BATTLE OF THE BRANDYWINE.--FALL OF PHILADELPHIA.
On the 25th of August the British army under General Howe began to
land from the fleet in Elk River, at the bottom of Chesapeake Bay. The
place where they landed was about six miles below the Head of Elk (now
Elkton), a small town, the capital of Cecil County. This was seventy
miles from Philadelphia. Early in the evening Washington received
intelligence that the enemy were landing. There was a quantity of
public and private stores at the Head of Elk which he feared would
fall into their hands if they moved quickly. Every attempt was to be
made to check them. The divisions of Generals Greene and Stephen were
within a few miles of Wilmington; orders were sent for them to march
thither immediately. The two other divisions which had halted at
Chester to refresh were to hurry forward. Major-general Armstrong, who
now commanded the Pennsylvania militia, was urged to send down in the
cool of the night all the men he could muster, properly armed. General
Rodney, who commanded the Delaware militia, was ordered to throw out
scouts and patrols toward the enemy to watch their motions; and to
move near them with his troops as soon as he should be reinforced by
the Maryland militia. Light troops were sent out early in the morning
to hover about and harass the invaders.
The country was in a great state of alarm. The inhabitants were
hurrying off their most valuable effects, so that it was difficult to
procure cattle and vehicles to remove the public stores. The want of
horses, and the annoyances given by the American light troops,
however, kept Howe from advancing promptly, and gave time for the
greater part of the stores to be saved. To allay the public alarm,
Howe issued a proclamation on the 27th, promising the strictest
regularity and order on the part of his army; with security of person
and property to all who remained quietly at home, and pardon to those
under arms, who should promptly return to their obedience.
The divisions of Generals Greene and Stephen were now stationed
several miles in advance of Wilmington, behind White Clay Creek, about
ten miles from the Head of Elk. General Smallwood and Colonel Gist had
been directed by Congress to take command of the militia of Maryland,
who were gathering on the western shore, and Washington sent them
orders to co-operate with General Rodney and get in the rear of the
enemy.
Washington now felt the want of Morgan and his riflemen, whom he had
sent to assist the Northern army; to supply their place, he formed a
corps of light troops, by drafting a hundred men from each brigade.
The command was given to Major-general Maxwell, who was to hover about
the enemy and give them continual annoyance.
The army about this time was increased by the arrival of General
Sullivan and his division of three thousand men. He had recently,
while encamped at Hanover in Jersey, made a gallant attempt to
surprise and capture a corps of one thousand provincials stationed on
Staten Island, at a distance from the fortified camp, and opposite the
Jersey shore. The attempt was partially successful; a number of the
provincials were captured; but the regulars came to the rescue.
Sullivan had not brought sufficient boats to secure a retreat. His
rear-guard was captured while waiting for the return of the boats, yet
not without a sharp resistance. There was loss on both sides, but the
Americans suffered most. Congress had directed Washington to appoint a
court of inquiry to investigate the matter; in the meantime, Sullivan,
whose gallantry remained undoubted, continued in command.
There were now in camp several of those officers and gentlemen from
various parts of Europe who had recently pressed into the service, and
the suitable employment of whom had been a source of much perplexity
to Washington. General Deborre, the French veteran of thirty years'
service, commanded a brigade in Sullivan's division. Brigadier-general
Conway, the Gallicized Hibernian, was in the division of Lord
Stirling. Beside these, there was Louis Fleury, a French gentleman of
noble descent, who had been educated as an engineer, and had come out
at the opening of the Revolution to offer his services. Washington had
obtained for him a captain's commission. Another officer of
distinguished merit, was the Count Pulaski, a Pole, recommended by Dr.
Franklin as an officer famous throughout Europe for his bravery and
conduct in defence of the liberties of his country against Russia,
Austria and Prussia.
At this time Henry Lee of Virginia, of military renown, makes his
first appearance. He was in the twenty-second year of his age, and in
the preceding year had commanded a company of Virginia volunteers. He
had recently signalized himself in scouting parties, harassing the
enemy's pickets. His adventurous exploits soon won him notoriety and
the popular appellation of "Light-horse Harry." He was favorably
noticed by Washington throughout the war.
Several days were now passed by the commander-in-chief almost
continually in the saddle, reconnoitring the roads and passes, and
making himself acquainted with the surrounding country, which was very
much intersected by rivers and small streams, running chiefly from
northwest to southeast. He had now made up his mind to risk a battle
in the open field. It is true his troops were inferior to those of the
enemy in number, equipments and discipline. Many of them were militia
or raw recruits, yet the divisions of the army had acquired a facility
at moving in large masses, and were considerably improved in military
tactics. At any rate, it would never do to let Philadelphia, at that
time the capital of the States, fall without a blow. Public impatience
called for a battle; it was expected even by Europe; his own valiant
spirit required it, though hitherto he had been held in check by
superior considerations of expediency and by the controlling
interference of Congress.
