RAVAGES IN VIRGINIA.--OPERATIONS IN CAROLINA.--ATTACK ON NEW LONDON.
The first object of Lord Cornwallis on the junction of his forces at
Petersburg in May, was to strike a blow at Lafayette. The marquis was
encamped on the north side of James River, between Wilton and
Richmond, with about one thousand regulars, two thousand militia, and
fifty dragoons. He was waiting for reinforcements of militia, and for
the arrival of General Wayne, with the Pennsylvania line. His lordship
hoped to draw him into an action before thus reinforced, and with that
view, marched, on the 24th of May, from Petersburg to James River,
which he crossed at Westover, about thirty miles below Richmond. Here
he was joined on the 26th by a reinforcement just arrived from New
York, part of which he sent under General Leslie to strengthen the
garrison at Portsmouth. He was relieved also from military
companionship with the infamous Arnold, who obtained leave of absence
to return to New York, where business of importance was said to demand
his attention.
Being now strongly reinforced, Cornwallis moved to dislodge Lafayette
from Richmond. This latter, conscious of the inferiority of his
forces, decamped as soon as he heard his lordship had crossed James
River, and directed his march toward the upper country, inclining to
the north, to favor a junction with Wayne. Cornwallis followed him as
far as the upper part of Hanover County, destroying public stores
wherever found. He soon found it impossible either to overtake
Lafayette, or prevent his junction with Wayne; he turned his
attention, therefore, to other objects.
Greene, in his passage through Virginia, had urged the importance of
removing horses out of the way of the enemy; his caution had been
neglected; the consequences were now felt. The great number of fine
horses in the stables of Virginia gentlemen, who are noted for their
love of the noble animal, had enabled Cornwallis to mount many of his
troops in first-rate style. These he employed in scouring the country,
and destroying public stores. Tarleton and his legion, it is said,
were mounted on race-horses.
The State Legislature had been removed for safety to Charlottesville,
where it was assembled for the purpose of levying taxes, and drafting
militia. Tarleton, with one hundred and eighty cavalry and seventy
mounted infantry, was ordered by Cornwallis to make a dash there,
break up the legislature, and carry off members. On his way thither,
on the 4th of June, he captured and destroyed a convoy of arms and
clothing destined for Greene's army in North Carolina. At another
place he surprised several persons of note at the house of a Dr.
Walker, but lingered so long breakfasting, that a person mounted on a
fleet horse had time to reach Charlottesville before him, and spread
the alarm. Tarleton crossed the Rivanna, which washes the hill on
which Charlottesville is situated; dispersed a small force collected
on the bank, and galloped into the town thinking to capture the whole
assembly. Seven alone fell into his hands; the rest had made their
escape. No better success attended a party of horse under Captain
McLeod, detached to surprise the Governor (Thomas Jefferson), at his
residence in Monticello.
Having set fire to all the public stores at Charlottesville, Tarleton
pushed for the point of Fork at the confluence of the Rivanna and
Fluvanna; to aid, if necessary, a detachment sent under Colonel Simcoe
to destroy a great quantity of military stores collected at that post.
The Baron Steuben, who was stationed there with five hundred Virginia
regulars and a few militia, and had heard of the march of Tarleton,
had succeeded in transporting the greater part of the stores, as well
as his troops, across the river, and as the water was deep and the
boats were all on his side, he might have felt himself secure. The
unexpected appearance of Simcoe's infantry, however, designedly spread
out on the opposite heights, deceived him into the idea that it was
the van of the British army. In his alarm he made a night retreat of
thirty miles, leaving the greater part of the stores scattered along
the river bank; which were destroyed the next morning by a small
detachment of the enemy sent across in canoes.
On the 10th of June, Lafayette was at length gladdened by the arrival
of Wayne with about nine hundred of the Pennsylvania line. Thus
reinforced, he changed his whole plan, and ventured on the aggressive.
Cornwallis had gotten between him and a large deposit of military
stores at Albemarle Old Court-house. The marquis, by a rapid march at
night, through a road long disused, threw himself between the British
army and the stores, and, being joined by a numerous body of mountain
militia, took a strong position to dispute the advance of the enemy.
