Sunt autem privata nulla naturâ, sed aut vetere occupatione, ut
qui quondam in vacua venerunt; aut victoriâ ut qui bello potiti
sunt; aut lege, pactione, conditione, sorte.—Cicero de Off.,
Lib. _I_ , ch. vii.
If you were to make inquiry from a New Zealander as to his land-title,
it would be difficult to obtain from him reliable information as to any
general rules of proceeding; for he would at once consider some
particular case in which he was himself personally interested, and would
give an answer corresponding with his interest therein. This may be due
partly to the inaptitude of the Maori to take an abstract view of
anything, which has been already noticed⁶². But it is doubtless from
this cause that persons having competent knowledge of their language
have expressed different opinions on this subject, founded on
information thus obtained.
⁶² P. 5.
There are three reliable sources, however, from which such information
can be obtained.
1. From _Maori_ narratives, wherein matters relating to their
land-titles are incidentally mentioned.
2. From Proverbs relating to the disposition of land among themselves.
3. From investigations of titles to land offered for sale, or when in
dispute among themselves.
In the early days of the colony disputes about land were of frequent
occurrence, and the Government was often appealed to by one or other of
the disputants.
From the foregoing _Maori_ narrative⁶³ we learn that, after the canoe
Arawa reached this island, the crew did not form a united and compact
settlement at one place, as might have been expected. The names of nine
chiefs are recorded who dispersed themselves north and south of the
place where the canoe was dragged on shore, each going off in search of
lands for himself and his own family.
⁶³ Vid. ch. v.
Of these chiefs three went to Taupo, two to Wanganui, one to Rotorua,
one to Mercury Bay, and one to Cape Colville; at the same time leaving
behind at Maketu some members of their families. In the third generation
two divisions of the family who had been settled about Cape Colville
migrated, the one to the Bay of Islands, and the other to Kaipara.
From the narrative above referred to it also appears that the lands thus
taken possession of were considered as rightfully belonging to the first
occupier and his descendants, and that names were forthwith given to a
great many places within the boundaries claimed, these names being
frequently such as would make them sacred to the family, from being
derived from names of persons or things to which some family sacredness
was attached.
MANA.
The chief of any family who discovered and took possession of any
unoccupied land obtained what was called the _mana_ of the land. This
word _mana_, in its ordinary use, signifies power, but in its
application to land corresponds somewhat with the power of a Trustee.
Thus _mana_ gave a power to appropriate the land among his own tribe
according to a well recognized rule which was considered _tika_ or
straight. Such appropriation, however, once made, remained in force, and
gave a good title to the children and descendants of the person to whom
it had been thus appropriated. The _mana_ of the acknowledged
representative of the tribe had then only power over the lands remaining
unappropriated, which power was more especially termed the _mana rahi_
or great _mana_—the _mana_ over appropriated land being with the head of
the family in rightful possession. In course of time quarrels and wars
arose between different tribes, so that tribes nearly allied to each
other united for mutual defence and protection; and all the _Maori_ of
New Zealand came to be divided, for this purpose, into a few large
tribes, each representing generally the crew of one of the various
canoes composing the migration from Hawaiki. These being frequently at
war with each other, it came to pass that every man who did not belong
to a particular tribe was considered in respect to it as a _tangata ke_
or stranger.
It has been affirmed by many on presumed good authority that no member
of a tribe has an individual right in any portion of the land included
within the boundaries of his tribe. Such, however, is not the case, for
individuals do sometimes possess exclusive rights to land, though more
generally members of families, more or less numerous, have rights in
common to the exclusion of the rest of the tribe over those portions of
land which have been appropriated to their ancestors. Their proverbs
touching those who wrongfully remove boundary-marks show this, if other
evidence were wanting.
The lands of a tribe, in respect to the title by which they are held,
may be conveniently distinguished under two comprehensive divisions.
1. Those portions which have been appropriated, from time to time, to
individuals and families.
2. The tribal land remaining unappropriated.
Whenever land is appropriated formally by native usage, it descends in
the family of its first owners according to well recognized rules, and
the _mana_ of the representative of the tribe ceases to have any control
over it. Their laws as to succession naturally tended to render the
greater part of such lands the property of several of the same family as
tenants in common; but an individual might and did frequently become a
sole owner.
