CHAPTER LIII.

ARMY AT MORRISTOWN.--ARNOLD IN PHILADELPHIA.--CHARLESTON BESIEGED.

The dreary encampment at Valley Forge has become proverbial for its

hardships; yet they were scarcely more severe than those suffered by

Washington's army during the present winter, while hutted among the

heights of Morristown. The winter set in early, and was uncommonly

rigorous. The transportation of supplies was obstructed; the magazines

were exhausted, and the commissaries had neither money nor credit to

enable them to replenish them. For weeks at a time the army was on

half allowance; sometimes without meat, sometimes without bread,

sometimes without both. There was a scarcity, too, of clothing and

blankets, so that the poor soldiers were starving with cold as well as

hunger.

{Illustration: HEAD-QUARTERS, MORRISTOWN, N.J. Vol. III.}

A rigorous winter had much to do with the actual distresses of the

army, but the root of the evil lay in the derangement of the currency.

Congress had commenced the war without adequate funds, and without the

power of imposing direct taxes. To meet pressing emergencies, it had

emitted paper money, which, for a time, passed currently at par; but

sank in value as further emissions succeeded, and that already in

circulation remained unredeemed. The several States added to the evil

by emitting paper in their separate capacities: thus the country

gradually became flooded with a "continental currency," as it was

called; irredeemable, and of no intrinsic value. The consequence was a

general derangement of trade and finance. The continental currency

declined to such a degree, that forty dollars in paper were equivalent

to only one in specie. Congress attempted to put a stop to this

depreciation, by making paper money a legal tender, at its nominal

value, in the discharge of debts, however contracted. This opened the

door to knavery, and added a new feature to the evil.

The commissaries now found it difficult to purchase supplies for the

immediate wants of the army, and impossible to provide any stores in

advance. They were left destitute of funds, and the public credit was

prostrated by the accumulating debts suffered to remain uncancelled.

The changes which had taken place in the commissary department added

to this confusion. The commissary-general, instead of receiving, as

heretofore, a commission on expenditures, was to have a fixed salary

in paper currency; and his deputies were to be compensated in like

manner, without the usual allowance of rations and forage. No

competent agents could be procured on such terms; and the derangement

produced throughout the department compelled Colonel Wadsworth, the

able and upright commissary-general, to resign.

In the present emergency Washington was reluctantly compelled, by the

distresses of the army, to call upon the counties of the State for

supplies of grain and cattle, proportioned to their respective

abilities. These supplies were to be brought into the camp within a

certain time; the grain to be measured and the cattle estimated by any

two of the magistrates of the county in conjunction with the

commissary, and certificates to be given by the latter, specifying the

quantity of each and the terms of payment. Wherever a compliance with

this call was refused, the articles required were to be impressed: it

was a painful alternative, yet nothing else could save the army from

dissolution or starving. Washington charged his officers to act with

as much tenderness as possible, graduating the exaction according to

the stock of each individual, so that no family should be deprived of

what was necessary to its subsistence. To the honor of the magistrates

and the people of Jersey, Washington testifies that his requisitions

were punctually complied with, and in many counties exceeded.

As the winter advanced, the cold increased in severity. It was the

most intense ever remembered in the country. The great bay of New York

was frozen over. No supplies could come to the city by water.

Provisions grew scanty; and there was such lack of firewood that old

transports were broken up, and uninhabited wooden houses pulled down

for fuel. The safety of the city was endangered. The ships-of-war,

immovably ice-bound in its harbor, no longer gave it protection. The

insular security of the place was at an end. An army with its heaviest

artillery and baggage might cross the Hudson on the ice.

Washington was aware of the opportunity which offered itself for a

signal _coup de main_, but was not in a condition to profit by it. His

troops, hutted among the heights of Morristown, were half fed, half

clothed, and inferior in number to the garrison of New York. He was

destitute of funds necessary to fit them for the enterprise, and the

quartermaster could not furnish means of transportation.