Cornwallis did not think it advisable to pursue this enterprise,
especially as he heard Lafayette would soon be joined by forces under
Baron Steuben. He turned his face, therefore, toward the lower part of
Virginia, and made a retrograde march, first to Richmond, and
afterwards to Williamsburg. Lafayette, being joined by Steuben and his
forces, had about four thousand men under him, one half of whom were
regulars. He now followed the British army at the distance of eighteen
or twenty miles, throwing forward his light troops to harass their
rear, which was covered by Tarleton and Simcoe with their cavalry and
infantry.
Cornwallis arrived at Williamsburg on the 25th, and sent out Simcoe to
destroy some boats and stores on the Chickahominy River, and to sweep
off the cattle of the neighborhood. Lafayette heard of the ravage, and
detached Lieutenant-colonel Butler, of the Pennsylvania line, with a
corps of light troops, and a body of horse under Major McPherson, to
intercept the marauders. As the infantry could not push on fast enough
for the emergency, McPherson took up fifty of them behind fifty of his
dragoons, and dashed on. He overtook a company of Simcoe's rangers
under Captain Shank about six miles from Williamsburg, foraging at a
farm; a sharp encounter took place; McPherson at the outset was
unhorsed and severely hurt. The action continued. Simcoe with his
infantry, who had been in the advance convoying a drove of cattle, now
engaged in the fight. Butler's riflemen began to arrive, and supported
the dragoons. Neither knew the strength of the force they were
contending with; but supposed it the advance guard of the opposite
army. An alarm gun was fired by the British on a neighboring hill. It
was answered by alarm guns at Williamsburg. The Americans supposed the
whole British force coming out to assail them, and began to retire.
Simcoe, imagining Lafayette to be at hand, likewise drew off, and
pursued his march to Williamsburg. The loss in killed and wounded on
both sides was severe for the number engaged; but the statements vary,
and were never reconciled.
An express was received by Cornwallis at Williamsburg which obliged
him to change his plans. The movements of Washington in the
neighborhood of New York, menacing an attack, had produced the desired
effect. Sir Henry Clinton, alarmed for the safety of the place, had
written to Cornwallis requiring a part of his troops for its
protection. His lordship prepared to comply with this requisition, but
as it would leave him too weak to continue at Williamsburg, he set out
on the 4th of July for Portsmouth.
Lafayette followed him on the ensuing day, and took post within nine
miles of his camp; intending, when the main body of the enemy should
have crossed the ford to the island of Jamestown, to fall upon the
rear guard. Cornwallis suspected his design, and prepared to take
advantage of it. The wheel carriages, bat horses and baggage, were
passed over to the island under the escort of the Queen's rangers;
making a great display, as if the main body had crossed; his lordship,
however, with the greater part of his forces, remained on the
mainland, his right covered by ponds, the centre and left by morasses
over which a few narrow causeways of logs connected his position with
the country, and James Island lay in the rear. His camp was concealed
by a skirt of woods, and covered by an outpost.
In the morning of the 6th, as the Americans were advancing, a negro
and a dragoon, employed by Tarleton, threw themselves in their way,
pretending to be deserters, and informed them that the body of the
king's troops had passed James River in the night, leaving nothing
behind but the rear guard, composed of the British legion and a
detachment of infantry. Persuaded of the fact, Lafayette with his
troops crossed the morass on the left of the enemy by a narrow
causeway of logs, and halted beyond about sunset. Wayne was detached
with a body of riflemen, dragoons and Continental infantry, to make
the attack, while the marquis with nine hundred Continentals and some
militia stood ready to support him.