The tribal lands never specially appropriated belonged to all under the
_mana_⁶⁴ or trusteeship of the tribal representative.
⁶⁴ Latterly a practice has been adopted of handing over the _mana_ of
their land to Matutaera, the Maori king, or to some influential
chief in whom they have trust, the object being to protect it from
clandestine sales, which have become frequent through the action
of speculators in land. The agents who act for men of capital who
enter into such speculations are always ready to offer an advance
of money as a deposit on land, and when a _Maori_, especially a
careless young man, visits our towns he is too often unable to
resist the temptation of gold to be had for the mere signature of
his name. When, however, such a transaction becomes known to the
tribe it gives rise to much heart burning and trouble; but the
thin end of the wedge being thus introduced ere long others follow
the example, till at length a sort of forced consent is obtained
to pass the land, to use the common phrase, through the Government
Land Court. It is therefore not to be wondered at that this Court
is not in good repute among them, more especially since they have
discovered that a large share of the purchase money is swallowed
up by costs for survey, costs of the Court, and lawyers’ fees.
Long before our colonists came to New Zealand land was of great value in
_Maori_ estimation, and was given and received as a suitable equivalent
or compensation in certain cases.
Thus when a peace was concluded between two tribes land was sometimes
given up as a sort of peace offering, but in a remarkably equitable
spirit, it was always the tribe that had suffered least who, in such
cases, gave some land to compensate the greater losses in war of the
other party.
Such a mode of making peace seems to have been adopted in case of civil
war between divisions of the same tribe, especially when waged with no
prospect of either party completely mastering the other, and with the
consideration of preventing both suffering such serious loss as would
render them unable to cope with a common foe.
Also, in cases of adultery a piece of land would be demanded by the
injured person; and his demand would be respected, for such was the
proper compensation for the injury—land for the woman. But then a
stratagem was sometimes employed, for when the injured man went to take
profession, he might find his right opposed by some of the owners of the
land who had purposely absented themselves from the conference whereat
it was given up. And this unfair practice has sometimes been seized on
as a precedent in their dealings with the _Pakeha_; for they have too
often shown a readiness to sell lands to which they had only a joint
right with many others, knowing well that those others would repudiate
their act.
_Descent of Land._
1. Male children succeed to their father’s land, female children to
their mother’s land.
So says the proverb—“_Nga tamariki tane ka whai ki te ure tu, nga
tamariki wahine ka whai ki te u-kai-po._” “Male children follow after
the male, female children follow after the breast fed on at night.”
2. If a female marries a man of another tribe—_he tangata ke_—she
forfeits all right to land in her mother’s tribe.
So says the proverb—“_Haere atu te wahine, haere marokore._” “The woman
goes, and goes without her smock.”
3. The children of a female married to a man of a stranger tribe have no
right of succession to land in their mother’s tribe.
So says the proverb—“_He iramutu tu ke mai i tarawahi awa_⁶⁵”—“A nephew
or niece standing apart on the other side of the river.”
⁶⁵ This proverb was also applied in case of a war as a sufficient
reason for not sparing such relation.
But there is a provision which can be applied to modify this last rule.
If the brothers of the woman ask for one or more of the children—their
_iramutu_—to be given up to their care, and they are thus, as it were,
adopted by their uncles, they become reinstated in the tribal rights
which their mother had forfeited.
A NEW ZEALANDER’S WILL.
Under this title in a former publication⁶⁶ I gave a literal translation
of a written communication which I received from the celebrated Wi
Tamihana Tarapipipi of Matamata, as follows:—
⁶⁶ Traditions and Superstitions of the New Zealanders. Edit. 2, p.
271.
“A certain man had a male child born to him, then another male child,
and then another male child. He also had daughters. At last the father
of this family being at the point of death, the sons and daughters and
all the relations assembled to hear his last words, and to see him die.
And the sons said to their father: ‘Let thy mouth speak, O father, that
we may hear your will; for you have not long to live.’ Then the old man
turned towards his younger brothers, and spoke thus:—
‘Hereafter, O my brothers, be kind to my children. My cultivations are
for my sons. Such and such a piece of land is for such and such a
nephew. My eel-weirs, my potato gardens, my potatoes, my pigs, my male
slaves, and my female slaves are for my sons only. My wives are for my
younger brother.’
