
Synopsis of communications to Cárlos III. Simon de
Anda y Salazar, Manila, June-July, 1764 296
Draper's defense. In two parts. I. A plain narrative.
[Sir William Draper; London, 1764?]. II. Colonel
Draper's answer to the Spanish arguments. Sir William
Draper; London, 1764 309
Letter to Rueda. Eugenio Carrion, S.J.; San Pedro de
Macati, July 8, 1765 333
Letter to Mesquida. Bernardo Pazuengos, S.J.; Santa
Cruz, July 20, 1765 336
References. Editorial compilation of titles 343
Bibliographical Data 347
ILLUSTRATIONS
Plan of Manila Bay, October, 1762; photographic facsimile
from copy in British Museum Frontispiece
Manila and the Philippines, 1762; from Scots Magazine,
1763, xxv, facing p. 224; photographic facsimile from copy
in library of Harvard University 35
Chart of Philippines, showing path of Manila galleon; from
London Magazine, 1763, xxxii, p. 292; photographic facsimile
from copy in Library of Congress 49
Plan of city of Manila, showing sites occupied by the British
in 1762; photographic facsimile of original manuscript in
Archivo general de Indias, Sevilla 95
Plan of city of Manila and its fortifications, 1762; from
Le Gentil's Voyage (Paris, 1779-1781), ii, plate 6;
photographic facsimile from copy in library of Wisconsin
Historical Society 107
Plan of port of Cavite and its fortifications, by Tomás de
Castro y Andrade, ca. 1762; photographic facsimile of
original manuscript (in colors), in Archivo general de Indias,
Sevilla 183
Plan of Mariveles Bay, 1764; in collection of Charts by
Alexander Dalrymple ([London], 1781), ii, p. 63; photographic
facsimile from copy in Library of Congress 199
Autograph signature of Simon de Anda y Salazar; photographic
facsimile from original manuscript in Archivo general de
Indias, Sevilla 285
PREFACE
The theme of the present volume is throughout the conquest of Manila by
the British in 1762, and events consequent to it. The various accounts
we have drawn from both Spanish and English sources, in order that we
might present the matter from the standpoints of each nation, and we
have aimed to give the story in great detail from as many points of
view as possible. The subject must have special interest for Americans
by reason of the operations of 1898. In some measure the captures by
both the British and the Americans are analogous, because in each case
it was rather a side demonstration than the main object of the war,
and because of the ease with which it was accomplished. Here, however,
the analogy ends, for British occupation was at the best precarious
while it lasted, and made scarcely any headway outside of Manila;
and while naturally the questions of religion, commerce, and civil
affairs generally were discussed, nothing lasting was done. It may
well be that the ease with which Manila was taken by the British gave
the Filipinos some idea, though slight, of separation from Spain, or
a desire for a larger degree of independence; although, in truth, all
such ideas appeared to be effectively stifled with the strengthening
power of the religious orders. Of special interest will be found the
operations of Anda y Salazar, a true patriot, though like the Count
de Frontenac, of Canada, of a hasty and impetuous nature; and his
contest with the incapable archbishop. It is to be noted throughout
that all English dates are one day in advance of the Spanish dates,
as the English had the same dates as the Portuguese, who reached the
Orient by way of the Eastern route. This is a momentous period in
many parts of the world.
The first document in this volume consists of a plan outlined by an
unknown writer, but one who has been among the Philippines (and who is,
perhaps, General Draper), for the conquest of the southern islands,
evidently received at London November 23, 1762--a good prelude to
the conquest of Manila. Weighing the arguments as to the expediency
of such a conquest, the author decides in favor of it, as the silver
which is taken from the Philippines to India in the Manila-India trade,
and which comes direct from America, will pass to India direct from
the latter country if the islands are conquered. The present plan,
however, does not contemplate the reduction of Manila. The islands
could be held either permanently or only until the conclusion of
peace, the advisability of taking them to rest upon either one of the
following reasons: that they are important enough to meet the expenses
of the expedition; or that the enemy can be harassed thence. The chief
end for which Spain holds the Philippines is religious, and if the
missions are considered, Manila might be ceded, though if that does
not happen, the holding of them will be an important item in the peace
conclusions. Operations carried on among the southern islands would
have especial point, for the Spaniards would fear an alliance between
the restless Moros and the enemy. The Spaniards care only about the
Acapulco galleon and do not trouble themselves about the rest of the
islands, which are governed badly. The natives, in danger from Moro
raids, are ripe for revolt. Proceeding directly to a consideration of
the southern islands, the writer names and describes the most important
of them, making use to some extent, in his description, of Colin and
San Antonio. The population that the British would receive by such a
conquest would be an advantage. The expedition should proceed first
against the fort of Zamboanga, which can be easily taken, and then
abandoned and demolished or left in charge of the present Spanish
garrison if they will take the oath of allegiance. Next the forts
of the islands of Misamis and Cebú should be taken, both of which
are important. They can count upon the help of the Moros, and of the
Boholans, the latter of whom are now in revolt. All this can be done
with one European ship with about fifty soldiers, and several smaller
ships, the best time for the expedition being the northeast monsoon.