Still, in the frozen condition of the bay and rivers, some minor blow

might be attempted, sufficient to rouse and cheer the spirits of the

people. With this view, having ascertained that the ice formed a

bridge across the strait between the Jersey shore and Staten Island,

he projected a descent upon the latter by Lord Stirling with

twenty-five hundred men, to surprise and capture a British force of

ten or twelve hundred. His lordship crossed on the night of the 14th

of January, from De Hart's Point to the island. His approach was

discovered; the troops took refuge in the works, which were too

strongly situated to be attacked; a channel remaining open through the

ice across the bay, a boat was despatched to New York for

reinforcements. The projected surprise having thus proved a complete

failure, and his own situation becoming hazardous, Lord Stirling

recrossed to the Jersey shore with a number of prisoners whom he had

captured.

By way of retort, Knyphausen, on the 25th of January, sent out two

detachments to harass the American outposts. One crossed to Paulus

Hook, and being joined by part of the garrison of that post, pushed on

to Newark, surprised and captured a company stationed there, set fire

to the academy, and returned without loss. The other detachment,

consisting of one hundred dragoons and between three and four hundred

infantry, under Lieutenant-colonel Boskirk, crossed from Staten Island

to Trembly's Point, surprised the picket-guard at Elizabethtown, and

captured two majors, two captains, and forty-two privates. This,

likewise, was effected without loss. The disgraceful part of the

expedition was the burning of the town house, a church, and a private

residence, and the plundering of the inhabitants. The church destroyed

was a Presbyterian place of worship, and its pastor, the Rev. James

Caldwell, had rendered himself an especial object of hostility to both

Briton and tory. His church had at times served as hospital to the

American soldier; or shelter to the hastily assembled militia. Its

bell was the tocsin of alarm; from its pulpit he had many a time

stirred up the patriotism of his countrymen by his ardent, eloquent,

and pathetic appeals. His popularity in the army, and among the Jersey

people, was unbounded.

Another noted maraud during Knyphausen's military sway, was in the

lower part of Westchester County, in a hilly region lying between the

British and American lines, which had been the scene of part of the

past year's campaign. In this region, about twenty miles from the

British outposts, and not far from White Plains, the Americans had

established a post of three hundred men at a stone building commonly

known as Young's house, from the name of its owner. It commanded a

road which passed from north to south down along the narrow but

fertile valley of the Sawmill River. On this road the garrison of

Young's house kept a vigilant eye, to intercept the convoys of cattle

and provisions which had been collected or plundered by the enemy, and

which passed down this valley toward New York. This post had long been

an annoyance to the enemy, but its distance from the British lines had

hitherto saved it from attack. The country now was covered with snow;

troops could be rapidly transported on sleighs; and it was determined

that Young's house should be surprised, and this rebel nest broken up.

On the evening of the 2d of February, an expedition set out for the

purpose from King's Bridge, led by Lieutenant-colonel Norton, and

consisting of four flank companies of guards, two companies of

Hessians, and a party of Yagers, all in sleighs; beside a body of

Yager cavalry, and a number of mounted Westchester refugees, with two

three-pounders. The snow being newly fallen, was deep; the sleighs

broke their way through it with difficulty. The troops at length

abandoned them and pushed forward on foot. The cannon were left behind

for the same reason. It was a weary tramp. The sun rose while they

were yet seven miles from Young's house. To surprise the post was out

of the question; still they kept on. Before they could reach the house

the country had taken the alarm, and the Westchester yeomanry had

armed themselves, and were hastening to aid the garrison. The British

light infantry and grenadiers invested the mansion; the cavalry posted

themselves on a neighboring eminence, to prevent retreat or

reinforcement, and the house was assailed. It made a brave resistance,

and was aided by some of the yeomanry stationed in an adjacent

orchard. The garrison, however, was overpowered; numbers were killed,

and ninety taken prisoners. The house was sacked and set in flames.

The most irksome duty that Washington had to perform during this

winter's encampment at Morristown, regarded General Arnold and his

military government of Philadelphia in 1778. To explain it requires a

glance back to that period.