Wayne easily routed a patrol of cavalry and drove in the pickets, who
had been ordered to give way readily. The outpost which covered the
camp defended itself more obstinately; though exceedingly galled by
the riflemen. Wayne pushed forward with the Pennsylvania line, eight
hundred strong, and three field-pieces, to attack it; at the first
discharge of a cannon more than two thousand of the enemy emerged from
their concealment, and he found too late that the whole British line
was in battle array before him. To retreat was more dangerous than to
go on. So thinking, with that impetuous valor which had gained him the
name of "Mad Anthony," he ordered a charge to be sounded, and threw
himself, horse and foot, with shouts upon the enemy. It was a
sanguinary conflict and a desperate one, for the enemy were
outflanking him right and left. Fortunately, the heaviness of the fire
had awakened the suspicions of Lafayette;--it was too strong for the
outpost of a rear-guard. Spurring to a point of land which commanded a
view of the British camp, he discovered the actual force of the enemy,
and the peril of Wayne. Galloping back, he sent word to Wayne to fall
back to General Muhlenburg's brigade, which had just arrived, and was
forming within half a mile of the scene of conflict. Wayne did so in
good order, leaving behind him his three cannon; the horses which drew
them having been killed. The whole army then retired across the
morass.
The loss of the Americans in this brief but severe conflict is stated
by Lafayette to have been one hundred and eighteen killed, wounded and
prisoners, including ten officers. The British loss was said to be
five officers wounded, and seventy-five privates killed and wounded.
Lafayette retreated to Green Springs, where he rallied and reposed his
troops. Cornwallis crossed over to Jamestown Island after dark, and
three days afterwards, passing the James River with his main force,
proceeded to Portsmouth.
We will now turn to resume the course of General Greene's campaigning
in the Carolinas. It will be recollected that he, on the 5th of April,
set out from Deep River on a retrograde march to carry the war again
into South Carolina, beginning by an attack on Lord Rawdon's post at
Camden. Sumter and Marion had been keeping alive the revolutionary
fire in that State. On the re-appearance of Greene, they stood ready
to aid with heart and hand.
On his way to Camden, Greene detached Lee to join Marion with his
legion, and make an attack upon Fort Watson by way of diversion. For
himself, he appeared before Camden, but finding it too strong and too
well garrisoned, fell back about two miles, and took post at Hobkirk's
Hill, hoping to draw his lordship out. He succeeded but too well. His
lordship attacked him on the 25th of April, coming upon him partly by
surprise. There was a hard-fought battle, but through some false move
among part of his troops, Greene was obliged to retreat. His lordship
did not pursue, but shut himself up in Camden, waiting to be rejoined
by part of his garrison which was absent. Greene posted himself near
Camden ferry on the Wateree, to intercept these reinforcements. Lee
and Marion, who had succeeded in capturing Fort Watson, also took a
position on the high hills of Santee for the same purpose. Their
efforts were unavailing. Lord Rawdon was rejoined by the other part of
his troops. His superior force now threatened to give him the mastery.
Greene felt the hazardous nature of his situation. His troops were
fatigued by their long marchings; he was disappointed of promised aid
and reinforcements from Virginia; still he was undismayed, and
prepared for another of his long and stubborn retreats. The next
morning there was a joyful reverse. Rawdon was preparing to evacuate
Camden. His lordship had heard of the march of Cornwallis into
Virginia, and that all hope of aid from him was at an end. His
garrison was out of provisions. All supplies were cut off by the
Americans; he had no choice but to evacuate. He left Camden in flames.
Rapid successes now attended the American arms. Fort Motte, the middle
post between Camden and Ninety-Six, was taken by Marion and Lee. Lee
next captured Granby, and marched to aid Pickens in the siege of
Augusta; while Greene, having acquired a supply of arms, ammunition
and provisions from the captured forts, sat down before the fortress
of Ninety-Six, on the 22d of May. It was the great mart and stronghold
of the royalists, and was principally garrisoned by royalists from New
Jersey and New York, commanded by Colonel Cruger, a native of New
York. The siege lasted for nearly a month. The place was valiantly
defended. Lee arrived with his legion, having failed before Augusta,
and invested a stockaded fort which formed part of the works.
Word was brought that Lord Rawdon was pressing forward with
reinforcements, and but a few miles distant on the Saluda. Greene
endeavored to get up Sumter, Marion and Pickens to his assistance, but
they were too far on the right of Lord Rawdon to form a junction. The
troops were eager to storm the works before his lordship should
arrive. A partial assault was made on the 18th of June. It was a
bloody contest. The stockaded fort was taken, but the troops were
repulsed from the main works.
