THE CONSTITUTIONAL CONVENTION.--WASHINGTON ELECTED PRESIDENT.
From his quiet retreat of Mount Vernon, Washington, though ostensibly
withdrawn from public affairs, was watching with intense solicitude
the working together of the several parts in the great political
confederacy; anxious to know whether the thirteen distinct States,
under the present organization, could form a sufficiently efficient
general government. He was daily becoming more and more doubtful of
the solidity of the fabric he had assisted to raise. The form of
confederation which had bound the States together and met the public
exigencies during the Revolution, when there was a pressure of
external danger, was daily proving more and more incompetent to the
purposes of a national government. Congress had devised a system of
credit to provide for the national expenditure and the extinction of
the national debts, which amounted to something more than forty
millions of dollars. The system experienced neglect from some States
and opposition from others; each consulting its local interests and
prejudices, instead of the interests and obligations of the whole. In
like manner treaty stipulations, which bound the good faith of the
whole, were slighted, if not violated by individual States, apparently
unconscious that they must each share in the discredit thus brought
upon the national name.
In letters to his correspondents Washington writes: "The confederation
appears to me to be little more than a shadow without the substance,
and Congress a nugatory body; their ordinances being little attended
to.... The wheels of government are clogged, and our brightest
prospects, and that high expectation which was entertained of us by
the wondering world, are turned into astonishment; and from the high
ground on which we stood, we are descending into the vale of confusion
and darkness." ... "I have ever been a friend to adequate powers in
Congress, without which it is evident to me we never shall establish a
national character, or be considered as on a respectable footing by
the powers of Europe. We are either a united people under one head and
for federal purposes, or we are thirteen independent sovereignties,
eternally counteracting each other." ... "We have probably had too
good an opinion of human nature in forming our confederation.
Experience has taught us that men will not adopt and carry into
execution measures the best calculated for their own good, without the
intervention of coercive power. I do not conceive we can exist long as
a nation, without lodging, somewhere, a power which will pervade the
whole Union in as energetic a manner as the authority of the State
governments extends over the several States.... We are apt to run from
one extreme to another. I am told that even respectable characters
speak of a monarchial form of government without horror. From thinking
proceeds speaking, thence acting is often but a single step. But how
irrevocable and tremendous! What a triumph for our enemies to verify
their predictions! What a triumph for the advocates of despotism to
find that we are incapable of governing ourselves, and that systems,
founded on the basis of equal liberty, are merely ideal and
fallacious! Would to God that wise measures may be taken in time to
avert the consequences we have but too much reason to apprehend."
His anxiety on the subject was quickened by accounts of discontents
and commotions in the Eastern States produced by the pressure of the
times, the public and private indebtedness, and the imposition of
heavy taxes, at a moment of financial embarrassment. General Knox, now
Secretary at War, who had been sent by Congress to Massachusetts to
inquire into these troubles, thus writes about the insurgents: "Their
creed is, that the property of the United States has been protected
from the confiscation of Britain by the joint exertions of _all_, and
therefore ought to be _the common property of all_, and he that
attempts opposition to this creed is an enemy to equity and justice,
and ought to be swept from off the face of the earth." Again: "They
are determined to annihilate all debts, public and private, and have
agrarian laws, which are easily effected by the means of unfunded
paper, which shall be a tender in all cases whatever."
In reply to Colonel Henry Lee in Congress, who had addressed several
letters to him on the subject, Washington writes: "You talk, my good
sir, of employing influence to appease the present tumults in
Massachusetts. I know not where that influence is to be found, or, if
attainable, that it would be a proper remedy for the disorders.
_Influence_ is not _government_. Let us have a government by which our
lives, liberties and properties will be secured, or let us know the
worst at once. There is a call for decision. Know precisely what the
insurgents aim at. If they have _real_ grievances, redress them, if
possible; or acknowledge the justice of them, and your inability to do
it at the moment. If they have not, employ the force of government
against them at once.... Let the reins of government, then, be
braced and held with a steady hand, and every violation of the
constitution be reprehended. If defective, let it be amended; but not
suffered to be trampled upon whilst it has an existence."
A letter to him from his former aide-de-camp, Colonel Humphreys, dated
New Haven, November 1st, says: "The troubles in Massachusetts still
continue. Government is prostrated in the dust, and it is much to be
feared that there is not energy enough in that State to re-establish
the civil powers. The leaders of the mob, whose fortunes and measures
are desperate, are strengthening themselves daily; and it is expected
that they will soon take possession of the Continental magazine at
Springfield, in which there are from ten to fifteen thousand stand of
arms in excellent order. A general want of compliance with the
requisitions of Congress for money seems to prognosticate that we are
rapidly advancing to a crisis. Congress, I am told, are seriously
alarmed, and hardly know which way to turn or what to expect. Indeed,
my dear General, nothing but a good Providence can extricate us from
the present convulsion."