At the time of entering upon this command, Arnold's accounts with

government were yet unsettled; the committee appointed by Congress at

his own request to examine them having considered some of his charges

dubious and others exorbitant. The command of Philadelphia at this

time was a delicate and difficult one, and required to be exercised

with extreme circumspection. The boundaries between the powers vested

in the military commander and those inherent in the State government

were ill defined. Disaffection to the American cause prevailed both

among the permanent and casual residents, and required to be held in

check with firmness but toleration. By a resolve of Congress, no

goods, wares, or merchandise were to be removed, transferred, or sold,

until the ownership of them could be ascertained by a joint committee

of Congress and of the Council of Pennsylvania; any public stores

belonging to the enemy were to be seized and converted to the use of

the army. Washington, in his letter of instructions left it to

Arnold's discretion to adopt such measures as should appear to him

most effectual and least offensive in executing this resolve of

Congress; in which he was to be aided by an assistant

quartermaster-general, subject to his directions.

One of Arnold's first measures was to issue a proclamation enforcing

the resolve of Congress. In so doing, he was countenanced by leading

personages of Philadelphia, and the proclamation was drafted by

General Joseph Reed. The measure excited great dissatisfaction, and

circumstances attending the enforcement of it gave rise to scandal.

Former instances of a mercenary spirit made Arnold liable to

suspicions, and it was alleged that, while by the proclamation he shut

up the stores and shops so that even the officers of the army could

not procure necessary articles of merchandise, he was privately making

large purchases for his own enrichment.

His style of living gave point to this scandal. He occupied one of the

finest houses in the city; set up a splendid establishment; had his

carriage and four horses and a train of domestics; gave expensive

entertainments, and indulged in a luxury and parade which were

condemned as little befitting a republican general. Ostentatious

prodigality, in fact, was Arnold's besetting sin. In the exercise of

his military functions he had become involved in disputes with the

president (Wharton) and executive council of Pennsylvania, and by his

conduct, which was deemed arbitrary and arrogant, had drawn upon

himself the hostility of that body, which became stern and unsparing

censors of his conduct.

He had not been many weeks in Philadelphia before he became attached

to one of its reigning belles, Miss Margaret Shippen, daughter of Mr.

Edward Shippen, in after years chief justice of Pennsylvania. Her

family were not considered well affected to the American cause; the

young lady herself, during the occupation of the city by the enemy,

had been a "toast" among the British officers. Party feeling at that

time ran high in Philadelphia on local subjects connected with the

charge of the State government. Arnold's connection with the Shippen

family increased his disfavor with the president and executive

council, who were whigs to a man.

In the beginning of December, General Reed became president of the

executive council of Pennsylvania, and under his administration the

ripening hostility to Arnold was brought to a crisis. His public

conduct [during Arnold's absence at Washington's camp on the Raritan]

was discussed in the executive council of Pennsylvania, and it was

resolved unanimously, that the course of his military command in the

city had been in many respects oppressive, unworthy of his rank and

station, and highly discouraging to the liberties and interests of

America, and disrespectful to the supreme executive authority of the

State. As he was an officer of the United States, the complaints and

grievances of Pennsylvania were set forth by the executive council in

eight charges, and forwarded to Congress, accompanied by documents,

and a letter from President Reed.

Information of these facts, with a printed copy of the charges,

reached Arnold at Washington's camp. On the following day he issued an

address to the public, recalling his faithful services of nearly four

years, and inveighing against the proceedings of the president and

council; who, not content with injuring him in a cruel and

unprecedented manner with Congress, had ordered copies of their

charges to be printed and dispersed throughout the several States, for

the purpose of prejudicing the public mind against him, while the

matter was yet in suspense. In conclusion, Arnold informed the public

that he had requested Congress to direct a court-martial to inquire

into his conduct, and trusted his countrymen would suspend their

judgment in the matter, until he should have an opportunity of being

heard.