This is followed by two letters by Admiral Cornish to one Mr. Clevland,
evidently some secretary in the office of the Admiralty. In the first
letter, dated October 6, 1762, Admiral Cornish reports the success
in the operations against Manila, which has fallen on the sixth of
October, and gives a short account of the expedition. After hastening
preparations for the expedition as rapidly as possible, he sends
Commodore Tiddeman with five vessels from Madras to Malacca on the
twenty-ninth of July. He himself following with all but two of the
remaining vessels on August 1, reaches Malacca on the nineteenth,
but Tiddeman fails to appear until the twenty-first because of
calms. Leaving Malacca on the twenty-seventh, the fleet makes the
coast of Luzón, September 19, but owing to rough weather is unable to
enter the bay of Manila until the twenty-third. Cornish and Draper,
abandoning the previous plan to attack Cavite first, resolve to
proceed directly against Manila, as that once taken, Cavite must also
fall. Accordingly troops are landed on the twenty-fifth through a
heavy surf, and occupy Moratta (Malate) one and one-half miles from
the walls. That same day also Cornish despatches three vessels to
capture a sail that is seen coming up the bay, which when captured is
found to be a vessel with the mail and news of the Acapulco galleon
"Filipino," which has itself remained behind at Cagayan. On the
twenty-sixth Draper's forces take up a position two hundred feet
from the glacis of the Manila wall, and Cornish lands 700 seamen to
aid them. Under cover of the fire from the ships Draper works on his
batteries. The entrenching tools, of which there is great need, are
supplied by the timely arrival of the storeship, although the latter
is driven ashore by the heavy sea. Draper opens with his batteries
on October 4, and to so good a purpose that the combined forces are
enabled to make the assault on the morning of the sixth, in which they
carry everything before them. Draper and Cornish immediately go ashore
to make arrangements with the governor. The surrender of Manila and
Cavite, and the islands and forts dependent on the former, is agreed
upon; and in addition the payment of 4,000,000 dollars or pesos as
a ransom to the English for the preservation of the city. Cornish's
ship captain, Kempenfelt, takes possession of Cavite on the tenth. In
that place are gained abundance of naval stores, and fresh food
is secured. The men have borne themselves well through the short
fatiguing siege, and land and sea forces have maintained harmonious
relations. Cornish encloses a list of the ships with the seamen
and marines landed from each one, and of those killed and wounded
during the siege. This shows a landing force of 1,017--17 killed,
and 17 wounded. The letter of November 10 reports the capture of the
"Santísima Trinidad" by two vessels detached for that purpose. This
large vessel, which had sailed for Acapulco some time before with
a rich cargo, but has been obliged to put back, is taken to be the
"Filipino" which is expected from Acapulco with the situado, until
actually boarded. For the present it is anchored at Corregidor Island,
but Cornish purposes to send for it soon.
In a letter from Cornish addressed to the famous Lord Anson, the
former mentions the great advantages that accrue to his fleet in the
possession of Cavite, for he can obtain all needed supplies and food,
and can repair his ships, some of which are unseaworthy. He complains
bitterly of the East India Company, whose employees at Madras, with
the exception of but one, have endeavored to obstruct the expedition
in every way. The two companies of troops furnished by the company
are composed of French deserters and released prisoners. Further
information can be secured from Captain Kempenfelt, the bearer of his
despatches, who is also in charge of some engraved plates containing
a map (the famous one by Murillo Velarde) of the islands.
Letters from General Draper to the Earl of Egremont, dated November 1
and 2, respectively, are practically duplicates, the first appearing
to be the rough draft of the second. They announce the taking of
Manila on October 6, and praise the bravery and forbearance of the
men who acted with great humanity, notwithstanding that Draper's own
secretary is killed under a flag of truce. In company with Cornish,
Draper dictates the conditions under which Manila will be preserved
from pillage, which are accepted by the Spanish. The East India
Company is to have one-third of the ransom. Manila and Cavite have been
delivered to the Company's representative, as per orders. It would be
well to hold Manila and the islands, if possible, for they are very
wealthy. The season and the need of repairing the ships prevent the
taking possession of the other places ceded. Draper praises highly
Admiral Cornish, his officers, and the seamen and marines for their
efficiency, as well as his own officers and men, especially the
79th regiment. Following these letters are three sets of "proposals"
and "conditions," all dated October 6. The first, consisting of 12
"proposals" made by the archbishop-governor and others, touches
rights of property, religion, trade, residence, and government;
all the proposals are granted by the conquerors, but some of them
with certain reservations. The second set, consisting of the four
"conditions" under which Manila will be preserved from pillage, is
proposed by the British and accepted. The latter outline the status of
the Spanish officers and men, who are all to be regarded as prisoners
of war. All military stores must be surrendered, as well as Cavite and
other places dependent on Manila. In addition a ransom of 4,000,000
dollars or pesos is to be paid, half immediately and the balance at
some future date, for which hostages are to be given. The third set,
consisting of "proposals," and also submitted by the British, relates
to the surrender of Cavite, and the method of payment of the ransom.
