CHAPTER L.

EVACUATION OF PHILADELPHIA.--BATTLE OF MONMOUTH COURT HOUSE.

The delay of the British to evacuate Philadelphia tasked the sagacity

of Washington, but he supposed it to have been caused by the arrival

of the commissioners from Great Britain. The force in the city in the

meantime had been much reduced. Five thousand men had been detached to

aid in a sudden descent on the French possessions in the West Indies;

three thousand more to Florida. Most of the cavalry with other troops

had been shipped with the provision train and heavy baggage to New

York. The effective force remaining with Sir Henry was now about nine

or ten thousand men; that under Washington was a little more than

twelve thousand Continentals, and about thirteen hundred militia. It

had already acquired considerable proficiency in tactics and field

manoeuvring under the diligent instructions of Steuben.

Early in June it was evident that a total evacuation of the city was

on the point of taking place; and circumstances convinced Washington

that the march of the main body would be through the Jerseys. Some of

his officers thought differently, especially General Lee, who had now

the command of a division composed of Poor, Varnum, and Huntington's

brigades. In consequence, Washington called a general council of war

on the 17th, to consider what measures to adopt; whether to undertake

any enterprise against the enemy in their present circumstances--whether

the army should remain in its actual position, until the final

evacuation had taken place, or move immediately toward the

Delaware--whether, should the enemy march through the Jerseys, it

would be advisable to attack them while on the way, or to push on

directly to the Hudson, and secure that important communication

between the Eastern and Southern States? In case an attack while on

the march were determined on, should it be a partial or a general one?

Lee was opposed to an attack of any kind. He would make a bridge of

gold for the enemy. They were nearly equal in number to the Americans,

and far superior in discipline. An attack would endanger the safety of

the cause. He advised merely to follow the enemy, observe their

motions, and prevent them from committing any excesses. Lee's opinions

had still great weight with the army; most of the officers, both

foreign and American, concurred with him. Greene, Lafayette, Wayne,

and Cadwalader, thought differently. They could not brook that the

enemy should evacuate the city, and make a long march through the

country unmolested. Washington seeing such want of unanimity among his

generals, requested their opinions in writing. Before these were given

in, word was brought that the enemy had actually evacuated the city.

Sir Henry had taken his measures with great secrecy and despatch. The

army commenced moving at three o'clock on the morning of the 18th,

retiring to a point of land below the town formed by the confluence of

the Delaware and Schuylkill, and crossing the former river in boats.

By ten o'clock in the morning the rear-guard landed on the Jersey

shore.

On the first intelligence of this movement, Washington detached

General Maxwell with his brigade, to co-operate with General Dickinson

and the New Jersey militia in harassing the enemy on their march. He

sent General Arnold, also, with a force to take command of

Philadelphia, that officer being not yet sufficiently recovered from

his wound for field service; then, breaking up his camp at Valley

Forge, he pushed forward with his main force in pursuit of the enemy.

As the route of the latter lay along the eastern bank of the Delaware

as high as Trenton, Washington was obliged to make a considerable

circuit, so as to cross the river higher up at Coryell's Ferry, near

the place where, eighteen months previously, he had crossed to attack

the Hessians.

Heavy rains and sultry summer heat retarded his movements; but the

army crossed on the 24th. The British were now at Moorestown and Mount

Holly. Thence they might take the road on the left for Brunswick, and

so on to Staten Island and New York; or the road to the right through

Monmouth, by the Heights of Middletown to Sandy Hook. Uncertain which

they might adopt, Washington detached Colonel Morgan with six hundred

picked men to reinforce Maxwell, and hang on their rear; while he

himself pushed forward with the main body toward Princeton, cautiously

keeping along the mountainous country to the left of the most northern

road.

The march of Sir Henry was very slow. From his dilatory movements,

Washington suspected Sir Henry of a design to draw him down into the

level country, and then, by a rapid movement on his right, to gain

possession of the strong ground above him, and bring him to a general

action on disadvantageous terms. He himself was inclined for a general

action whenever it could be made on suitable ground: he halted,

therefore, at Hopewell, about five miles from Princeton, and held

another council of war. The result of it, writes his aide-de-camp,

Colonel Hamilton, "would have done honor to the most honorable society

of midwives, and to them only." The purport was to keep at a distance

from the enemy, and annoy them by detachments. Lee, according to

Hamilton, was the prime mover of this plan, in pursuance of which a

detachment of fifteen hundred men was sent off under Brigadier-general

Scott, to join the other troops near the enemy's line.