Such is the disposition of a man’s property; it relates only to his male
children.”
From this it appears that the head of a family had a recognized right to
dispose of his property among his male offspring and kinsmen, and that
his will expressed shortly before his death in the presence of his
family assembled for that purpose possessed all the solemnity of a legal
document.
RAHI.
is the term applied to a tribe reduced to a dependant condition by a
conquering tribe. The same authority says, “Hear the custom in regard to
lands which are held by right of conquest, that is lands fallen to the
brave (_kua riro i te toa_). Suppose some large tribe is defeated.
Suppose that tribe is defeated a second and a third time, till at last
the tribe becomes small, and is reduced to a mean condition. It is then
made to do the work of dependants—to cultivate the land for food, to
catch eels, and to carry wood. In short, its men are treated as slaves.
In such a case their land passes into the possession of the tribe whose
valour conquered them. They will not think of striving against their
masters; because their power to fight has gone from them. They were not
brave enough to hold possession of their land, and although they may
grow numerous afterwards, they will not seek for a payment for their
former losses; for they are fearful, and say among themselves, ‘Don’t
let us strive with this tribe, lest we perish altogether, for it is a
brave tribe.’ ”
William Thompson belonged to a victorious tribe; his sentiments
therefore have a natural bias in favour of the sole right to the lands
of the conquered tribe being with their conquerors. If, however, a
member of the conquered tribe were to be consulted on this point, we
should learn that he had not abandoned all idea of a right in the lands
he had been allowed to retain, and was then occupying. Instances could
be referred to where the conquered remnant of a tribe had regained power
enough to re-possess themselves of the lands formerly their own; and in
all cases where the conquerors have sold the lands of their tributaries
the latter have resisted the right of the sellers to dispose thereof
irrespectively of their own interests therein.
NGATI-HANUI.
One day a chief named Hanui and his travelling companion Heketewananga
fell in with the old chief Korako seated in the hollow trunk of a tree,
which he had converted into a temporary abode. Then said Hanui’s
companion, “I will make water on the old man’s head, to degrade him
(lit., that his growth may be stunted).” Hanui was displeased; for the
old man was his cousin, being the son of the younger brother of his
father Maramatutahi, that was the cause of his displeasure at the words
of his companion. But that fellow Heketewananga persisted. He would not
listen to the anger of Hanui, but climbed the tree in order to make
water on the head of the old man. And when he had done so, he jeered at
the old man. “Ho! ho! now then your growth is stunted because of my
water; for your head has been made water on.”
With this Hanui and his companion went on their way. When they were gone
Korako also went to seek his son. When he reached the bank of the river
Waikato he saw some boys on the other side of the river at play near
their _Pa_, and called to them, “Go and tell Wainganui to bring a canoe
for me.” “We will bring a canoe,” said the boys. But the old man said
“No. I don’t wish you to bring the canoe. Go and call Wainganui. He
himself must bring the canoe.” So the boys went and told Wainganui,
“Your father is calling you to go to him with a canoe.” “Why did not you
go?” said Wainganui. “We offered to take the canoe to him,” said the
boys, “but he was not willing. He said that you must take the canoe to
him.” So Wainganui went in a canoe, and when he reached the other side
of the river he called to his father to come down to him. But his father
said, “Do you come up here to my side.” So Wainganui left the canoe and
went to his father; for he knew that he had something important to say
to him. Then seating himself by his father’s side he said “What means
this that you have done?” The father said, “My son, I have been wronged
by your uncle Hanui and by Heketewananga.” “What sort of wrong?”
inquired the son. “My wrong,” said the old man—“my wrong. Heketewananga
climbed on top of my house, and made water on my head—at the same time
he jeered me, ‘Ho! ho! now then your growth is stunted.’ ” Then the son
said to his father, “Ha! you were all but murdered by those men. Their
act shall be avenged. Their heads shall soon be struck by my weapon.”
Then turning in anger he went back to his canoe, and returned to the
_Pa_.
Without delay he called together the whole tribe, and made known to them
all that his father had told him. After the tribe had heard the wrong
done to their old chief, they assembled at night to deliberate, and
determined to go the next morning to kill those men. Then they retired
to rest. At daybreak they arose and armed themselves, in number three
hundred and forty, and set out for the _Pa_ at Hanui.