The important journal of the British operations, kept by General
Draper, and sent with his letter of November 2, follows. The first part
of the journal is rather general in nature, while the latter part is
more specific and definite; but as a whole it well supplements the
preceding letters by Cornish and Draper. The troops, consisting of
the 79th regiment, a company of royal artillery, 30 artillerymen
furnished by the East India Company, 2 companies of Frenchmen,
also furnished by the Company, 600 Sepoys, and other natives, and
reënforced by Cornish's seamen and marines, a total of 2,300 men,
sail July 29 and August 1 for Malacca, where they are to water,
taking precautions on the way to prevent the Spaniards from learning
of the expedition. Malacca is left August 27, and the fleet anchors
in Manila Bay September 23, completely surprising the Spaniards. A
summons to the governor on the twenty-fourth elicits no satisfactory
reply, and, accordingly, operations are begun immediately. From that
date until October 6, when Manila is taken by easy assault, the siege
is one of ceaseless activity on the part of the British, who struggle
against heavy seas and rains which aid the Spaniards. The latter, 800
strong, are reënforced by 10,000 Pampangos, "a fierce and barbarous
people." To the latter is due the killing, under a flag of truce,
of Draper's secretary, Lieutenant Fryar, who is sent to the Spanish
lines with a nephew of the archbishop-governor who has been captured
with a vessel despatched from the Acapulco galleon. This has arrived
on the Luzón coast in September, with news of the war, and Cornish
endeavors to capture it. The British base of land operations is the
suburb of Malate, from which successive advances are made, although
a few sallies by Spaniards and Pampangos give the British forces
considerable trouble. The Pampangos, however, meet with so severe
losses, that becoming disheartened, all but 1,800 of them desert. The
British landing force, consisting of both troops and seamen and
marines, is well supported by the ships. At the assault, one hundred
Spaniards and natives who refuse to surrender are all killed. The
archbishop-governor and his chief officers retire to the citadel and
surrender at discretion. The officers are allowed to give their parole,
but all natives are simply dismissed. When Cavite is surrendered, three
hundred Spanish troops mutiny and desert with their arms. The total
number of Spanish officers and men, taken prisoners, both of the army
and navy, amounts to 361. The British loss, as shown by an appended
list, is 36 killed, and 111 wounded. Many war supplies are captured
in Manila and Cavite, a goodly proportion of which is unserviceable.
This is followed by the journal of the archbishop of the defense and
assault of Manila, from the appearance of the British in Manila Bay,
September 22, until the capture of Manila October fifth. It differs
in some of its details from Draper's journal, especially in the
number of the British forces, and the number of the British killed
(both undoubtedly exaggerations on the part of the archbishop),
and gives details not mentioned by Draper.
This is followed by a valuable series of documents (mainly in synopsis)
concerning Simon de Anda y Salazar, the patriotic auditor, and the
English invasion. The various letters, etc., consist of communications
between Anda and the weak archbishop, Rojo; Anda and the British;
the archbishop and the Filipinos; and the British and Diego Silang,
the insurgent. By means of them one may follow fairly accurately the
course of events after the taking of Manila. Throughout, Anda's tone
is one of intense bitterness toward the archbishop, whom he accuses
of venality and collusion with the British. The archbishop, on the
contrary, accuses Anda, whom the British proscribe, of usurping
power not his own, and of lack of patriotism. The abortive Chinese
insurrection, instigated by the British, is put down by Anda with
terrible vengeance. There are charge and countercharge between Anda
and the British (whose proscription Anda has met) of inhumanity, each
side striving to clear itself from such an imputation. Anda is slow to
accept the assurances of peace, and to grant a truce to hostilities,
for he fears some British treachery. He demands that they leave the
islands, in accordance with the terms of the treaty (made in February
1763), and by which they should have left the islands in August
1763. Early in 1764, the treaty is sent on a British vessel which also
carries orders for the British to go to the Coromandel coast; with
which the Spaniards are left in peaceful possession of the islands.
The archbishop-governor writes a long relation of events (probably in
1763) preceding and following the assault by the British, in which his
chief aim is to justify his own conduct, as many charges have been
preferred against him. He has been mindful of the peace and harmony
of the islands, has healed breaches, has encouraged agriculture, has
looked after the defense of the islands, and increased the navy. The
repair of the public works has engrossed a part of his attention,
but his plans are not to be perfected, for the English spoil that. He
has also bettered the condition of the treasury; and in view of
the fact that the whole concern of the people is centered about the
annual trading galleon, has tried to improve the lethargy, idleness,
and vice into which they fall when that matter is attended to. He
relates the story of the siege and assault, and the dispositions
of the British, and the general events of the period immediately
following. Throughout he justifies his own conduct, as in the letters
to Anda, recounting his troubles with various Spanish officials,
the British, and Anda. He protests that he has acted only for the
interests of the Spanish monarch, and indignantly repels the idea
that he has been in collusion with the British. This is in many ways
an especially interesting document, and supplements the information
of the other documents considerably.
In a letter to King Cárlos III, dated June 22, 1764, Anda relates
the measures taken by him in his office as Audiencia, governor and
captain-general. These measures cover a wide range, extending to things
social, economic, moral, and religious. A fixed tariff for provisions,
etc., the coinage, the Chinese, who are allied with the British, the
military, the seculars, the surveillance and care of the Filipinos,
the churches, agriculture, proscription of certain British officers,
the curfew, prohibition of gambling games, regulation of the sale of
intoxicants, and strict regulations regarding theft--all these engage
his attention.