Generals Greene, Wayne, and Lafayette were in the minority in the

council, and subsequently gave separately the same opinion in writing,

that the rear of the enemy should be attacked by a strong detachment,

while the main army should be so disposed as to give a general battle,

should circumstances render it advisable. As this opinion coincided

with his own, Washington determined to act upon it. Sir Henry Clinton

in the meantime had advanced to Allentown, on his way to Brunswick, to

embark on the Raritan. Finding the passage of that river likely to be

strongly disputed by the forces under Washington, and others advancing

from the north under Gates, he changed his plan, and turned to the

right by a road leading through Freehold to Navesink and Sandy Hook;

to embark at the latter place.

Washington, no longer in doubt as to the route of the enemy's march,

detached Wayne with one thousand men to join the advanced corps,

which, thus augmented, was upwards of four thousand strong. The

command of the advance properly belonged to Lee as senior

major-general; but it was eagerly solicited by Lafayette, as an attack

by it was intended, and Lee was strenuously opposed to everything of

the kind. Washington willingly gave his consent, provided General Lee

were satisfied with the arrangement. The latter ceded the command

without hesitation. Scarce, however, had he relinquished the command,

when he changed his mind. In a note to Washington he declared that, in

assenting to the arrangement, he had considered the command of the

detachment one more fitting a young volunteering general than a

veteran like himself, second in command in the army. He now viewed it

in a different light. Lafayette would be at the head of all the

Continental parties already in the line; six thousand men at least; a

command next to that of the commander-in-chief. Should the detachment

march, therefore, he entreated to have the command of it.

Washington was perplexed how to satisfy Lee's punctilious claims

without wounding the feelings of Lafayette. A change in the

disposition of the enemy's line of march furnished an expedient. Sir

Henry Clinton, finding himself harassed by light troops on the flanks,

and in danger of an attack in the rear, placed all his baggage in

front under the convoy of Knyphausen, while he threw the main strength

of his army in the rear under Lord Cornwallis. This made it necessary

for Washington to strengthen his advanced corps; and he took this

occasion to detach Lee, with Scott's and Varnum's brigades, to support

the force under Lafayette. As Lee was the senior major-general, this

gave him the command of the whole advance. Washington explained the

matter in a letter to the marquis, who resigned the command to Lee

when the latter joined him on the 27th. That evening the enemy

encamped on high ground near Monmouth Court House. Lee encamped with

the advance at Englishtown, about five miles distant. The main body

was three miles in his rear.

About sunset Washington rode forward to the advance, and anxiously

reconnoitred Sir Henry's position. It was protected by woods and

morasses, and too strong to be attacked with a prospect of success.

Should the enemy, however, proceed ten or twelve miles further

unmolested, they would gain the heights of Middletown, and be on

ground still more difficult. To prevent this, he resolved that an

attack should be made on their rear early in the morning, as soon as

their front should be in motion. This plan he communicated to General

Lee, in presence of his officers, ordering him to make dispositions

for the attack keeping his troops lying on their arms, ready for

action on the shortest notice; a disposition he intended to observe

with his own troops. This done, he rode back to the main body.

Early in the morning, Washington received an express informing him

that the enemy were in motion. He instantly sent orders to Lee to push

forward and attack them, unless there should be powerful reasons to

the contrary, adding that he was coming on to support him. For that

purpose he immediately set forward with his own troops, ordering them

to throw by their knapsacks and blankets.

Knyphausen, with the British vanguard, had begun about daybreak to

descend into the valley between Monmouth Court House and Middletown.

To give the long train of wagons and pack horses time to get well on

the way, Sir Henry Clinton with his choice troops remained in camp on

the heights of Freehold, until eight o'clock, when he likewise resumed

the line of march toward Middletown.