Greene retreated across the Saluda, and halted at Bush River, at
twenty miles distance, to observe the motion of the enemy. Lord Rawdon
entered Ninety-Six on the 21st, but sallied forth again on the 24th,
taking with him all the troops capable of fatigue, two thousand in
number, without wheel carriage of any kind, or even knapsacks, hoping
by a rapid move to overtake Greene. Want of provisions soon obliged
him to give up the pursuit, and return to Ninety-Six. Leaving about
one half of his force there, under Colonel Cruger, he sallied a second
time from Ninety-Six, at the head of eleven hundred infantry, with
cavalry, artillery, and field-pieces, marching by the south side of
the Saluda for the Congaree.
He was now pursued in his turn by Greene and Lee. In this march more
than fifty of his lordship's soldiers fell dead from heat, fatigue and
privation. At Orangeburg, where he arrived on the 8th of July, his
lordship was joined by a large detachment under Colonel Stuart. Greene
had followed him closely, and having collected all his detachments,
and being joined by Sumter, appeared within four miles of Orangeburg,
on the 10th of July, and offered battle. The offer was not accepted,
and the position of Lord Rawdon was too strong to be attacked. Greene
remained there two or three days; when, learning that Colonel Cruger
was advancing with the residue of the forces from Ninety-Six, which
would again give his lordship a superiority of force, he moved off
with his infantry on the night of the 13th of July, crossed the
Saluda, and posted himself on the east side of the Wateree, at the
high hills of Santee.
He now detached Sumter with about a thousand light troops to scour the
lower country, and attack the British posts in the vicinity of
Charleston, now left uncovered by the concentration of their forces at
Orangeburg. Under Sumter acted Marion, Lee, the Hamptons, and other
enterprising partisans. They were to act separately in breaking up the
minor posts at and about Dorchester, but to unite at Monk's Corner,
where Lieutenant-colonel Coates was stationed with the 9th Regiment.
This post carried, they were to re-unite with Greene's army on the
high hills of Santee.
Scarce was Sumter on his march, when he received a letter from Greene,
dated July 14th, stating that Cruger had formed a junction with Lord
Rawdon the preceding night; no time, therefore, was to be lost. "Push
your operations night and day: station a party to watch the enemy's
motions at Orangeburg. Keep Colonel Lee and General Marion advised of
all matters from above, and tell Colonel Lee to thunder even at the
gates of Charleston." Conformably to these orders, Colonel Henry
Hampton with a party was posted to keep an eye on Orangeburg. Lee with
his legion, accompanied by Lieutenant-colonel Wade Hampton, and a
detachment of cavalry, was sent to carry Dorchester, and then press
forward to the gates of Charleston; while Sumter with the main body,
took up his line of march along the road on the south side of the
Congaree, towards Monk's Corner.
As Lee approached Dorchester, Colonel Wade Hampton, with his cavalry,
passed to the east of that place, to a bridge on Goose Creek, to cut
off all communication between the garrison and Monk's Corner. His
sudden appearance gave the alarm, the garrison abandoned its post, and
when Lee arrived there he found it deserted. He proceeded to secure a
number of horses and wagons, and some fixed ammunition, which the
garrison had left behind, and to send them off to Hampton. Hampton,
kept in suspense by this delay, lost patience. He feared that the
alarm would spread through the country, and the dash into the vicinity
of Charleston be prevented. Abandoning the bridge at Goose Creek,
therefore, he set off with his cavalry, clattered down to the
neighborhood of the lines, and threw the city into confusion. The
bells rang, alarm guns were fired, the citizens turned out under arms.
Hampton captured a patrol of dragoons and a guard, at the
Quarter-house; and then retired, carrying off fifty prisoners, several
of them officers.
Lee arrived in the neighborhood on the following day, but Hampton had
been beforehand with him, made the dash, and "thundered at the gate."