On the 16th of February, Arnold's appeal to Congress was referred to

the committee which had under consideration the letter of President

Reed and its accompanying documents, and it was charged to make a

report with all convenient despatch. Arnold, in the course of January,

had obtained permission from Washington to resign the command of

Philadelphia, but deferred to act upon it, until the charges against

him should be examined. About the middle of March, the committee

brought in a report exculpating him from all criminality in the

matters charged against him. As soon as the report was brought in, he

considered his name vindicated, and resigned.

Whatever exultation he may have felt was short-lived. Congress did not

call up and act upon the report, as, in justice to him, they should

have done, whether to sanction it or not; but referred the subject

anew to a joint committee of their body and the assembly and council

of Pennsylvania. The report of the joint committee brought up animated

discussions in Congress. Several resolutions recommended by the

committee were merely of a formal nature, and intended to soothe the

wounded sensibilities of Pennsylvania; these were passed without

dissent; but it was contended that certain charges advanced by the

executive council of that State were only cognizable by a

court-martial, and, after a warm debate, it was resolved (April 3d,)

by a large majority, that the commander-in-chief should appoint such a

court for the consideration of them.

Arnold inveighed bitterly against the injustice of subjecting him to a

trial before a military tribunal for alleged offences of which he had

been acquitted by the committee of Congress. He was sacrificed, he

said, to avoid a breach with Pennsylvania. In a letter to Washington,

he charged it all to the hostility of President Reed, who, he

affirmed, had by his address kept the affair in suspense for two

months, and at last obtained the resolution of Congress directing the

court-martial. He urged Washington to appoint a speedy day for the

trial, that he might not linger under the odium of an unjust public

accusation.

It was doubtless soothing to his irritated pride, that the woman on

whom he had placed his affections remained true to him; for his

marriage with Miss Shippen took place just five days after the

mortifying vote of Congress.

Washington sympathized with Arnold's impatience, and appointed the 1st

of May for the trial, but it was repeatedly postponed; first, at the

request of the Pennsylvania council, to allow time for the arrival of

witnesses from the South; afterwards, in consequence of threatening

movements of the enemy, which obliged every officer to be at his post.

Arnold, in the meantime, continued to reside at Philadelphia, holding

his commission in the army, but filling no public office; getting

deeper and deeper in debt, and becoming more and more unpopular. For

months, he remained in this anxious and irritated state. At length,

when the campaign was over, and the army had gone into

winter-quarters, the long-delayed court-martial was assembled at

Morristown. Of the eight charges originally advanced against Arnold by

the Pennsylvania council, four only came under cognizance of the

court. Of two of these he was entirely acquitted. The remaining two

were:

_First_. That while in the camp at Valley Forge, he, without the

knowledge of the commander-in-chief, or the sanction of the State

government, had granted a written permission for a vessel belonging to

disaffected persons to proceed from the port of Philadelphia, then in

possession of the enemy, to any port of the United States.

_Second_. That, availing himself of his official authority, he had

appropriated the public wagons of Pennsylvania, when called forth on a

special emergency, to the transportation of private property, and that

of persons who voluntarily remained with the enemy, and were deemed

disaffected to the interests and independence of America.

In regard to the first of these charges, Arnold alleged that the

person who applied for the protection of the vessel, had taken the

oath of allegiance to the State of Pennsylvania required by the laws;

and that the intentions of that person and his associates with regard

to the vessel and cargo appeared to be upright. In regard to the

second charge, while it was proved that under his authority public

wagons had been so used, it was allowed in extenuation that they had

been employed at private expense, and without any design to defraud

the public or impede the military service. In regard to both charges,

nothing fraudulent on the part of Arnold was proved, but the

transactions involved in the first were pronounced irregular, and

contrary to one of the articles of war; and in the second, imprudent

and reprehensible, considering the high station occupied by the

general at the time, and the court sentenced him to be reprimanded by

the commander-in-chief. The sentence was confirmed by Congress on the

12th of February (1780).