The men within that _Pa_ were more than six hundred. So when they saw
the armed party coming to attack the _Pa_, the six hundred rushed out to
fight, and a battle took place outside. The men of the _Pa_ were driven
back, and the conquerors entered it with them. Then while the men of the
_Pa_ were being struck down Wainganui shouted to Hanui, “Be quick,
Hanui, climb on top of your house, you and your children and your
wives.” So Hanui and his children and his wives climbed on the roof of
their house. But most of the men of his tribe were killed, some only
being left to be a _Rahi_, in which condition they now remain.
TAPUIKA.
It may happen that a tribe is driven off its lands by a conquering
tribe, who may hold possession of the conquered lands for many years,
but be, in their turn, driven off by the assistance of tribes allied to
the original possessors of the land. It then becomes a question what
right the allied tribes acquire in the recovered lands. A case of this
sort came under my notice thus: I was instructed to purchase for the
Government a piece of land of moderate size at Maketu to be occupied as
a Mission station. As I had built a house on this land on a title of
mere right of occupation, or as expressed in Maori, “_Noho noa iho_,”
and had resided there for some time, I thought, naturally, that the
persons, at whose invitation my house had been placed there, were the
persons to whom the land belonged. An arrangement was therefore made
with them for the purchase of the land required, and a price agreed on.
One night shortly after I was awoke from sleep by a knocking at the door
of my house. My visitors were a deputation from some of the tribe
Tapuika who had a small _Pa_ below my house by the river side, at some
distance from the large _Pa_ by the mouth of the river. Their business
was to warn me not to complete the purchase of the land, the persons
with whom I had contracted being, as they affirmed, only occupiers and
not owners thereof; whereas their tribe Tapuika were the owners, and the
_mana_ of the land belonged to their chief Te Koata. They came by night
because they did not wish their interference to be known publicly, as it
would cause disputes. And it did cause dispute when their nocturnal
visit and its object was made public the next morning. However a good
result came of it, for it was agreed that the question of title should
be referred to the decision of the chiefs of the whole Arawa tribes.
A general assembly of the tribes consequently met at Rotorua, when it
was shown that the land I proposed to purchase came within the old
boundaries of Tapuika. But several generations before the present the
_Pa_ at Maketu had been taken by the hostile tribe Ngatiawa, and the
Arawa tribes, including Tapuika, had been driven from the sea-coast to
Rotorua and elsewhere. When the flax trade with Sydney was in vigour,
many of the Arawa natives had been permitted to return to scrape flax
for sale to a trader named Tapsell who was stationed at Maketu; and at
length the combined Arawa tribes expelled Ngatiawa, and recovered the
lands of their forefathers. They then established themselves in force at
Maketu, and some of them marked out by boundaries, and took possession
of land originally belonging to Tapuika, for their own use. Tapuika did
not offer any objection to this, but now said that the land so taken was
merely given up for their occupation, and that the _mana_ of their chief
Te Koata over the land had never been given up.
The decision of the chiefs of the Arawa, to which Te Koata, who was
present, assented, was that as Tapuika could not have recovered their
lands if unassisted by other Arawa tribes, the land of Tapuika which had
been taken possession of by the fighting men of the combined tribes now
belonged to those men, or expressed in their own words, “_kua riro i te
toa_,” had gone to the brave.
This decision was important, as it established a precedent of value in
dealing with any lands similarly circumstanced elsewhere in New
Zealand—a precedent being always a powerful argument with the _Maori_.
THE EARLY SETTLERS.
When foreigners, called by the natives _Pakeha_, first came to New
Zealand, they were admitted readily by the _Maori_ to dwell among them.
They were allowed to acquire land by purchase, and to form alliances
with their families; and the children of such connections were
considered as belonging to the tribe of their mother. They were never
treated as belonging to a stranger tribe—as _tangata ke_. _Tăku pakeha,
toku matua_, my own _pakeha_, my father, were the common terms used to
denote their sentiment of relationship.