Another letter from Anda to Cárlos III, dated July 23, 1764, is
devoted entirely to the archbishop, who is characterized as wanting
in loyalty. Anda, while protesting his own loyalty and devotion to
the crown of Spain, declares the many acts of the archbishop (who
is now dead) during and after the assault. The latter has written
violent letters to Anda, and has acted entirely in the interests of
the British. His boon companions have been the traitors Orendain and
Fallet, by whom he has been influenced to sign the cession of the
islands. Anda has been proscribed at his instigation as a rebel, but
that cannot be, as he has never consented to become a vassal of the
British, and his loyalty to the Spanish monarch is known. Although
the archbishop was urged to give up his foolish pretensions to the
governorship, he would never do so. That position rightfully belonged
to Anda after the assault, and even the British always spoke of
the archbishop as the ex-governor. The latter's want of loyalty is
exemplified by his refusal to send the royal seal to Anda, though he
could easily have done so.
Baltasar Vela, S.J., of Manila, writes his nephew, Brother Antonio
Gonzalez, S.J., of Madrid, July 24, 1764, informing him that the
British have at last left Manila, after a rule there of eighteen
months. That city fell because of the lack of political sense of the
Spaniards and their insufferable pride, for it could have been easily
defended, as it is impregnable almost by its location alone. Its
loss he charges to the methods of Spanish traitors who won over the
archbishop, so that it was arranged that everything should be left
open for the assault by the British on the fifth of October. There
was no breach made in the walls, he affirms, but the British soldiers
scaled them by means of holes in the soft stone. The attempt to kill
Anda was arranged by the traitors with the Chinese and British. The
latter were aided throughout by the traitorous Spaniards, the Chinese,
and the natives whom they manage to corrupt; but most of their plans
outside Manila come to nought. The letter closes with several personal
matters, among them a request for reading matter.
A series of representations, forty-six in all, made by Anda and
Francisco de la Torre (governor ad interim) in June and July of 1764,
treat in part of the matters covered in preceding documents. Notices
are given of the insurrections in Ilocos and Pangasinan, both of which
have been instigated and aided by the British, and both of which are
finally put down, the latter with the aid of Bishop Ustariz. Anda
praises the religious orders, especially the Augustinians, although
he notes that some of the religious of St. John of God have been
discontented. Joló affairs and the British alliance with the king of
that island are discussed briefly. Orendain, who has been disloyal to
the king, has gone with his family to Madras with the English. The
fines imposed upon Villacorta and Viana do not appear to have been
rightly adjudged. Torre asks that a rule be given regulating the
conduct of the single member left to represent the Audiencia, as
in the case of Anda, should such a contingency again occur. Anda's
conduct deserves only complete and hearty approval.
Two declarations are presented by General Draper (both probably in
1764), in which he protests against the charges of inhumanity that
have been brought against him in regard to the affair at Manila, and
urges the payment of the remainder of the ransom which the Spaniards
refuse. The Spaniards charge the British with breaking the agreements
of the capitulation, but it is they themselves who have broken them
all. By various subterfuges they have endeavored and are endeavoring
to escape the payment of the ransom. Less than one-half million
dollars of the four millions have as yet been paid. The story of the
siege and subsequent events is in part gone over, including some
little of Anda's operation. The action of the East India Company,
to whom the city was turned over shortly after the assault, causes
the captors to lose about 200,000 dollars. The second declaration
is made necessary because of the new arguments put forward by the
Spanish to evade payment of the ransom bills given on the Spanish
treasury at the capitulation of Manila. The British have a right to
that city until all the ransom has been paid.
A short letter from Eugenio Carrion, S.J., to Joseph de Rueda, S.J.,
written from San Pedro Macati, July 8, 1765, notes the conclusion
of peace and the arrival of a new proprietary governor, Francisco
Raon. Francisco de la Torre, governor ad interim, has left Manila in
a good state of defense and has begun operations against the Moros,
which will doubtless be continued by Raon. This will make the trade
of the Visayan Islands flourishing once more. In their retirement
from the islands the British have lost one-half their boats and men,
the latter numbering in all 8,000. News of the Chinese affairs will
have been received through the Portuguese fathers. There are still
about thirty fathers in that empire, ten or eleven of whom live
openly in Pekin, while the others are in hiding. Carrion prays that
the Society may safely weather the storm (the approaching suppression)
that has assailed it as a whole.
The last of this series of documents is a letter from Bernardo
Pazuengos, S.J., the Philippine provincial, to Joaquin Mesquida,
S.J., the procurator-general, written from Santa Cruz. The first
part of the letter, dated June 17, 1765, complains of Francisco
de la Torre, who has lived as a libertine and has been especially
hostile toward the religious orders. The arrival of a new governor
is awaited eagerly by all the decent inhabitants. The Jesuits and
Dominicans are fully resolved to resign their missions as existing
conditions of affairs will not permit them longer to hold them. So
poor are the fathers, whose stipends are no longer paid, that they
are compelled to make their shoes out of the parchment of their
books. Their missions are heavily in debt. The Moros, and even the
Christians, have raided the missions. The Visayan Islands are ruined,
and one-half their inhabitants have been killed and captured. Jesuit
estates have been burned. The Recollects have escaped no better, in
all probability. Auditor Galban has declared that the pious funds are
the ruin of the islands and of trade. Vigorous measures are being taken
against the Jesuits. The fiscal urges action against all the religious
orders. The arrival of the "Santa Rosa" with the new governor on July
3 is noted. The letter finally closes on July 20.