"What, gracious God! is man," writes Washington, "that there should be
such inconsistency and perfidiousness in his conduct. It was but the
other day that we were shedding our blood to obtain the constitutions
under which we now live; constitutions of our own choice and making;
and now we are unsheathing the sword to overturn them.... How
melancholy is the reflection, that in so short a time we should have
made such large strides towards fulfilling the predictions of our
transatlantic foes! 'Leave them to themselves, and their government
will soon dissolve.' Will not the wise and good strive hard to avert
this evil? Or will their supineness suffer ignorance and the arts of
self-interested and designing, disaffected and desperate characters,
to involve this great country in wretchedness and contempt? What
stronger evidence can be given of the want of energy in our government
than these disorders? If there is not power in it to check them, what
security has a man for life, liberty, or property?"
Thus Washington, even though in retirement, was almost unconsciously
exercising a powerful influence on national affairs; no longer the
soldier, he was now becoming the statesman. The opinions and counsels
given in his letters were widely effective. The expedient for federate
organization, had extended and ripened in legislative Assemblies, and
ended in a plan of a convention composed of delegates from all the
States, to meet in Philadelphia for the sole and express purpose of
revising the federal system, and correcting its defects; the
proceedings of the convention to be subsequently reported to Congress,
and the several Legislatures, for approval and confirmation.
Washington was unanimously put at the head of the Virginia delegation,
but for some time objected to accept the nomination. He feared to be
charged with inconsistency in again appearing in a public situation,
after his declared resolution to the contrary. These considerations
were strenuously combated, for the weight and influence of his name
and counsel were felt to be all-important in giving dignity to the
delegation. Two things contributed to bring him to a favorable
decision: First, an insinuation that the opponents of the convention
were monarchists, who wished the distractions of the country should
continue, until a monarchial government might be resorted to as an ark
of safety. The other was the insurrection in Massachusetts. Before the
time arrived for the meeting of the convention, which was the second
Monday in May, his mind was relieved from poignant solicitude, by
learning that the insurrection in Massachusetts had been suppressed
with but little bloodshed, and that the principals had fled to Canada.
On the 9th of May, Washington set out from Mount Vernon to attend the
convention. It was not until the 25th of May that a sufficient number
of delegates were assembled to form a quorum, when they proceeded to
organize the body, and by a unanimous vote Washington was called up to
the chair as President.
We forbear to go into the voluminous proceedings of this memorable
convention, which occupied from four to seven hours each day for four
months; and in which every point was the subject of able and
scrupulous discussion by the best talent and noblest spirits of the
country. Washington felt restrained by his situation as President from
taking a part in the debates, but his well-known opinions influenced
the whole. The result was the formation of the constitution of the
United States, which (with some amendments made in after years) still
exists.
The constitution thus formed was forwarded to Congress, and thence
transmitted to the State Legislatures, each of which submitted it to a
State convention composed of delegates chosen for that express purpose
by the people. The ratification of the instrument by nine States was
necessary to carry it into effect; and as the several State
conventions would assemble at different times, nearly a year must
elapse before the decisions of the requisite number could be obtained.
During this time, Washington resumed his retired life at Mount Vernon,
seldom riding, as he says, beyond the limits of his own farms, but
kept informed by his numerous correspondents, such as James Madison,
John Jay, and Generals Knox, Lincoln and Armstrong, of the progress of
the constitution through its various ordeals, and of the strenuous
opposition which it met with in different quarters, both in debate and
through the press.
The testimonials of ratification having been received by Congress from
a sufficient number of States, an act was passed by that body on the
13th of September, appointing the first Wednesday in January, 1789,
for the people of the United States to choose electors of a President
according to the constitution, and the first Wednesday in the month of
February following for the electors to meet and make a choice. The
meeting of the government was to be on the first Wednesday in March,
and in the city of New York.
Before the official forms of an election could be carried into
operation, a unanimous sentiment throughout the Union pronounced
Washington the nation's choice to fill the presidential chair. He
looked forward to the possibility of his election with characteristic
modesty and unfeigned reluctance; as his letters to his confidential
friends bear witness. "It has no fascinating allurements for me,"
writes he to Lafayette. "At my time of life and under my
circumstances, the increasing infirmities of nature and the growing
love of retirement do not permit me to entertain a wish beyond that of
living and dying an honest man on my own farm. Let those follow the
pursuits of ambition and fame who have a keener relish for them, or
who may have more years in store for the enjoyment."