It is not to be wondered at that every tribe in these islands was at
first anxious to have _Pakeha_ settlers dwelling with them, and was
ready to admit them to the privileges of tribesmen, for through them
they could obtain what they most valued of the world’s goods. But when
dissensions arose between the two races, notably about land, and issued
in war, the feelings of those who took up arms became modified, and
their old friends, the _Pakeha_, were no longer looked on as _matua_ or
fathers, but rather as _tangata ke_, or strangers.
THE WAITARA DISPUTE.
It is a recognised mode of action among the _Maori_, if a chief has been
treated with indignity by others of his own tribe, and no ready means of
redress can be obtained, for the former to do some act which will bring
trouble on the whole tribe. This mode of obtaining redress is termed
“_whakahe_,” and means putting the other in the wrong. Strange to say,
this very dangerous principle of action, by whatever great evils it may
be followed, obtains the respect and not the censure of the whole tribe
for the person who adopts it.
Being in the neighbourhood of Matamata some years ago, not long before
the war broke out in Waikato, I heard in conversation with a chief⁶⁷ of
Ngatihaua, who had taken part in the war at Taranaki, that the reason
why Teira proposed to sell Waitara was to obtain satisfaction for a
slight put upon him by Wi Kingi in connection with a private quarrel.⁶⁸
I never had an opportunity to verify the facts narrated, but there was
in them nothing improbable, and according to _Maori_ usage they
accounted for Teira having acted as he did.
⁶⁷ Paora Te Ahuru.
⁶⁸ “_Hei whakahe mo Wiremu Kingi_” was the expression used.
The land thus offered for sale was estimated to contain about six
hundred acres, the whole of which had, in former years, been thickly
inhabited, and apportioned among a great many individuals and families.
It was therefore of the character comprised under our division No. 1.
Teira and those more nearly allied to him offered to sell the whole six
hundred acres, in opposition to the wish of Wi Kingi and others who
claimed rights in the land.
That Kingi and his party had substantial claims to portions of this
land, and that such was the original ground of his opposition to the
sale appears from several letters written by natives at the time as a
kind of protest, particularly from one written by Riwai Te Ahu in which
he says: “The reason why Wiremu Kingi and his party made so much
objection, when Teira proposed that the place should be sold to the
Governor, was the fear lest their land and ours should be all taken as
belonging to Teira.”
A chief of great influence well supported has no doubt frequently acted
as if he could dispose of large tracts of land without consulting others
who had rights included therein. But he never thought of asserting a
right to ignore _in toto_ the rights of others not parties to the sale.
On the contrary, the chief and they who had shared the purchase money
would say to other claimants who had not received any part of the
payment, either that they should be satisfied out of a future payment
(for it was a general, though an impolitic and bad custom, to pay by
instalments in such transactions), or that they might themselves apply
to the purchaser for payment of their interests, or that they might hold
fast to their own.
If before paying any part of the purchase money to Teira, he had been
required to mark out the boundaries of those portions of the six hundred
acres which he and his party claimed, the _onus probandi_ would have
been placed on the right man. It would then have been discovered that
those portions were detached and of various shapes and sizes, and in
some cases only to be approached by narrow paths, and that some of his
boundaries were disputed. For all which reasons what he could have
rightfully sold would have been of little value for the occupation of
our colonists.
But in addition to any claim of Wi Kingi and others whom he represented
to the ownership of portions of the six hundred acres offered for sale
by Teira, they had a further right not to be disturbed in their
holdings, which does not appear to have been considered at the time.
When the Te Ati-awa tribes determined to abandon Cook’s Straits and
return to the lands of their ancestors about Taranaki, they were still
in dread of their old enemies the Ngatimaniapoto. It was therefore
arranged among them, for their better security, that they should form
one united settlement on the south bank of the Waitara—thus placing the
river between themselves and the common enemy. Supposing, therefore,
that Wi Kingi and his division of the tribe had no land actually their
own by ancient right at the place thus occupied, they had acquired a
right by virtue of the arrangement made, a right recognised by old
native custom, on the faith of which they had expended their labour in
building houses, as well as in fencing and cultivating the land, to
disturb which, in a summary manner, could only be looked on as an
offensive act. We have seen also how in relation to the dispute between
Tapuika and the Arawa tribes it was adjudged by general consent that the
latter had acquired a permanent right to the lands which they had
occupied under somewhat similar circumstances.