The Editors
January, 1907.
DOCUMENTS OF 1759-1765
CONQUEST OF MANILA BY THE ENGLISH, 1762, AND OTHER EVENTS,
1762-1765
Plan of an expedition for the conquest of the southern
Philippines. [Sir William Draper?; ca., 1759?]
Letters to Clevland. Admiral Samuel Cornish; October 31, and
November 10, 1762.
Letter to Lord Anson. Admiral Samuel Cornish; November 1, 1762.
Letters to Earl of Egremont. Sir William Draper; November 1,
and November 2, 1762.
Draper's Journal. Sir William Draper; 1762.
Rojo's Journal. Manuel Antonio de Rojo y Vieyra; December 23,
1762.
Anda and the English invasion, 1762-1764. Simon de Anda y
Salazar, and others; October 8, 1762-March 9, 1764.
Rojo's narrative. Manuel Antonio de Rojo y Vieyra; [1763].
Synopsis of letter to Cárlos III. Simon de Anda y Salazar;
June 22, 1764.
Letter to Cárlos III. Simon de Anda y Salazar; July 23, 1764.
Letter to Gonzalez. Baltasar Vela, S.J.; July 24, 1764.
Synopsis of communications to Cárlos III. Simon de Anda y
Salazar; June-July, 1764.
Draper's defense. In two parts. I. A plain narrative. [Sir
William Draper; 1764?]. II. Colonel Draper's answer to the
Spanish arguments. Sir William Draper; 1764.
Letter to Rueda. Eugenio Carrion, S.J.; July 8, 1765.
Letter to Mesquida. Bernardo Pazuengos, S.J.; July 20, 1765.
References.
Sources: The first document, the third, and the first part of
the fourth, are from MSS. in the British Museum; the second,
second part of the fourth, and the fifth, are from Scots Magazine
for 1763; the sixth, from Le Gentil's Voyage, ii, pp. 232-235,
236, 237-239, 241, 242, 243-247, 248-252, 255-259; the seventh and
eighth, from original MSS. belonging to the Ayer Collection; the
ninth, tenth, and twelfth, from the Ventura del Arco transcripts
(Ayer Collection); the eleventh, fourteenth, and fifteenth, from
the original MSS. in the Simancas archives; the thirteenth, from
the two publications named therein; the sixteenth, editorial
compilation of titles.
Translations and Compilations: These are by James A. Robertson.
PLAN OF AN EXPEDITION FOR THE CONQUEST OF THE SOUTHERN PHILIPPINES
Before we consider this Subject in the View of Probability Let us
examine how far it may be expedient: It is well known a very lucrative
Commerce is carried on from India to Manila under Sanction of Moorish
Colours. It might therefore be alleged that considerable Disadvantages
would accrue to the General Commerce of India were the Spaniards
deprived of the Philippin Islands from a Presumption that the Silver
now received from thence would be lost. But when the footing on which
the Spaniards at present admit this Commerce is duly attended to,
It cannot be doubted a quite contrary Effect would follow.--Silver
is the Produce of the Trade carried on from Manila to America and
if the Spaniards had not Manila America would open her Arms to the
Importers of those Conveniences which India & China only can afford
them: This Navigation might be opend if supported in time of Open
war by a Port on California.
It is true this Circumstance may be reckoned not entirely relative to
the present Plan which does not propose the Conquest of Manila. But it
cannot be deemed quite foreign to the Subject as the Possession of the
Southern Islands would be a great restraint on the Spaniards at Manila.
There are two Reasons fully sufficient to warrant Attacks in
war. The Conquest of a Place important enough to answer the
expences of the Expedition by maintaining it after the war is over
or by relinquishing it at the Conclusion of a Peace on a valuable
Consideration & distressing an Enemy by harassing him in different
Quarters & facilitating any other attempt against him or preventing
his acting offensively: The Expedition here proposed may be considered
in either Light. Certain it is the Chief Motive of the Spaniards for
maintaining these Islands arises from religious Zeal So that admitting
the Southern Islands to be subdued It is far from being impossible
that in Consideration [of] Permission to the Missions Manila itself
might then be ceded & Perhaps Valuable Commercial Priviledges granted
also to Us.
But if the Spaniards should not acquiesce in valuable Cessions for
Permissions to the Missions they must be extremely piqued & alarmed to
have so large a part of their Dominions severd from Manila particularly
as they suffer already greatly from the Inroads of the Moors and the
relinquishing them would undoubtedly be a Point of Consequence in a
Treaty of Peace.
But supposing the Spaniards are so indifferent about them as neither
to give any valuable Consideration in lieu or for Permission to the
Missions, It is necessary to shew the Islands would answer the Charge
of Conquest & be worth maintaining.