The British army having effected a landing, it was formed into two
divisions. One, under Sir William Howe, was stationed at Elkton, with
its advanced guard at Gray's Hill, about two miles off. The other
division, under General Knyphausen, was on the opposite side of the
ferry at Cecil Court House. On the 3d of September the enemy advanced
in considerable force, with three field-pieces, moving with great
caution, as the country was difficult, woody and not well known to
them. About three miles in front of White Clay Creek, their vanguard
was encountered by General Maxwell and his light troops, and a severe
skirmish took place. The fire of the American sharpshooters and
riflemen as usual, was very effective; but being inferior in number
and having no artillery, Maxwell was compelled to retreat across White
Clay Creek, with the loss of about forty killed and wounded. The loss
of the enemy was supposed to be much greater.
The main body of the American army was now encamped on the east side
of Red Clay Creek, on the road leading from Elkton to Philadelphia.
The light-infantry were in the advance, at White Clay Creek. The
armies were from eight to ten miles apart. In this position,
Washington determined to await the threatened attack. His numerical
force at this time was about fifteen thousand men, but from sickness
and other causes the effective force, militia included, did not exceed
eleven thousand, and most of these indifferently armed and equipped.
The strength of the British was computed at eighteen thousand men,
but, it is thought, not more than fifteen thousand were brought into
action.
On the 8th, the enemy advanced in two columns--one appeared preparing
to attack the Americans in front, while the other extended its left up
the west side of the creek, halting at Milltown, somewhat to the right
of the American position. Washington now suspected an intention on the
part of Sir William Howe to march by his right, suddenly pass the
Brandywine, gain the heights north of that stream and cut him off from
Philadelphia. He summoned a council of war, therefore, that evening,
in which it was determined immediately to change their position, and
move to the river in question. By two o'clock in the morning, the army
was under march, and by the next evening was encamped on the high
grounds in the rear of the Brandywine. The enemy on the same evening
moved to Kennet Square, about seven miles from the American position.
{Illustration: HEAD-QUARTERS AT BRANDYWINE. Vol. III.}
The Brandywine Creek, as it is called, commences with two branches,
called the East and West branches, which unite in one stream, flowing
from west to east about twenty-two miles, and emptying itself into the
Delaware about twenty-five miles below Philadelphia. It has several
fords; one called Chadd's Ford, was at that time the most practicable,
and in the direct route from the enemy's camp to Philadelphia. As the
principal attack was expected here, Washington made it the centre of
his position, where he stationed the main body of his army, composed
of Wayne's, Weedon's, and Muhlenberg's brigades, with the
light-infantry under Maxwell. An eminence immediately above the ford
had been intrenched in the night, and was occupied by Wayne and
Proctor's artillery. Weedon's and Muhlenberg's brigades, which were
Virginian troops, and formed General Greene's division, were posted in
the rear on the heights as a reserve to aid either wing of the army.
With these Washington took his stand. Maxwell's light-infantry were
thrown in the advance, south of the Brandywine, and posted on high
ground each side of the road leading to the ford.
The right wing of the army commanded by Sullivan, and composed of his
division and those of Stephen and Stirling, extended up the Brandywine
two miles beyond Washington's position. Its light troops and videttes
were distributed quite up to the forks. The left wing, composed of the
Pennsylvania militia, under Major-general Armstrong, was stationed
about a mile and a half below the main body, to protect the lower
fords, where the least danger was apprehended.
Early on the morning of the 11th, a great column of troops was
descried advancing on the road leading to Chadd's Ford. A skirt of the
woods concealed its force, but it was supposed to be the main body of
the enemy; if so, a general conflict was at hand. The Americans were
immediately drawn out in order of battle. Washington rode along the
front of the ranks, and was everywhere received with acclamations. A
sharp firing of small arms soon told that Maxwell's light-infantry
were engaged with the vanguard of the enemy. The skirmishing was kept
up for some time with spirit, when Maxwell was driven across the
Brandywine below the ford. The enemy, who had advanced but slowly, did
not attempt to follow, but halted on commanding ground, and appeared
to reconnoitre the American position with a view to an attack. A heavy
cannonading commenced on both sides, about ten o'clock. The enemy made
repeated dispositions to force the ford, which brought on as frequent
skirmishes on both sides of the river, for detachments of the light
troops occasionally crossed over.
Towards noon came an express from Sullivan, with a note received from
a scouting party, reporting that General Howe, with a large body of
troops and a park of artillery, was pushing up the Lancaster road,
doubtless to cross at the upper fords and turn the right flank of the
American position.