In the meantime, Lee had advanced with the brigades of Wayne and

Maxwell, to support the light troops engaged in skirmishing. The

difficulty of reconnoitring a country cut up by woods and morasses,

and the perplexity occasioned by contradictory reports, embarrassed

his movements. Being joined by Lafayette with the main body of the

advance, he had now about four thousand men at his command,

independent of those under Morgan and General Dickinson. Arriving on

the heights of Freehold, and riding forward with General Wayne to an

open place to reconnoitre, Lee caught sight of a force under march,

but partly hidden from view by intervening woods. Supposing it to be a

mere covering party of about two thousand men, he detached Wayne with

seven hundred men and two pieces of artillery, to skirmish in its rear

and hold it in check; while he, with the rest of his force, taking a

shorter road through the woods, would get in front of it, and cut it

off from the main body. He at the same time sent a message to

Washington, apprising him of this movement and of his certainty of

success.

Washington in the meantime was on his march with the main body, to

support the advance, as he had promised. The booming of cannon at a

distance indicated that the attack so much desired had commenced, and

caused him to quicken his march. Arrived near Freehold church, where

the road forked, he detached Greene with part of his forces to the

right, to flank the enemy in the rear of Monmouth Court House, while

he, with the rest of the column, would press forward by the other

road.

Washington had alighted while giving these directions, and was

standing with his arm thrown over his horse, when a countryman rode up

and said the Continental troops were retreating. Washington was

provoked at what he considered a false alarm. The man pointed, as his

authority, to an American fifer who just then came up in breathless

affright. The fifer was ordered into custody to prevent his spreading

an alarm among the troops who were advancing, and was threatened with

a flogging should he repeat the story. Springing on his horse,

Washington had moved forward but a short distance when he met other

fugitives, one in the garb of a soldier, who all concurred in the

report. He now sent forward Colonels Fitzgerald and Harrison to learn

the truth, while he himself spurred past Freehold meeting house.

Between that edifice and the morass beyond it, he met Grayson's and

Patton's regiments in most disorderly retreat, jaded with heat and

fatigue. Riding up to the officer at their head, Washington demanded

whether the whole advanced corps were retreating. The officer believed

they were.

It seemed incredible. There had been scarce any firing--Washington had

received no notice of the retreat from Lee. He was still almost

inclined to doubt, when the heads of several columns of the advance

began to appear. It was too evident--the whole advance was falling

back on the main body, and no notice had been given to him. One of the

first officers that came up was Colonel Shreve, at the head of his

regiment. Washington, greatly surprised and alarmed, asked the meaning

of this retreat. The colonel smiled significantly--he did not know--he

had retreated by order. There had been no fighting excepting a slight

skirmish with the enemy's cavalry, which had been repulsed.

A suspicion flashed across Washington's mind of wrongheaded conduct on

the part of Lee, to mar the plan of attack adopted contrary to his

counsels. Ordering Colonel Shreve to march his men over the morass,

halt them on the hill beyond and refresh them, he galloped forward to

stop the retreat of the rest of the advance, his indignation kindling

as he rode. At the rear of the regiment he met Major Howard; he, too,

could give no reason for the retreat, but seemed provoked at

it--declaring that he had never seen the like. Another officer

exclaimed with an oath that they were flying from a shadow. Arriving

at a rising ground, Washington beheld Lee approaching with the residue

of his command in full retreat. By this time he was thoroughly

exasperated.

"What is the meaning of all this, sir?" demanded he, in the sternest

and even fiercest tone, as Lee rode up to him. Lee for a moment was

disconcerted, and hesitated in making a reply, for Washington's

aspect, according to Lafayette, was terrible. "I desire to know the

meaning of this disorder and confusion," was again demanded still more

vehemently.

Lee, stung by the manner more than the words of the demand, made an

angry reply, and provoked still sharper expressions, which have been

variously reported. "I am very sorry," said Washington, "that you

undertook the command, unless you meant to fight the enemy." "I did

not think it prudent to bring on a general engagement." "Whatever your

opinion may have been," replied Washington, disdainfully, "I expected

my orders would have been obeyed." This all passed rapidly, and, as it

were, in flashes, for there was no time for parley. The enemy were

within a quarter of an hour's march. Washington's appearance had

stopped the retreat. The fortunes of the day were to be retrieved, if

possible, by instant arrangements. These he proceeded to make with

great celerity. The place was favorable for a stand; it was a rising

ground, to which the enemy could approach only over a narrow causeway.