There appears little reason to doubt that Teira’s proposal to sell
Waitara was prompted by a vindictive feeling towards Wi Kingi; for he
knew well that by such mode of proceeding he would embroil those who
would not consent with their European neighbours. At the same time it is
a rather mortifying reflection that the astute policy of a _Maori_ chief
should have prevailed to drag the Colony and Her Majesty’s Government
into a long and expensive war to avenge his own private quarrel.
APPENDIX.
MAORI TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP.
_Tupuna._
_An ancestor—male or female._
_Matua._
_A father, or uncle either patruus or avunculus._
_Papa._
_The same._
_Whaea._
_A mother, or aunt on either side._
_Tama._
_Eldest nephew._
_Tamahine._
_Eldest niece; also used more generally._
_Tamaiti._
_Son, or nephew._
_Tamaroa._
_The same._
_Tuakana._
_Elder brother of males, elder sister of females; also elder
brother’s children in reference to younger brother’s children,
elder sister’s children in reference to younger sister’s
children._
_Teina._
_The younger brother of males, the younger sister of females;
also the younger brother’s children in reference to elder
brother’s children, the younger sister’s children in reference to
elder sister’s children._
_Tungane._
_A sister’s brother._
_Tuahine._
_A brother’s sister._
_Iramutu._
_A nephew, or niece._
_Hungawai._
_A father-in-law, or mother-in-law._
_Hunaonga._
_A son-in-law, or daughter-in-law._
_Taokete._
_A man’s brother-in-law, or sister’s sister-in-law._
_Autane._
_A woman’s brother-in-law._
_Auwahine._
_A man’s sister-in-law._
_Potiki._
_A brother’s children, or sister’s children; also the youngest
child of a family._
_Mokopuna._
_A grand-child, or child of a nephew or niece._
_Huanga._
_A relation in general._
_Whanaunga-tutu._
_A blood relation._
_Ariki._
_The first born male or female._
_Waewae._
_A man’s younger brother: literally the foot._
_Hamua._
_Syn. tuakana._
_Maronui._
_A married man or woman._
_Takakau._
_A single man or woman._
_Pouaru._
_A widow._
_Puhi._
_A betrothed female, also a female of rank restricted from
marriage._
_He wahine taumaro._
_A betrothed female._ N.B.—There is a distinction between a
_Puhi_ and a _wahine taumaro_. The betrothed female is a _Puhi_
in reference to her father’s act of consent, and a _wahine
taumaro_ in reference to her future father-in-law’s act of
consent to the arrangement.
――――
VOCABULARY
OF SOME MAORI WORDS REQUIRING EXPLANATION.
_Ihi_ has the sense of _tapu_ when occurring in _karakia_, or
invocations of spirits.
_Kahukahu_, the spirit of the germ of a human being: also called _Atua
noho-whare_, or house-dwelling _Atua_. Verbi _kahukahu_ significatio
simplex est panniculus; et panniculus quo utitur femina menstrualis
nomine _kahukahu_ dicitur κατ’ ἐξοχὴν. Apud populum Novæ Zelandæ
creditur sanguinem utero sub tempus menstruale effusum continere germina
hominis; et secundùm præcepta veteris superstitionis panniculus sanguine
menstruali imbutus habebatur sacer (_tapu_), haud aliter quàm si formam
humanam accepisset: mulierum autem mos est hos panniculos intra juncos
parietum abdere; et hâc de causâ paries est domûs pars adeo sacra ut
nemo illi innixus sedere audeat.
_Karakia._ This word generally rendered by ‘charm,’ does not signify
what the word charm would mean, in its popular sense. The word
‘invocation’ conveys more correctly its meaning; for it is a prayer
addressed to spirits of deceased ancestors, in form somewhat like a
litany.
_Kaupapa_, one whom the spirit of an ancestor visits, and who is its
medium of communication with the living.
_Pukenga_, a spirit, the author or first teacher of any _karakia_.
_Tapairu_, any very sacred ancestral Spirit: also sometimes applied to
the female _Ariki_.
_Tauira_, a person who is being instructed by a _tohunga_, or by the
spirit of a parent or ancestor. He had to submit to a strict fast of
several days before he was taught any important _karakia_.
_Tipua_, or _Tupua_, the spirit of one who when living was noted for
powerful _karakia_.