Startled by the information, Washington instantly sent off Colonel
Theodoric Bland, with a party of horse, to reconnoitre above the forks
and ascertain the truth of the report. In the meantime he resolved to
cross the ford, attack the division in front of him with his whole
force, and rout it before the other could arrive. He gave orders for
both wings to co-operate, when, as Sullivan was preparing to cross,
Major Spicer of the militia rode up, just from the forks, and assured
him there was no enemy in that quarter. Sullivan instantly transmitted
the intelligence to Washington, whereupon the movement was suspended
until positive information could be obtained. After a time came a man
of the neighborhood, Thomas Cheyney by name, spurring in all haste,
the mare he rode in foam, and himself out of breath. Dashing up to the
commander-in-chief, he informed him that he must instantly move, or he
would be surrounded. He had come upon the enemy unawares; had been
pursued and fired upon, but the fleetness of his mare had saved him.
The main body of the British was coming down on the east side of the
stream, and was near at hand. Another despatch from Sullivan
corroborated the story. Colonel Bland, whom Washington had sent to
reconnoitre above the forks, had seen the enemy two miles in the rear
of Sullivan's right, marching down at a rapid rate, while a cloud of
dust showed that there were more troops behind them.
In fact, Knyphausen with a small division had engrossed the attention
of the Americans by a feigned attack at Chadd's Ford, kept up with
great noise and prolonged by skirmishes; while the main body of the
army under Cornwallis, led by experienced guides, had made a circuit
of seventeen miles, crossed the two forks of the Brandywine, and
arrived in the neighborhood of Birmingham meeting-house, two miles to
the right of Sullivan. It was a capital stratagem, secretly and
successfully conducted.
Finding that Cornwallis had thus gained the rear of the army,
Washington sent orders to Sullivan to oppose him with the whole right
wing, each brigade attacking as soon as it arrived upon the ground.
Wayne, in the meantime, was to keep Knyphausen at bay at the ford, and
Greene, with the reserve, to hold himself ready to give aid wherever
required. Lafayette, as a volunteer, had hitherto accompanied the
commander-in-chief, but now, seeing there was likely to be warm work
with the right wing, he obtained permission to join Sullivan, and
spurred off with his aide-de-camp to the scene of action.
{Illustration: MAPS OF THE BATTLE OF BRANDYWINE.}
Sullivan on receiving Washington's orders, advanced with his own,
Stephen's and Stirling's divisions, and began to form a line in front
of an open piece of wood. The time which had been expended in
transmitting intelligence, receiving orders, and marching, had enabled
Cornwallis to choose his ground and prepare for action. Still more
time was given him from the apprehension of the three generals, upon
consultation, of being out-flanked upon the right, and that the gap
between Sullivan's and Stephen's divisions was too wide, and should be
closed up. Orders were accordingly given for the whole line to move to
the right; and while in execution, Cornwallis advanced rapidly with
his troops in the finest order, and opened a brisk fire of musketry
and artillery. The Americans made an obstinate resistance, but being
taken at a disadvantage, the right and left wings were broken and
driven into the woods. The centre stood firm for a while, but being
exposed to the whole fire of the enemy, gave way at length also. The
British, in following up their advantage, got entangled in the wood.
Lafayette had thrown himself from his horse and was endeavoring to
rally the troops, when he was shot through the leg with a musket ball,
and had to be assisted into the saddle by his aide-de-camp.
The Americans rallied on a height to the north of Dilworth, and made a
still more spirited resistance than at first, but were again dislodged
and obliged to retreat with a heavy loss.
While this was occurring with the right wing, Knyphausen, as soon as
he learnt from the heavy firing that Cornwallis was engaged, made a
push to force his way across Chadd's Ford in earnest. He was
vigorously opposed by Wayne with Proctor's artillery, aided by Maxwell
and his infantry. Greene was preparing to second him with the reserve,
when he was summoned by Washington to the support of the right wing;
which the commander-in-chief had found in imminent peril.
Greene advanced to the relief with such celerity, that it is said, on
good authority, his division accomplished the march, or rather run, of
five miles in less than fifty minutes. He arrived too late to save the
battle, but in time to protect the broken masses of the left wing
which he met in full flight. Opening his ranks from time to time for
the fugitives and closing them the moment they had passed, he covered
their retreat by a sharp and well-directed fire from his field-pieces.