The rallied troops were hastily formed upon this eminence. Colonels

Stewart and Ramsey, with two batteries, were stationed in a covert of

woods on their left, to protect them and keep the enemy at bay.

Colonel Oswald was posted for the same purpose on a height, with two

field-pieces. The promptness with which everything was done showed the

effects of the Baron Steuben's discipline.

Washington, having made all his arrangements with great dispatch but

admirable clearness and precision, rode back to Lee in calmer mood,

and inquired, "Will you retain the command on this height or not? if

you will, I will return to the main body, and have it formed on the

next height." "It is equal to me where I command," replied Lee. "I

expect you will take proper means for checking the enemy," rejoined

Washington. "Your orders shall be obeyed; and I shall not be the first

to leave the ground," was the reply.

A warm cannonade by Oswald, Stewart and Ramsey had the desired effect.

The enemy were brought to a stand, and Washington had time to gallop

back and bring on the main body. This he formed on an eminence, with a

wood in the rear and the morass in front. The left wing was commanded

by Lord Stirling, who had with him a detachment of artillery and

several field-pieces. General Greene was on his right.

Lee had maintained his advanced position with great spirit, but was at

length obliged to retire. He brought off his troops in good order

across a causeway which traversed the morass in front of Lord

Stirling. Having formed his men in a line, beyond the morass, he rode

up to Washington. "Here, sir, are my troops," said he, "how is it your

pleasure I should dispose of them?" Washington saw that the poor

fellows were exhausted by marching, countermarching, hard fighting and

the intolerable heat of the weather: he ordered Lee, therefore, to

repair with them to the rear of Englishtown, and assemble there all

the scattered fugitives he might meet with.

The batteries under the direction of Lord Stirling opened a brisk and

well-sustained fire upon the enemy; who, finding themselves warmly

opposed in front, attempted to turn the left flank of the Americans,

but were driven back by detached parties of infantry stationed there.

They then attempted the right; but here were met by General Greene,

who had planted his artillery, under Knox, on a commanding ground, and

not only checked them but enfiladed those who were in front of the

left wing. Wayne too, with an advanced party posted in an orchard, and

partly sheltered by a barn, kept up a severe and well-directed fire

upon the enemy's centre. Repeated attempts were made to dislodge him,

but in vain. Colonel Monckton now undertook to drive Wayne from his

post at the point of the bayonet. Having made a brief harangue to his

men, he led them on in column. Wayne's men reserved their fire, until

Colonel Monckton, waving his sword, called out to his grenadiers to

charge. At that instant a sheeted volley laid him low, and made great

slaughter in his column, which was again repulsed.

The enemy at length gave way, and fell back to the ground which Lee

had occupied in the morning. Here their flanks were secured by woods

and morasses, and their front could only be approached across a narrow

causeway. Notwithstanding the difficulties of the position, Washington

prepared to attack it; ordering General Poor with his own and the

Carolina brigade, to move round upon their right, and General Woodford

on their left; while the artillery should gall them in front. Before

these orders could be carried into effect the day was at an end. Many

of the soldiers had sunk upon the ground, overcome by fatigue and the

heat of the weather; all needed repose. The troops, therefore, which

had been in the advance, were ordered to lie on their arms on the

ground they occupied, so as to be ready to make the attack by

daybreak. The main army did the same, on the field of action, to be at

hand to support them. Washington lay on his cloak at the foot of a

tree, with Lafayette beside him, talking over the strange conduct of

Lee; whose disorderly retreat had come so near being fatal to the

army.

It was indeed a matter of general perplexity, to which the wayward

character of Lee greatly contributed. Some who recollected his

previous opposition to all plan of attack, almost suspected him of

wilfully aiming to procure a defeat. It would appear, however, that he

had been really surprised and thrown into confusion by a move of Sir

Henry Clinton, who, seeing the force under Lee descending on his rear

from Freehold heights, had suddenly turned upon it, aided by troops

from Knyphausen's division, to oblige it to call to its assistance the

flanking parties under Morgan and Dickinson, which were threatening

his baggage train. So that Lee, instead of a mere covering party which

he had expected to cut off, had found himself front to front with the

whole rear division of the British army; and that too, on unfavorable

ground, with a deep ravine and a morass in his rear.