_Tiri_, a strip of flax leaf or _toetoe_ so placed as to serve as an
imaginary pathway for an _Atua_. In sickness a _tiri_ is suspended above
the head of the sick person to facilitate the departure of the _Atua_
who causes the disease. A _tiri_ is also suspended near the _kaupapa_,
when he desires his _Atua_ to visit him. It is also applied to signify
the _karakia_ used on such occasions.
_Tohunga_, a person skilled in _karakia_, also one skilled in any craft.
_Tuahu_, a sacred place where offerings of food—first fruits—for the
_Atua_ were deposited.
_Wananga_, the Spirit of anyone who when living had learned the
_karakia_ of his ancestors: thus when a _tauira_ died he became a
_wananga_.
TE KARAKIA
Mo te pikinga o Tawhaki ki te Rangi.—_vid._ p. 23.
Piki ake Tawhaki i te ara kuiti
I whakatauria ai te ara o Rangi,
Te ara o Tu-kaiteuru.
Ka kakea te ara wha-iti,
Ka kakea te ara wha-rahi,
Ko te ara i whakatauria ai
To tupuna a Te Ao-nunui,
A Te Ao-roroa,
A Te Ao-whititera.
Tena ka eke
Kei to Ihi,
Kei to Mana,
Kei nga mano o runga,
Kei o Ariki,
Kei o Tapairu,
Kei o Pukenga,
Kei o Wananga,
Kei o Tauira.
TE TUKU O HINE-TE-IWAIWA.—_vid._ p. 28.
Raranga, raranga tăku takapau,
Ka pukea e te wai,
Hei moenga mo aku rei.
Ko Rupe, ko Manumea,
Ka pukea: ē! ē!
Mo aku rei tokorua ka pukea.
Ka pukea au e te wai,
Ka pukea, ē! ē!
Ko koro taku tane ka pukea.
Piki ake hoki au ki runga nei:
Te Matitikura, ē! ē!
Ki a Toroa irunga,
Te Matitikura, ē! ē!
Kia whakawhanaua aku tama
Ko au anake ra.
Tu te turuturu no Hine-rauwharangi;
Tu te turuturu no Hine-te-iwaiwa.
Tu i tou tia me ko Ihuwareware;
Tu i tou kona me ko Ihuatamai.
Kaua rangia au e Rupe.
Kei tauatia, ko au te inati,
Ko Hine-te-iwaiwa.
Tuku iho irunga i ton huru,
I tou upoko,
I ou tara-pakihiwi,
I tou uma,
I to ate,
I ou turipona,
I ou waewae.
E tuku ra ki waho.
Tuku ewe,
Tuku take,
Tuku parapara.
Naumai ki waho.
KARAKIA
Mo te wahine i pākia nga u i te whanautanga o te tamaiti.—_vid._ p. 39.
Nga puna irunga te homai,
Te ringia ki te matamata
O nga u o tenei wahine;
Te kopata i te rangi te homai
Hei whakato mo nga u
O tenei wahine:
Ki te matamata o nga u
O tenei wahine:
Nga u atarere reremai
Ki te matamata o nga u
O tenei wahine:
Nga u atarere tukua mai.
Tenei hoki te tamaiti te tangi nei,
Te aue nei i te po nui,
I te po roa.
Ko Tu-te-awhiawhi,
Ko Tu-te-pupuke,
Naumai ki ahau,
Ki tenei tauira.
KARAKIA
Mo te whakapikinga o te ara o te tupapaku ana ka mate, kia tika ai te
haere ki nga mea kua mate atu imua.—_vid._ p. 44.
Tena te ara, ko te ara o Tawhaki,
I piki ai ki te rangi,
I kake ai ki tou tini,
Ki tou mano:
I whano ai koe,
I taemai ai to wairua ora
Ki tou kaupapa.
Tenei hoki ahau
Te mihi atu nei,
Te tangi atu nei
Ki to wairua mate.
Puta purehurehu mai
To putanga mai ki ahau,
Ki to kaupapa,
I piri mai ai koe,
I tangi mai ai koe.
Tena te tiri,
Ko te tiri a o tupuna,
Ko te tiri a nga Pukenga,
A nga Wananga,
Aku, a tenei tauira.
HE WHAKAMURI-AROHA.—_vid._ p. 47-8.