The reprimand adjudged by the court-martial was administered by

Washington with consummate delicacy. The following were his words:

"Our profession is the chastest of all; even the shadow of a fault

tarnishes the lustre of our finest achievements. The least

inadvertence may rob us of the public favor, so hard to be acquired. I

reprehend you for having forgotten, that, in proportion as you had

rendered yourself formidable to our enemies, you should have been

guarded and temperate in your deportment towards your fellow-citizens.

Exhibit anew those noble qualities which have placed you on the list

of our most valued commanders. I will myself furnish you, as far as it

may be in my power, with opportunities of regaining the esteem of your

country."

A reprimand so mild and considerate accompanied by such high eulogiums

and generous promises, might have had a favorable effect upon Arnold,

had he been in a different frame of mind; but he had persuaded himself

that the court would incline in his favor and acquit him altogether;

and he resented deeply a sentence, which he protested against as

unmerited. His resentment was aggravated by delays in the settlement

of his accounts, as he depended upon the sums he claimed as due to him

for the payment of debts by which he was harassed.

In the month of March we find him intent on a new and adventurous

project. He had proposed to the Board of Admiralty an expedition

requiring several ships-of-war and three or four hundred land troops,

offering to take command of it should it be carried into effect, as

his wounds still disabled him from duty on land. Washington, who knew

his abilities in either service was disposed to favor his proposition,

but the scheme fell through from the impossibility of sparing the

requisite number of men from the army. On the failure of the project,

he requested and obtained from Washington leave of absence from the

army for the summer, there being, he said, little prospect of an

active campaign, and his wounds unfitting him for the field.

The return of spring brought little alleviation to the sufferings of

the army at Morristown. All means of supplying its wants or recruiting

its ranks were paralyzed by the continued depreciation of the

currency. While Washington saw his forces gradually diminishing, his

solicitude was intensely excited for the safety of the Southern

States. The reader will recall the departure from New York, in the

latter part of December, of the fleet of Admiral Arbuthnot with the

army of Sir Henry Clinton, destined for the subjugation of South

Carolina.

The voyage proved long and tempestuous. The ships were dispersed.

Several fell into the hands of the Americans. One ordnance vessel

foundered. Most of the artillery horses, and all those of the cavalry

perished. The scattered ships rejoined each other about the end of

January, at Tybee Bay on Savannah River; where those that had

sustained damage were repaired as speedily as possible. The loss of

the cavalry horses was especially felt by Sir Henry. There was a corps

of two hundred and fifty dragoons, on which he depended greatly in the

kind of guerilla warfare he was likely to pursue in a country of

forests and morasses. Lieutenant-colonel Banastre Tarleton, who

commanded them, was one of those dogs of war which Sir Henry was

prepared to let slip on emergencies, to scour and maraud the country.

This "bold dragoon," so noted in Southern warfare, was about

twenty-six years of age, of a swarthy complexion, with small, black,

piercing eyes. He is described as being rather below the middle size,

square-built and strong, "with large muscular legs." Landing from the

fleet, perfectly dismounted, he repaired with his dragoons, in some of

the quartermasters' boats to Port Royal Island, on the seaboard of

South Carolina, "to collect at that place, from friends or enemies, by

money or by force, all the horses belonging to the islands in the

neighborhood."

In the meantime, the transports having on board a great part of the

army, sailed under convoy on the 10th of February from Savannah to

North Edisto Sound, where the troops disembarked on the 11th, on St.

John's Island, about thirty miles below Charleston. Thence, Sir Henry

Clinton set out for the banks of Ashley River opposite to the city,

while a part of the fleet proceeded round by sea, for the purpose of

blockading the harbor. The advance of Sir Henry was slow and cautious.

Much time was consumed by him in fortifying intermediate ports, to

keep up a secure communication with the fleet. He ordered from

Savannah all the troops that could be spared, and wrote to Knyphausen,

at New York, for reinforcements from that place.