However Previous to this we think it most eligible to consider the
Subject in a different Light we mean as it may effect the War:--The
Philippin Islands are so far severd from the other Spanish Dominions
that any attack of them can have no Influence on other parts So that
Manila only can be affected by the Expedition here proposed. If
there be any attempt intended against the Capital It undoubtedly
would have infinite Good Effect to alarm the out Islands perhaps in
drawing some force from Manila but much to the purpose by perplexing
them with the apprehension of a Junction with the Moors & Southern
Islanders to attack them behind & cut of all resource by Land &
starve them by a Blockade at the same time that their apprehensions
would be justly raised of a General Revolt of the Indians under their
Dominion who tired out with oppressions are weary of the Spanish Yoke
& ripe for Revolt. Some as Bohol have rebelld & the Tagalas who lye
around Manila have implord the Assistance of Sooloo to protect them in
Independance. The Spaniards consider nothing but the Galleons Cargo &
Erections Leaving the Moors almost without Molestation to ravage &
spread Distruction thro the Southern Islands from whence they have
carried into Captivity many thousands within these few Years & have
in a manner put an End to Commerce from the hazard to which Coasting
Vessells are exposd. It is no wonder if the Natives who are still
forced to pay Tribute should be ready to join any Power from whom
they may expect Protection.
Besides Luzon which is not at present under Consideration There are
9 considerable Islands.
Paragua of which a part only is under the Spanish
Jurisdiction;--Mindanao whereof they have--the sole Possession on
the W. N. & part of the E. Coasts Samar, Leyte, Bohol, Zibu, Negros,
Pany & Mindoro.
The Islands of mean Size are more numerous; Besides Dumaran whereof
part is claimed by Sooloo we may reckon 23 worth naming--Luban,
Maricaban, Marinduque, Tablas, Romblon Sibuyan, Masbate, Burias,
Ticao, Capul, Catanduan Polo; Maripipi, Panamao, Mactan, Siguyod,
Panaon Guimaras, Cuyo, Lalutaya, Sinacapan, Calamian & Buvugan.
It is proposed to give some account of each of these tho it is not
to be presumed we can treat of each with much or equal Precision.
The Chief Establishment of the Spaniards on Paragua is at Tyty on the
No. End The Fort named St. Isabel de la Paragua is built a top of a
small rocky hill, the further part not a musquet Shot from the Sea &
part of it washed by the waves; It is built of Stone: They have in
the same Province several other small Forts on the Islands Cuyo,
Lalataya, Linapacan & Calamian or Culion but all these last are only
Garrisond by the Natives or Militia & indeed are only intended for
Security against the Inroads of the Moors. [1]
The Possession of Tyty seems rather as a Check on the Moors than from
the Number of its Tributarys or Produce at least under its present
Masters; this part of Paragua abounds in excellent Harbours scarce
any exceed that of Tyty but Malampaya on the West Coast: the Island
is very populous but the greatest part are under the Jurisdiction
of Sooloo if we consider the whole Island the Productions are very
valuable & by description few surpass it Gold, Cowrees, Rice, Canes,
Rattans, Batata, Kuma False Amber & many other valuable articles are
in abundance It is very populous on the East Side but the Natives
are almost solely Joloan: Their antipathy to the Spaniards would not
probably prevent the English reaping the Benefit of their Industry &
Commerce to the Articles abovementiond we may probably add Birds Nest
as the Calamianes abound in the whitest & as the Nature of this part
of Paragua promises to yield it in abundance.
The two Islands of Calamianes give name to the Province the first
Spanish Establishment having been made there: They are 3 considerable
Islands Linapacan, Calamian & Busvazon [2] besides a great Number of
small ones on every side. They yield Birds Nest; wax which they gather
twice a year, the Land is rugged & the seas dangerous; the Natives
are bold & industrious & have Rice, Hogs & Poultry in abundance.
Under the same Jurisdiction are the Islands Cuyo which are 5 in
number close together & contain about 500 Familys. They are docile &
more attached to the Spaniards than the Calamians or Paraguans: they
have abundance of rice, Hogs & Poultry. The whole Jurisdiction does
not seem to contain above 4 or 5000 People. [3]
The Islands Leyté, Samar & several small ones adjoining are under
the Jurisdiction of the former.
Samar which is divided from Leyte by the narrow Strait of S. Juanico
lyes on the East of the Philippins. On the Side which looks to the
Ocean it is named Ibabao & that part within is called Samar the Port
of Borongon on the East Side formerly afforded Shelter to the Galleons
from a Dutch Squadron in 1620 & Palapa on the North might have done
the same to the Cabadong [4] It is entirely sheltered from all winds
& we presume is what Anson's Voyage calls Ialapy Calbalagan is the
Chief Town & residence of the Alcalde; The Island is very full of
fine Timber [word illegible] for Ship buildg the country is Rough &
Mountainous but its Plains are fertile in rice wax & abacca of which
last they manufacture Cloth. It in common with the other Philippins
abounds in Cattle.