Both now hastened to rejoin Sumter on the evening of the 16th, who was
only waiting to collect his detachments, before he made an attack on
Colonel Coates at Monk's Corner. The assault was to be made on the
following morning. During the night Coates decamped. A pursuit was
commenced; Lee with his legion, and Hampton with the State cavalry,
took the lead; Sumter followed with the infantry. The rear-guard of
the British, about one hundred strong, was overtaken with the baggage,
at the distance of eighteen miles. They were new troops recently
arrived from Ireland, and had not seen service. On being charged by
the cavalry, sword in hand, they threw down their arms without firing
a shot, and cried for quarter, which was granted. While Lee was
securing them, Captain Armstrong with the first section of cavalry
pushed on in pursuit of Coates and the main body. That officer had
crossed a wooden bridge over Quimby Creek, loosened the planks, and
was only waiting to be rejoined by his rear-guard, to throw them off,
and cut off all pursuit. His troops were partly on a causeway beyond
the bridge, partly crowded in a lane. He knew nothing of an enemy
being at hand, until he saw Armstrong spurring up with his section.
Coates gave orders for his troops to halt, form, and march up; a
howitzer was brought to bear upon the bridge, and a fatigue party
rushed forward to throw off the planks. Armstrong saw the danger,
dashed across the bridge, with his section, drove off the
artillerists, and captured the howitzer before it could be discharged.
The fatigue men, who had been at work on the bridge, snatched up their
guns, gave a volley and fled. Armstrong's party, in crossing the
bridge, had displaced some of the planks, and formed a chasm.
Lieutenant Carrington with the second section of dragoons leaped over
it; the chasm being thus enlarged, the horses of the third section
refused. A pell-mell fight took place between the handful of dragoons
who had crossed, and some of the enemy. Armstrong, seeing the foe too
strong in front, and no reinforcement coming on in rear, wheeled off
with some of his men to the left, galloped into the woods, and pushed
up along the stream to ford it, and seek the main body.
During the melée, Lee had come up and endeavored with the dragoons of
the third section to replace the planks of the bridge. Their efforts
were vain; the water was deep, the mud deeper; there was no foothold,
nor was there any firm spot where to swim the horses across. While
they were thus occupied, Colonel Coates, with his men, opened a fire
upon them from the other end of the bridge; having no fire-arms to
reply with, they were obliged to retire. The remainder of the planks
were then thrown off from the bridge, after which Colonel Coates took
post on an adjacent plantation.
It was not until three o'clock in the afternoon, that Sumter with his
forces appeared upon the ground, having had to make a considerable
circuit on account of the destruction of the bridge. By four o'clock
the attack commenced. Sumter, with part of the troops, advanced in
front under cover of a line of negro huts, which he wished to secure.
Marion, with his brigade, much reduced in number, approached on the
right of the enemy, where there was no shelter but fences; the
cavalry, not being able to act, remained at a distance as a reserve,
and, if necessary, to cover a retreat. Sumter's brigade soon got
possession of the huts, where they used their rifles with sure effect.
Marion and his men rushed up through a galling fire to the fences on
the right. The enemy retired within the house and garden, and kept up
a sharp fire from doors and windows and picketed fence. Unfortunately,
the Americans had neglected to bring on their artillery. Having
repaired the bridge, they sent off for the artillery and a supply of
powder, which accompanied it. The evening was at hand; their
ammunition was exhausted, and they retired in good order, intending to
renew the combat with artillery in the morning. When they came to
compare notes, it was found that the loss in killed and wounded had
chiefly fallen on Marion's corps. His men, from their exposed
situation, had borne the brunt of the battle; while Sumter's had
suffered but little, being mostly sheltered in the huts. Jealousy and
distrust were awakened, and discord reigned in the camp. Partisan and
volunteer troops readily fall asunder under such circumstances. Many
moved off in the night. Lee, accustomed to act independently, and
unwilling, perhaps, to acknowledge Sumter as his superior officer,
took up his line of march for head-quarters without consulting him.