At daybreak the drums beat the reveillé. The troops roused themselves

from their heavy sleep, and prepared for action. To their surprise,

the enemy had disappeared: there was a deserted camp, in which were

found four officers and about forty privates, too severely wounded to

be conveyed away by the retreating army. Sir Henry Clinton, it

appeared, had allowed his wearied troops but short repose on the

preceding night. At ten o'clock, when the American forces were buried

in their first sleep, he had set forward to join the division under

Knyphausen, which, with the baggage train, having pushed on during the

action, was far on the road to Middletown. So silent had been his

retreat, that it was unheard by General Poor's advance party, which

lay near by.

The distance to which the enemy must by this time have attained, the

extreme heat of the weather, and the fatigued condition of the troops,

deterred Washington from continuing a pursuit through a country where

the roads were deep and sandy, and there was great scarcity of water.

Besides, persons well acquainted with the country assured him that it

would be impossible to annoy the enemy in their embarkation, as he

must approach the place by a narrow passage, capable of being defended

by a few men against his whole force. Detaching General Maxwell's

brigade and Morgan's rifle corps, therefore, to hang on the rear of

the enemy, prevent depredation and encourage desertions, he determined

to shape his course with his main body by Brunswick toward the Hudson,

lest Sir Henry should have any design upon the posts there.

The American loss in the recent battle was eight officers and

sixty-one privates killed, and about one hundred and sixty wounded.

The officers who had charge of the burying parties reported that they

found two hundred and forty-five non-commissioned officers and

privates, and four officers, left dead by the enemy on the field of

battle.

After giving his troops a day's repose, Washington decamped on the

30th. His march lay through a country destitute of water, with deep,

sandy roads wearying to the feet, and reflecting the intolerable heat

and glare of a July sun. Many of the troops, harassed by previous

fatigue, gave out by the way. Some few died, and a number of horses

were likewise lost. Washington, ever considerate of the health and

comfort of his men, encamped near Brunswick on open, airy grounds, and

gave them time to repose; while Lieutenant-colonel Aaron Burr, at that

time a young and enterprising officer, was sent on a reconnoitring

expedition, to learn the movements and intentions of the enemy.

Sir Henry Clinton with the royal army had arrived at the Highlands of

Navesink, in the neighborhood of Sandy Hook, on the 30th of June. He

had lost many men by desertion, Hessians especially, during his march

through the Jerseys, which, with his losses by killed, wounded and

captured, had diminished his army more than two thousand men. The

storms of the preceding winter had cut off the peninsula of Sandy Hook

from the mainland, and formed a deep channel between them. Fortunately

the squadron of Lord Howe had arrived the day before, and was at

anchor within the Hook. A bridge was immediately made across the

channel with the boats of the ships, over which the army passed to the

Hook on the 5th of July, and thence was distributed.

Having brought the army to a halt, we have time to notice a

correspondence between General Lee and Washington, immediately

subsequent to the affair of Monmouth. The pride of the general had

been deeply wounded by the rebuke he had received on the field of

battle. On the following day (June 29th) he addressed a note to

Washington on the subject. By mistake it was dated July 1st. "From the

knowledge I have of your Excellency's character," writes he, "I must

conclude that nothing but the misinformation of some very stupid, or

misrepresentation of some very wicked person, could have occasioned

your making use of so very singular expressions as you did on my

coming up to the ground where you had taken post. They implied that I

was guilty either of disobedience of orders, want of conduct, or want

of courage. Your Excellency will therefore infinitely oblige me by

letting me know on which of these three articles you ground your

charge."

Washington, in reply, wrote: "I received your letter (dated through

mistake the 1st of July), expressed as I conceive in terms highly

improper. I am not conscious of making use of any very singular

expressions at the time of meeting you, as you intimate. What I

recollect to have said was dictated by duty and warranted by the

occasion. As soon as circumstances will permit, you shall have an

opportunity of justifying yourself to the army, to Congress, to

America, and to the world in general."