Leyte is more fertile on the East Side where the Plains are so fertile
that the Crops yield 200 fold: a ridge of high Mountains divide it
nearly in the middle which occasions a very great Diversity of Seasons:
So that whilst it is winter on the N. Side (which happens during the
N. E. winds) it is Spring on the South & vice versa. In the middle
they have double Seasons & both good Crops. It has on all Sides many
rivers which fall from these high Mountains & in these rivers and
Seas are great abundance of excellent Fish particularly the Harbor
of Quibot opposite to the Island of Camote. This Island abounds in
fine Timber for Ship Building & Harbours for their Security. Besides
Quibot there are several on the west Coast, Palompong, Lagnoag, Tigas,
Leyti, &c. Leyte is the only one on the No.--Cacaliaton on the E.--&
on the So. Liloan formed by this Island & Panaon which strait is very
famous for being the Entrance of Magellan & Legaspi to the Islands;
& there are still remains of some small Guard Houses built by Legaspi.
The Plains abound with Game as Deer Hogs & Fowls, besides Domestick
ones & the Plenty of Cattle originally brought from China: It yields
Rice wax & Abacca Cloth which is their common wear. It also abounds
in Coconut Trees, & Fruits of various kinds. The People of these two
Islands are open & ingenious & the Climate is cooler than Manila.
Leyte has 19 Towns which contain 45,229 Souls, Liloan 330, Poro 1505,
& Samar 53,260 in 17 Towns the whole 100,332. It ought to be observed
indeed that this Numeration was before the late Incursion of the
Moors who for abt 10 years passed have annually infested the Islands
carrying into Captivity seldom less than 1000 tho chiefly women &
Children: So that we shall suppose they do not now exceed 80,000 altho
we presume this deduction too great as the Number of the Inhabitants
of the other Islands are from so late Information as 1761, & as many
of the Captures have been made from the other Islands particularly
the small ones of whose Inhabitants we have no Numeration & even many
from the Island Luzon which we now consider.
Annexed to the Province of Leyte are several smaller Islands which in
general as well as the two larger abound in Cacao: Panamao also yields
much Sulphur & Maripipi, which affords by report a most agreeable &
remarkable appearance, Plenty of Gold.
Bohol adjoining to Leyte also appertains to the Province of Zebu it
is a rocky & barren Island of Rice but rich in Mines of [illegible]
a[n]d ores of gold it also yelds Cowries. [5] It contains 9 Towns
which are all situated on the Sea ashore they are never infested
by the Moors being esteemed a valiant People they have no Forts nor
Spaniards on the Island but Jesuit Fathers they have however enclosd
most of their Towns for Security against Invasion: It is reported they
offerd to protect the Islands against the Moorish Inroads if they
were exempted the Tribute But this offer was refused Undoubtedly it
would well answer the expence were they not only freed from Tribute
but paid a ratio of Rice which they obtain by Commerce with the other
Islands, for this Service Some of them are at present revolted &
having killed two Fathers retired into the Mountains.
They have many tame & wild Hogs & the Seas are full of Fish: Cotton
is in abundt. & their women Manufacture it into fine Cloths. The
Natives are whiter & better disposed than their Neighbours but speak
the Bissaya Language. It is pretended the Sooloos originally came
from Bohol or the Natives of it from Sooloo for it is not well agreed
which & not much Probability to support either opinion. It contains
at least 40,000 People.
Zebu the Next Island to Bohol was that on which the Spaniards first
established themselves: it has an excellent Harbour formed by that of
Mactan, a small Island chiefly famous for the Death of Magellan. Zebu
was greatly injured by the removal of the Seat of Government to
Manila. However it has still many Inhabitants particularly Sangleys
some whereof are worth 20,000 Dollars. there are many Houses & Convents
of Stone: The Number of Inhabitants on the Island is about 25, or
30,000. The Productions of this Island are Borona a small Grain like
Millet which is the chief food of the Common People as rice is scarce,
Tobacco Abacca & Cotton of which two they make Cloth; It also produces
the Best Cacao & some Gold & the Mountains yield some wax & Civet.
Seguiyod [6] which is a small Island to the Southward of Zebu is
inhabited by a valiant People but is remarkable for little else except
the number of Fire-Flies from which it is said the Name Isla de Fuegos
was given it.
Negros is divided into two Jurisdictions under the Corregidor of Ylog
the Southern Part to Dumagueté & the N. Part under the Corregidor of
Sily established about 10 years ago. The Island is double Land; very
fruitful in rice which it transports to Zebu & other places adjoining:
Yonote or Gumatty: The Coasts are inhabited by Bissayas to the Number
of 20,000 & the inland by many Negros who are hitherto unsubdued &
Are very savage.
The Next Island to be mentioned is Pany: Not without reason held
the most populous & fruitful of the Philippins: It is divided
into two Alcaldeas Capis which contains 40,000 People & Ylo Ylo
which has 100,000. It is not only the Granary of Samboango &ca. but
sends considerable Supplies to Manila; There are also about 10,000
independant Savages in the Mountains.