Sumter still had force enough, now that he was joined by the
artillery, to have held the enemy in a state of siege; but he was
short of ammunition, and he apprehended the approach of Lord Rawdon,
who, it was said, was moving down from Orangeburg. He therefore
retired across the Santee, and rejoined Greene at his encampment.
So ended this foray, which fell far short of the expectations formed
from the spirit and activity of the leaders and their men. One of the
best effects of the incursion was the drawing down Lord Rawdon from
Orangeburg, with five hundred of his troops. He returned no more to
the upper country, but sailed not long after from Charleston for
Europe. Colonel Stuart, who was left in command at Orangeburg, moved
forward from that place, and encamped on the south side of the
Congaree River, near its junction with the Wateree, and within sixteen
miles of Greene's position on the high hills of Santee. The two armies
lay in sight of each other's fires, but two large rivers intervened,
to secure each party from sudden attack. Both armies, however, needed
repose, and military operations were suspended, as if by mutual
consent, during the sultry summer heat.
* * * * * * *
After the grand reconnoissance of the posts on New York Island,
related in a former page, the confederate armies remained encamped
about Dobbs' Ferry and the Greenburg hills, awaiting an augmentation
of force for their meditated attack. Letters now came from Lafayette,
dated 26th and 30th of July, speaking of the embarkation of the
greatest part of Cornwallis' army at Portsmouth. He supposed their
destination to be New York, yet, though wind and weather were
favorable, they did not sail. "Should a French fleet now come into
Hampton Roads," adds the sanguine marquis, "the British army would, I
think be ours." At this juncture arrived the French frigate Concorde
at Newport, bringing despatches from Admiral the Count de Grasse. He
was to leave St. Domingo on the 3d of August, with between twenty-five
and thirty ships-of-the-line, and a considerable body of land forces,
and to steer immediately for the Chesapeake.
This changed the face of affairs, and called for a change in the game.
All attempt upon New York was postponed; the whole of the French army,
and as large a part of the Americans as could be spared, were to move
to Virginia, and co-operate with the Count de Grasse for the
redemption of the Southern States. Washington apprised the count by
letter of this intention. He wrote also to Lafayette on the 15th of
August: "By the time this reaches you the Count de Grasse will either
be in the Chesapeake, or may be looked for every moment. Under these
circumstances, whether the enemy remain in full force, or whether they
have only a detachment left, you will immediately take such a position
as will best enable you to prevent their sudden retreat through North
Carolina, which I presume they will attempt the instant they perceive
so formidable an armament."
Washington's "soul was now in arms." At length, after being baffled
and disappointed so often by the incompetency of his means, and above
all, thwarted by the enemy's naval potency, he had the possibility of
coping with them both on land and sea. The contemplated expedition was
likely to consummate his plans and wind up the fortunes of the war,
and he determined to lead it in person. He would take with him
something more than two thousand of the American army; the rest,
chiefly Northern troops, were to remain with General Heath, who was to
hold command of the posts of the Hudson. Perfect secrecy was
maintained as to this change of plan. Preparations were still carried
on, as if for an attack upon New York. An extensive encampment was
marked out in the Jerseys, and ovens erected and fuel provided for the
baking of bread; as if a part of the besieging force was to be
stationed there, thence to make a descent upon the enemy's garrison on
Staten Island, in aid of the operations against the city. The American
troops, themselves, were kept in ignorance of their destination.
Previous to his decampment, Washington sent forward a party of
pioneers to clear the roads towards King's Bridge, as if the posts
recently reconnoitred were about to be attempted. On the 19th of
August, his troops were paraded with their faces in that direction.
When all were ready, however, they were ordered to face about, and
were marched up along the Hudson River towards King's Ferry. De
Rochambeau, in like manner, broke up his encampment, and took the road
by White Plains, North Castle, Pine's Bridge, and Crompond, toward the
same point.