To this Lee rejoined, in a note, misdated 28th June: "Sir, you cannot

afford me greater pleasure than in giving me the opportunity of

showing to America the sufficiency of her respective servants. I trust

that temporary power of office, and the tinsel dignity attending it,

will not be able, by all the mists they can raise, to obfuscate the

bright rays of truth. In the meantime, your Excellency can have no

objection to my retiring from the army," etc. Shortly after

despatching this note, Lee addressed another to Washington. "I have

reflected on both your situation and mine," writes he, "and beg leave

to observe, that it will be for our mutual convenience that a court of

inquiry should be immediately ordered.... I must entreat, therefore,

from your love of justice, that you will immediately exhibit your

charge, and that on the first halt I may be brought to a trial."

Washington in reply acknowledged the receipt of the two last notes,

and added, "I have sent Colonel Scammel and the adjutant-general to

put you under arrest, who will deliver you a copy of the charges on

which you will be tried."

A court-martial was accordingly formed on the 4th of July, at

Brunswick, the first halting place. It was composed of one

major-general, four brigadiers, and eight colonels, with Lord Stirling

as president. It moved with the army, and convened subsequently at

Paramus, Peekskill, and Northcastle, the trial lasting until the 12th

of August. The result of the prolonged and tedious investigation was

that he was found guilty of all the charges exhibited against him.

[1st. Disobedience of orders. 2d. Misbehavior before the enemy, by

making an unnecessary and disorderly retreat. 3d. Disrespect to the

commander-in-chief in letters dated July 1st and June 28th.] He was

sentenced to be suspended from all command for one year; the sentence

to be approved or set aside by Congress.

We must anticipate dates to dispose briefly of the career of General

Lee, who is not connected with subsequent events of the Revolution.

Congress were more than three months in coming to a decision on the

proceedings of the court-martial. At length, on the 5th of December,

the sentence was approved in a very thin session of Congress, fifteen

members voting in the affirmative and seven in the negative. From that

time Lee was unmeasured in his abuse of Washington, and his

reprobation of the court-martial, which he termed a "court of

inquisition." His aggressive tongue at length involved him in a

quarrel with Colonel Laurens, one of Washington's aides, a

high-spirited young gentleman who felt himself bound to vindicate the

honor of his chief. A duel took place, and Lee was wounded in the

side. Towards spring he retired to his estate in Berkley County in

Virginia, where he led a kind of hermit life. Dogs and horses were his

favorite companions. His house is described as being a mere shell,

destitute of comforts and conveniences. For want of partitions the

different parts were designated by lines chalked on the floor. In one

corner was his bed; in another were his books; his saddles and harness

in a third; a fourth served as a kitchen.

The term of his suspension had expired when a rumor reached him that

Congress intended to take away his commission. The intelligence

"ruffled his temper beyond all bounds." In his hurry and heat, without

attempting to ascertain the truth of the report, he scrawled the

following note to the President of Congress: "Sir, I understand that

it is in contemplation of Congress, on the principle of economy, to

strike me out of their service. Congress must know very little of me

if they suppose that I would accept of their money, since the

confirmation of the wicked and infamous sentence which was passed upon

me. I am, sir," etc. This insolent note occasioned his prompt

dismissal from the service.

Though bitter in his enmities, Lee had his friendships, and was warm

and constant in them as far as his capricious humors would allow.

There was nothing crafty or mean in his character, nor do we think he

ever engaged in the low intrigues of the cabal; but he was a

disappointed and embittered man, and the gall of bitterness overflowed

his generous qualities. In such a discordant state of feeling, he was

not a man for the sweet solitude of the country. He became weary of

his Virginia estate; though in one of the most fertile regions of the

Shenandoah Valley. His farm was mismanaged; his agents were

unfaithful; he entered into negotiations to dispose of his property,

in the course of which he visited Philadelphia. On arriving there he

was taken with chills, followed by a fever, which went on increasing

in violence, and terminated fatally. A soldier even unto the end,

warlike scenes mingled with the delirium of his malady. In his dying

moments he fancied himself on the field of battle. The last words he

was heard to utter were, "Stand by me, my brave grenadiers!"

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