The election took place at the appointed time, and it was soon
ascertained that Washington was chosen President for the term of four
years from the 4th of March. By this time the arguments and entreaties
of his friends, and his own convictions of public expediency, had
determined him to accept; and he made preparations to depart for the
seat of government as soon as he should receive official notice of his
election. Among other duties he paid a visit to his mother at
Fredericksburg; it was a painful, because likely to be a final one,
for she was afflicted with a malady which, it was evident, must soon
terminate her life. Their parting was affectionate, but solemn; she
had always been reserved and moderate in expressing herself in regard
to the successes of her son; but it must have been a serene
satisfaction at the close of her life to see him elevated by his
virtues to the highest honor of his country.
From a delay in forming a quorum of Congress the votes of the
electoral college were not counted until early in April, when they
were found to be unanimous in favor of Washington. On the 14th of
April, he received a letter from the president of Congress, duly
notifying him of his election; and he prepared to set out immediately
for New York, the seat of government.
His progress was a continued ovation. The ringing of bells and roaring
of cannonry proclaimed his course through the country. The old and
young, women and children, thronged the highways to bless and welcome
him. Deputations of the most respectable inhabitants from the
principal places came forth to meet and escort him. At Baltimore, on
his arrival and departure, his carriage was attended by a numerous
cavalcade of citizens, and he was saluted by the thunder of artillery.
At the frontier of Pennsylvania he was met by his former
companion-in-arms, Mifflin, now governor of the State, who with Judge
Peters and a civil and military escort, was waiting to receive him.
Washington had hoped to be spared all military parade, but found it
was not to be evaded. At Chester, where he stopped to breakfast, there
were preparations for a public entrance into Philadelphia. Cavalry had
assembled from the surrounding country; a superb white horse was led
out for Washington to mount, and a grand procession set forward, with
General St. Clair, of revolutionary notoriety, at its head. It
gathered numbers as it advanced; passed under triumphal arches
entwined with laurel, and entered Philadelphia amid the shouts of the
multitude.
We question whether any of these testimonials of a nation's gratitude
affected Washington more sensibly than those he received at Trenton.
It was on a sunny afternoon when he arrived on the banks of the
Delaware, where, twelve years before, he had crossed in darkness and
storm, through clouds of snow and drifts of floating ice, on his
daring attempt to strike a blow at a triumphant enemy. On the bridge
crossing that eventful stream, the ladies of Trenton had caused a
triumphal arch to be erected. It was entwined with evergreens and
laurels, and bore the inscription, "The defender of the mothers will
be the protector of the daughters." At this bridge the matrons of the
city were assembled to pay him reverence; and as he passed under the
arch, a number of young girls, dressed in white and crowned with
garlands, strewed flowers before him, singing an ode expressive of
their love and gratitude. Never was ovation more graceful, touching
and sincere; and Washington, tenderly affected, declared that the
impression of it on his heart could never be effaced.
In respect to his reception at New York, Washington had signified in a
letter to Governor Clinton, that none could be so congenial to his
feelings as a quiet entry devoid of ceremony; but his modest wishes
were not complied with. At Elizabethtown Point, a committee of both
Houses of Congress, with various civic functionaries, waited by
appointment to receive him. He embarked on board of a splendid barge,
constructed for the occasion. It was manned by thirteen branch pilots,
masters of vessels, in white uniforms, and commanded by Commodore
Nicholson. Other barges fancifully decorated followed, having on board
the heads of departments and other public officers, and several
distinguished citizens. As they passed through the strait between the
Jerseys and Staten Island, called the Kills, other boats decorated
with flags fell in their wake, until the whole, forming a nautical
procession, swept up the broad and beautiful bay of New York to the
sound of instrumental music.
He approached the landing-place of Murray's Wharf amid the ringing of
bells, the roaring of cannonry, and the shouting of multitudes
collected on every pier-head. On landing he was received by Governor
Clinton. General Knox, too, who had taken such affectionate leave of
him on his retirement from military life, was there to welcome him in
his civil capacity. Other of his fellow-soldiers of the Revolution
were likewise there, mingled with the civic dignitaries.