Aha te hau e maene ki to kiri?
E kore pea koe e ingo mai ki to hoa,
I piri ai korua i to korua moenga,
I awhi ai korua,
I tangi ai korua.
Tena taku aroha
Ma te hau e kawe ki a koe,
Huri mai to aroha,
Tangi mai ki to moenga,
I moe ai korua.
Kia pupuke—a—wai to aroha.
TE POROPORO-AKI A TAMA-TE-KAPUA.—_vid._ p. 53.
E papa nga rakau i runga i a koe,
Mau ake te Whakāro ake. Ae, Ae.
E haere nga taua i te ao nei,
Mau e patu. Ae, Ae.
Transcription note
The following typographical errors (or presumed such) have been
corrected:
- *p. 2, l. -7:* By Tiki, by Rangi, by Papa. ——> By Tiki, by Rangi, by
Papa.”
- *p. 12, l. 6:* Hine-ruakimoe ——> Hine-ruakimoe.
- *p. 19, l. 17:* =straight-neck Tane ——> =straight-neck-Tane
- *p. 21, l. 13:* (=the tender one). ——> (=the tender one).”
- *p. 26, l. 1:* designed to be eat ——> designed to be eaten
- *p. 29, l. -3-1:* _the paragraph_ “For tradition as to
Tuhuruhuru...” _has been treated as an additional footnote._
- *p. 29, l. -2:* vid Sir Geo. Grey’s ——> vid. Sir Geo. Grey’s
- *p. 40, l. -6:* Breathe strong thy long, ——> Breathe strong thy
lung,
- *p. 45, l. -2:* Traditions and Supersitions ——> Traditions and
Superstitions
- *p. 61, l. 3:* The _kohukoku_ ——> The _kohukohu_
- *p. 63, l. -5:* in our own house, ——> in our own house.
- *p. 63, l. -4:* said Kahu”; ——> said Kahu;
- *p. 64, l. -1:* Vid: Sir G. Grey’s ——> Vid. Sir G. Grey’s
- *p. 65, l. -3:* named the lake “Te Roto-iti-kite-a-Ihenga ——> named
the lake Te Roto-iti-kite-a-Ihenga
- *p. 70, l. 19:* and my _ngakoa_. ——> and my _ngakoa_.”
- *p. 71, l. 10:* “The name of the island, said Ihenga ——> “The name
of the island,” said Ihenga
- *p. 88, footnote:* p. 5 ——> P. 5.
- *p. 89, l. -1* (note⁶³): _footnote marker missing_
- *p. 93, l. 21:* mother’s tribe.” ——> mother’s tribe.
- *p. 97, l. -12-11:* returned to the Pa. ——> returned to the _Pa_.
The Errata of the book has been transcribed faithfully, and its
corrections have been carried into the text. However, on p. 21, the word
to be corrected is apparently _harekeke_ and not Herekeke. The entry is
even misplaced in the list, which is sorted in order of appearance.
Diacritics of Greek have been normalized:
- Νόμιζε σαυτῷ τοῦς γονεῖς ἔιναι Θεούς ——> Νόμιζε σαυτῷ τοὺς γονεῖς
εἶναι Θεούς
- Θεοὶς χθόνιοις ——> Θεοῖς χθονίοις
- Αλλ᾿ ἄγε δὴ τινα μάντιν ἐρείομεν ——> Ἀλλ᾿ ἄγε δή τινα μάντιν
ἐρείομεν
In the second part of the Karakia of Hineteiwaiwa, on page 29, all
letters _i_ are dotless [_ı_]. The same also for the second part of the
Karakia on page 33, and most of the _i_ in the lines of text immediately
below. All those have been restored as normal _i_’s.
In doubt, all hyphenized and non-hyphenized versions of the names and
compound words have been retained as printed. Thus e.g.: Rangi-potiki as
well as Rangipotiki, _Ngatoro-i-rangi_ / _Ngatoro-irangi_ /
_Ngatoroirangi_, Te Ika-roa / Te Ikaroa, Rerenga-wairua, Te
Whare-pakau-awe, _water side_ / _water-side_.
Antiquate spellings like _antient_, _muscle_ [for mussel] have also been
preserved.
Footnotes have been renumbered progressively throughout the book.