On the 20th, Washington arrived at King's Ferry, and his troops began
to cross the Hudson with their baggage, stores and cannon, and encamp
at Haverstraw. He himself crossed in the evening, and took up his
quarters at Colonel Hay's, at the White House. Thence he wrote to the
Count de Grasse, (presuming that the letter would find him in the
Chesapeake,) urging him to send up all his frigates and transports to
the Head of Elk, by the 8th of September, for the transportation of
the combined army, which would be there by that time. He informed him
also that the Count de Barras had resolved to join him in the
Chesapeake with his squadron.
On the 22d the French troops arrived by their circuitous route, and
began to cross to Stony Point with their artillery, baggage and
stores. The two armies having safely crossed the Hudson, commenced, on
the 25th, their several lines of march toward the Jerseys. Both armies
were still kept in the dark, as to the ultimate object of their
movement. An intelligent observer, who accompanied the army, writes:
"Our situation reminds me of some theatrical exhibition, where the
interest and expectations of the spectators are continually
increasing, and where curiosity is wrought to the highest point." The
mystery was at length solved. "We have now passed all the enemy's
posts," continues the foregoing writer, "and are pursuing our route,
with increased rapidity, toward Philadelphia."
Washington reached the Delaware with his troops before Sir Henry
Clinton was aware of their destination. It was too late to oppose
their march, even had his forces been adequate. As a kind of
counterplot, therefore, and in the hope of distracting the attention
of the American commander, and drawing off a part of his troops, he
hurried off an expedition to the eastward, to insult the State of
Connecticut, and attack her seaport of New London. The command of this
expedition, which was to be one of ravage and destruction, was given
to Arnold, as if it was necessary to complete the measure of his
infamy, that he should carry fire and sword into his native State, and
desecrate the very cradle of his infancy.
On the 6th of September he appeared off the harbor of New London with
a fleet of ships and transports and a force of two thousand infantry
and three hundred cavalry. New London stands on the west bank of the
river Thames. The approach to it was defended by two forts on opposite
sides of the river, and about a mile below the town; Fort Trumbull on
the west and Fort Griswold on the east side, on a height called Groton
Hill. The troops landed in two divisions of about eight hundred men
each; one under Lieutenant-colonel Eyre on the east side, the other
under Arnold on the west, on the same side with New London, and about
three miles below it. Arnold met with but little opposition. The few
militia who manned an advance battery and Fort Trumbull, abandoned
their posts, and crossed the river to Fort Griswold. He pushed on and
took possession of the town.
Colonel Eyre had a harder task. The militia, about one hundred and
fifty-seven strong, had collected in Fort Griswold, hastily and
imperfectly armed it is true, but they were brave men, and had a brave
commander, Colonel William Ledyard, brother of the celebrated
traveller. The fort was square and regularly built. Arnold, unaware of
its strength, had ordered Colonel Eyre to take it by a _coup de main_.
He discovered his mistake, and sent counter orders, but too late.
Colonel Eyre forced the pickets; made his way into the fosse, and
attacked the force on three sides; it was bravely defended; the enemy
were repeatedly repulsed; they returned to the assault, scrambled up
on each other's shoulders, effected a lodgment on the fraise, and made
their way with fixed bayonets through the embrasures. Colonel Eyre
received a mortal wound near the works; Major Montgomery took his
place; a negro thrust him through with a spear as he mounted the
parapet; Major Bromfield succeeded to the command, and carried the
fort at the point of the bayonet. In fact, after the enemy were within
the walls, the fighting was at an end and the slaughter commenced.
Colonel Ledyard had ordered his men to lay down their arms; but the
enemy, exasperated by the resistance they had experienced, and by the
death of their officers, continued the deadly work of the musket and
the bayonet. Colonel Ledyard, it is said, was thrust through with his
own sword after yielding it up to Major Bromfield. Seventy of the
garrison were slain, and thirty-five desperately wounded; and most of
them after the fort had been taken. The loss of the enemy was two
officers and forty-six soldiers killed, and eight officers and one
hundred and thirty-five soldiers wounded.
Arnold, in the meantime, had carried on the work of destruction at New
London. Some of the American shipping had effected their escape up the
river, but a number were burnt. Fire, too, was set to the public
stores; it communicated to the dwelling-houses, and, in a little
while, the whole place was wrapped in flames. Having completed his
ravage, Arnold retreated to his boats, leaving the town still burning.