This Island besides very great Quantities of Rice, [has] very
fine wheat; Plenty of Wax, oil, Abacca; Dammer & several kinds of
Cloth of which their women manufacture some very fine: The People
are strong, corpulent & fit for any kind of Labor. They are much
inclined to hunting the wild Hogs & Deer which are plenty as well as
Tame Cattle. The E. Coast has many excellent Harbours but the W. is
destitute of Shelter for Shipping the whole Island abounds so much in
Rivers that there is nowhere a league of Coast without one & to this
[is] owing the extraordinary fertility of the Country.
The Island Mindoro is high double Land with rugged Mountains covered
with wood & abounding with various kinds of Palms as Buru, Yonote,
or Gumatty of which they make Sago &ca. & in all Country Fruits: In
some Places Rice is very plenty as well as Cowrees but the People are
the most indolent of the Philippins; The Mountains which yields much
wax is inhabited by various tribes of independant Savages. There is one
Jurisdiction on the Island the Corregidor whereof resides at Baco:--The
Island Marinduque is under this Jurisdiction & yields Dammer wax &
Rice: it is remarkable for an excellent Harbour capable of admitting
the largest Ships & sheltered from all winds. The Inhabitants in this
Jurisdiction are about 20,000.
The Spanish Dominion on Magenda [7] comprehends the whole Coasts from
Samboangan by the North to Carayas. In General it yields much Gold,
particularly Butuan, wax, Cinnamon, Civet, good Cacao, Cotton, Sago,
Rice, & Pepper thrives very well, they have many fine woods Brazil
Ebony &ca. & the Country also yields Sulphur & Salt Petré. It is not
indeed without Reason this is held the richest of the Philippins
& from its many Lakes & Rivers extremely convenient for inland
Commerce. The Natives are very numerous inland & besides those
under the Spanish Yoke may be divided into three Denominations--The
Subanos or Nation of the Rivers who are Gentiles & very numerous. The
Illanon who are under many petty Princes situated around the Lake
of Mallanao & the Magindaos: the two last being Mahometans & at war
with the Spaniards. The Natives under the Spanish Dominion are few
in Number compared with the others & we omit their Number to make up
any Deficiency in the other Jurisdiction. [8]
Amongst the smaller Islands which remain unmentioned Masbate is the
Chief: it yields wine Civet, some amber & when the Spaniards first
settled much Gold. The others are not remarkable for their Productions
except Polo which yields much Gold & Ligu [i.e., Ligao?] Alloes Lampon
opposite to this Island has been proposed for landing the Treasure
from Acapulco in war for which it is extremely convenient being only
36 hours Journey to Manila.
It may appear wonderful that so many Islands so excellent in Situation
should yield so little for foreign Commerce except Provisions however
that is not to be ascribed to the Barreñess of the Country but solely
to the Indolence & Bad Government of the Spaniards--However it is
past doubt that were there a more equitable Jurisdiction established,
that the Benefit attending the Possession of these Islands would be
very considerable to be convinced of this it is only requisite to
take a review of the Number of People they contain:
Calamian abt. 5,000
Leyte Province 100,332
Bohol abt.-- 40,000
Zebu abt.-- 25,000
Negros 20,000
Pany 140,000
Mindoro abt. 20,000
-------
Total 350,332
From which making a deduction of 20,000 for the Captives made by the
Moors the Number of Indians in these Islands, exclusive of Luzon,
under the Spanish Dominion must exceed 330,000. The Value of such an
acquisition we presume is too evident to need Discussion.
We are now to consider the Practicability of the Conquest.
There are several Forts of Stone on the Southern Islands besides
Stockades. But as all these were originally intended against the
Moorish Incursions they are not formidable to a European Power if we
may be allowed to form a Judgemt from those esteemed by the Spaniards
the strongest viz. Samboangan & Ylo Ylo. of which two we have had an
opportunity to form some Idea from Personal Observation.
Samboangan Fort & Town mount 65 Guns. But as the Fort is upon the
Shoar & deep water close to it the reduction is a matter of few hours
the Garrison when Compleat abt. 2 or 300 Guushinanzas but at present
very few as we have been assured.
Ylo Ylo is of Stone cracked in several Places it mounts about 50
guns some 18 & 24 pounders & 3 Mortars & had in the End of 1761 a
Garrison of 46 Guerchinanyas & 34 Pampanga Soldiers this is the only
Fort on Pany & is within Pistol Shot of Shipping but of difficult
access & indeed I do not conceive in the S. W. winds that it would be
practicable to go thither with large Ships It has no Ditch or Glacis.
Such being the Condition of the two Principal Let us pass [to] a
Description of the others but as they occur in the Expedition proposed.
It is proposed that a Europe Ship shall sail for Sooloo in Company
with one or more smaller Vessells equipped for war with a Detachment
of abt. 50 Europeans & some Seapoys for Sooloo the Europe Ship to
take in the Cargo there for China & to proceed for Samboangan the
reduction of which Fort we consider as a Matter of Course. The only
Use of Samboangan is to prevent the Incursions of the Moors by the
Strait of Basilan But this is a Point of no Consequence as it only
makes them pass on the S. Side of Basilan it is therefore proposed to
dismantle Samboangan or to leave it with the present Spanish Garrison
provided they will take the Oath of allegiance till a General Peace
settles the Fate of the Philipinas & in that Case to leave them only
a Quantity of Ammunition sufficient for occasional Defence.