General Lincoln [now in command at Charleston] took advantage of this

slowness on the part of his assailant, to extend and strengthen the

works. Charleston stands at the end of an isthmus formed by the Ashley

and Cooper Rivers. Beyond the main works on the land side he cut a

canal, from one to the other of the swamps which border these rivers.

In advance of the canal were two rows of abatis and a double picketed

ditch. Within the canal, and between it and the main works, were

strong redoubts and batteries, to open a flanking fire on any

approaching column, while an inclosed hornwork of masonry formed a

kind of citadel. A squadron commanded by Commodore Whipple, and

composed of nine vessels of war of various sizes, the largest mounting

forty-four guns, was to co-operate with Forts Moultrie and Johnston,

and the various batteries in defence of the harbor. They were to lie

before the bar so as to command the entrance of it. Great reliance

also was placed on the bar itself, which it was thought no

ship-of-the-line could pass.

Governor Rutledge, a man eminent for talents, patriotism, firmness and

decision, was clothed with dictatorial powers during the present

crisis; he called out the militia of the State, and it was supposed

they would duly obey the call. Large reinforcements of troops also

were expected from the North. Under all these circumstances, General

Lincoln yielded to the entreaties of the inhabitants, and, instead of

remaining with his army in the open country, as he had intended, shut

himself up with them in the place for its defence, leaving merely his

cavalry and two hundred light troops outside, who were to hover about

the enemy and prevent small parties from marauding.

It was not until the 12th of March that Sir Henry Clinton effected his

tardy approach, and took up a position on Charleston Neck, a few miles

above the town. Admiral Arbuthnot soon showed an intention of

introducing his ships into the harbor; barricading their waists,

anchoring them in a situation where they might take advantage of the

first favorable spring-tide, and fixing buoys on the bar for their

guidance. Commodore Whipple had by this time ascertained by sounding,

that a wrong idea had prevailed of the depth of water in the harbor,

and that his ships could not anchor nearer than within three miles of

the bar, so that it would be impossible for him to defend the passage

of it. He quitted his station within it, therefore, after having

destroyed a part of the enemy's buoys, and took a position where his

ships might be abreast, and form a cross-fire with the batteries of

Fort Moultrie, where Colonel Pinckney commanded.

Washington was informed of these facts, by letters from his former

aide-de-camp, Colonel Laurens, who was in Charleston at the time. The

information caused anxious forebodings. "The impracticability of

defending the bar, I fear, amounts to the loss of the town and

garrison," writes he in reply. His solicitude for the safety of the

South was increased, by heaving of the embarkation at New York of two

thousand five hundred British and Hessian troops, under Lord Rawdon,

reinforcements for Sir Henry Clinton. It seemed evident the enemy

intended to push their operations with vigor at the South; perhaps, to

make it the principal theatre of the war.

Gladly would Washington have hastened to the South in person, but at

this moment his utmost vigilance was required to keep watch upon New

York and maintain the security of the Hudson, the vital part of the

confederacy. The weak state of the American means of warfare in both

quarters, presented a choice of difficulties. The South needed

support. Could the North give it without exposing itself to ruin,

since the enemy, by means of their ships, could suddenly unite their

forces, and fall upon any point that they might consider weak? Such

were the perplexities to which he was continually subjected, in having

with scanty means to provide for the security of a vast extent of

country, and with land forces merely, to contend with an amphibious

enemy.

Looking, however, as usual, to the good of the whole Union, he

determined to leave something at hazard in the Middle States, where

the country was internally so strong, and yield further succor to the

Southern States, which had not equal military advantages. With the

consent of Congress, therefore, he put the Maryland line under

marching orders, together with the Delaware regiment, which acted with

it, and the first regiment of artillery. The Baron De Kalb, now at the

head of the Maryland division, was instructed to conduct this

detachment with all haste to the aid of General Lincoln. He might not

arrive in time to prevent the fall of Charleston, but he might assist

to arrest the progress of the enemy and save the Carolinas.

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