So ended his career of infamy in his native land; a land which had
once delighted to honor him, but in which his name was never
thenceforth to be pronounced without a malediction.
On the 30th of August, Washington, with his suite, had arrived at
Philadelphia. During his sojourn in the city he was hospitably
entertained at the house of Mr. Morris, the patriotic financier. The
greatest difficulty with which he had to contend in his present
enterprise was the want of funds, part of his troops not having
received any pay for a long time, and having occasionally given
evidence of great discontent. In this emergency he was accommodated by
the Count de Rochambeau, with a loan of twenty thousand hard dollars,
which Mr. Robert Morris engaged to repay by the 1st of October. This
pecuniary pressure was relieved by the arrival in Boston, on the 25th
of August, of Colonel John Laurens from his mission to France,
bringing with him two and a half millions of livres in cash, being
part of a subsidy of six millions of livres granted by the French
king. On the 2d of September the American troops passed through
Philadelphia. The French troops entered on the following day.
At Philadelphia, Washington received despatches from Lafayette, dated
the 21st and 24th of August, from his camp at the Forks of York River
in Virginia. The embarkation at Portsmouth, which the marquis had
supposed might be intended for New York, was merely for Yorktown,
where Cornwallis had determined to establish the permanent post
ordered in his instructions. Yorktown was a small place situated on a
projecting bank on the south side of York River, opposite a promontory
called Gloucester Point. The river between was not more than a mile
wide, but deep enough to admit ships of a large size and burthen. Here
concentrating his forces, he had proceeded to fortify the opposite
points, calculating to have the works finished by the beginning of
October. Believing that he had no present enemy but Lafayette to guard
against, Cornwallis felt so secure in his position that he wrote to
Sir Henry on the 22d of August, offering to detach a thousand or
twelve hundred men to strengthen New York against the apprehended
attack of the combined armies.
Washington left Philadelphia on the 5th of September, on his way to
the Head of Elk. About three miles below Chester, he was met by an
express bearing tidings of the arrival of the Count de Grasse in the
Chesapeake with twenty-eight ships-of-the-line. Washington instantly
rode back to Chester to rejoice with the Count de Rochambeau, who was
coming down to that place from Philadelphia by water.
Washington reached the Head of Elk on the 6th. The troops and a great
part of the stores were already arrived, and beginning to embark.
Thence he wrote to the Count de Grasse, felicitating him on his
arrival; and informing him that the van of the two armies were about
to embark and fall down the Chesapeake, form a junction with the
troops under the Count de St. Simon and the Marquis de Lafayette, and
co-operate in blocking up Cornwallis in York River, so as to prevent
his retreat by land or his getting any supplies from the country.
Everything had thus far gone on well, but there were not vessels
enough at the Head of Elk for the immediate transportation of all the
troops, ordnance and stores; a part of the troops would have to
proceed to Baltimore by land. Leaving General Heath to bring on the
American forces, and the Baron de Viomenil the French, Washington,
accompanied by De Rochambeau, crossed the Susquehanna early on the
8th, and pushed forward for Baltimore.
On the 9th he left Baltimore a little after daybreak, accompanied only
by Colonel Humphreys; the rest of his suite were to follow at their
ease; for himself, he was determined to reach Mount Vernon that
evening. Six years had elapsed since last he was under its roof; six
wearing years of toil, of danger, and of constant anxiety. During all
that time, and amid all his military cares, he had kept up a regular
weekly correspondence with his steward or agent, regulating all the
affairs of his rural establishment with as much exactness as he did
those of the army. It was a late hour when he arrived. He was joined
by his suite at dinner-time on the following day, and by the Count de
Rochambeau in the evening. General Chastellux and his aides-de-camp
arrived there on the 11th, and Mount Vernon was now crowded with
guests, who were all entertained in the ample style of old Virginian
hospitality. On the 12th, tearing himself away once more from the home
of his heart, Washington with his military associates continued onward
to join Lafayette at Williamsburg.