Carpets had been spread to a carriage prepared to convey him to his
destined residence, but he preferred to walk. He was attended by a
long civil and military train. In the streets through which he passed
the houses were decorated with flags, silken banners, garlands of
flowers and evergreens, and bore his name in every form of ornament.
The streets were crowded with people, so that it was with difficulty a
passage could be made by the city officers.
The inauguration was delayed for several days, in which a question
arose as to the form or title by which the President elect was to be
addressed, and a committee in both Houses was appointed to report upon
the subject. It was finally resolved that the address should be simply
"the President of the United States," without any addition of title; a
judicious form which has remained to the present day.
The inauguration took place on the 30th of April. At nine o'clock in
the morning there were religious services in all the churches. At
twelve o'clock the city troops paraded before Washington's door, and
soon after the committees of Congress and heads of departments came in
their carriages. At half-past twelve the procession moved forward,
preceded by the troops; next came the committees and heads of
departments in their carriages; then Washington in a coach of state,
his aide-de-camp, Colonel Humphreys, and his secretary, Mr. Lear, in
his own carriage. The foreign ministers and a long train of citizens
brought up the rear.
About two hundred yards before reaching the hall, Washington and his
suite alighted from their carriages, and passed through the troops,
who were drawn up on each side, into the hall and senate chamber,
where the vice-president, the Senate and House of Representatives were
assembled. The vice-president, John Adams, recently inaugurated,
advanced and conducted Washington to a chair of state at the upper end
of the room. A solemn silence prevailed, when the vice-president rose,
and informed him that all things were prepared for him to take the
oath of office required by the constitution.
The oath was to be administered by the Chancellor of the State of New
York, in a balcony in front of the senate chamber, and in full view of
an immense multitude occupying the street, the windows, and even roofs
of the adjacent houses. The balcony formed a kind of open recess, with
lofty columns supporting the roof. In the centre was a table with a
covering of crimson velvet, upon which lay a superbly bound Bible on a
crimson velvet cushion. This was all the paraphernalia for the august
scene.
All eyes were fixed upon the balcony, when, at the appointed hour,
Washington made his appearance, accompanied by various public
functionaries, and members of the Senate and House of Representatives.
He was clad in a full suit of dark-brown cloth, of American
manufacture, with a steel-hilted dress sword, white silk stockings,
and silver shoe-buckles. His hair was dressed and powdered in the
fashion of the day, and worn in a bag and solitaire. His entrance on
the balcony was hailed by universal shouts. He was evidently moved by
this demonstration of public affection. Advancing to the front of the
balcony, he laid his hand upon his heart, bowed several times, and
then retreated to an arm-chair near the table. The populace appeared
to understand that the scene had overcome him, and were hushed at once
into profound silence.
After a few moments Washington rose and again came forward. John
Adams, the vice-president, stood on his right; on his left the
Chancellor of the State, Robert R. Livingston; somewhat in the rear
were Roger Sherman, Alexander Hamilton, Generals Knox, St. Clair, the
Baron Steuben and others. The chancellor advanced to administer the
oath prescribed by the constitution, and Mr. Otis, the secretary of
the Senate, held up the Bible on its crimson cushion. The oath was
read slowly and distinctly; Washington at the same time laying his
hand on the open Bible. When it was concluded, he replied solemnly, "I
swear--so help me God!" The chancellor now stepped forward, waved his
hand and exclaimed, "Long live George Washington, President of the
United States!" At this moment a flag was displayed on the cupola of
the hall; on which signal there was a general discharge of artillery
on the battery. All the bells in the city rang out a joyful peal, and
the multitude rent the air with acclamations.
Washington again bowed to the people and returned into the senate
chamber, where he delivered, to both Houses of Congress, his inaugural
address. After this he proceeded with the whole assemblage on foot to
St. Paul's church, where prayers suited to the occasion were read by
Dr. Prevost, Bishop of the Protestant Episcopal Church in New York,
who had been appointed by the Senate one of the chaplains of Congress.
So closed the ceremonies of the inauguration.
We have been accustomed to look to Washington's private letters for
the sentiments of his heart. Those written to several of his friends
immediately after his inauguration show how little he was excited by
his official elevation. "I greatly fear," writes he, "that my
countrymen will expect too much from me. I fear, if the issue of
public measures should not correspond with their sanguine
expectations, they will turn the extravagant, and I might almost say
undue praises, which they are heaping upon me at this moment, into
equally extravagant, though I will fondly hope unmerited censures."
Little was his modest spirit aware that the praises so dubiously
received were but the opening notes of a theme that was to increase
from age to age, to pervade all lands and endure throughout all
generations.