His grand stand was made at a place about a mile beyond Dilworth,
which in reconnoitring the neighborhood Washington had pointed out to
him, as well calculated for a second position, should the army be
driven out of the first. Weedon's brigade was drawn up in a narrow
defile, flanked on both sides by woods, and perfectly commanding the
road; while Greene, with Muhlenberg's brigade, passing to the right
took his station on the road. The British came on impetuously,
expecting but faint opposition. They met with a desperate resistance
and were repeatedly driven back. Weedon's brigade on the left
maintained its stand also with great obstinacy, and the check given to
the enemy by these two brigades allowed time for the broken troops to
retreat. Weedon was at length compelled by superior numbers to seek
the protection of the other brigade, which he did in good order, and
Greene gradually drew off the whole division in face of the enemy,
who, checked by this vigorous resistance, and seeing the day far
spent, gave up all further pursuit.
The brave stand made by these brigades had likewise been a great
protection to Wayne. He had for a long time withstood the attacks of
the enemy at Chadd's Ford, until the approach on the right of some of
the enemy's troops, who had been entangled in the woods, showed him
that the right wing had been routed. He now gave up the defence of his
post and retreated by the Chester road. Knyphausen's troops were too
fatigued to pursue him, and the others had been kept back, as we have
shown, by Greene's division. So ended the varied conflict of the day.
Lafayette gives an animated picture of the general retreat in which he
became entangled. All around him was headlong terror and confusion.
Chester road, the common retreat of the broken fragments of the army
from every quarter, was crowded with fugitives, with cannon, with
baggage cars, all hurrying forward pell-mell, and obstructing each
other. At Chester, twelve miles from the field of battle, there was a
deep stream with a bridge, over which the fugitives would have to
pass. Here Lafayette set a guard to prevent their further flight. The
commander-in-chief arriving soon after with Greene and his gallant
division, some degree of order was restored, and the whole army took
its post behind Chester for the night.
The scene of this battle, which decided the fate of Philadelphia, was
within six and twenty miles of that city, and each discharge of cannon
could be heard there. The two parties of the inhabitants, whig and
tory, were to be seen in separate groups in the squares and public
places, waiting the event in anxious silence. At length a courier
arrived. His tidings spread consternation among the friends of
liberty. Many left their homes; entire families abandoned everything
in terror and despair, and took refuge in the mountains. Congress,
that same evening determined to quit the city and repair to Lancaster,
whence they subsequently removed to Yorktown.
Notwithstanding the rout and precipitate retreat of the American army,
Sir William Howe did not press the pursuit, but passed the night on
the field of battle, and remained the two following days at Dilworth,
sending out detachments to take post at Concord and Chester, and seize
on Wilmington, whither the sick and wounded were conveyed.
Washington, as usual, profited by the inactivity of Howe; quietly
retreating through Derby (on the 12th) across the Schuylkill to
Germantown, within a short distance of Philadelphia, where he gave his
troops a day's repose. Finding them in good spirits and in nowise
disheartened by the recent affair, which they seemed to consider a
check rather than a defeat, he resolved to seek the enemy again and
give him battle. As preliminary measures, he left some of the
Pennsylvania militia in Philadelphia to guard the city; others, under
General Armstrong, were posted at the various passes of the
Schuylkill, with orders to throw up works; the floating bridge on the
lower road was to be unmoored, and the boats collected and taken
across the river.
Having taken these precautions against any hostile movement by the
lower road, Washington recrossed the Schuylkill on the 14th, and
advanced along the Lancaster road, with the intention of turning the
left flank of the enemy. Howe, apprised of his intention, made a
similar disposition to outflank him. The two armies came in sight of
each other near the Warren Tavern, twenty-three miles from
Philadelphia, and were on the point of engaging, but were prevented by
a violent storm of rain which lasted for four and twenty hours.
This inclement weather was particularly distressing to the Americans,
who were scantily clothed, most of them destitute of blankets, and
separated from their tents and baggage. The rain penetrated their
cartridge-boxes and the ill-fitted locks of their muskets, rendering
the latter useless, being deficient in bayonets. In this plight,
Washington gave up for the present all thought of attacking the enemy,
as their discipline in the use of the bayonet, with which they were
universally furnished, would give them a great superiority in action.
The only aim at present was to get to some dry and secure place where
the army might repose and refit. All day and for a great part of the
night they marched under a cold and pelting rain, and through deep and
miry roads to the Yellow Springs, thence to Warwick, on French Creek.
At Warwick furnace, ammunition and a few muskets were obtained, to aid
in disputing the passage of the Schuylkill, and the advance of the
enemy on Philadelphia. From French Creek, Wayne was detached with his
division to get in the rear of the enemy, form a junction with General
Smallwood and the Maryland militia, and, keeping themselves concealed,
watch for an opportunity to cut off Howe's baggage and hospital train;
in the meantime Washington crossed the Schuylkill at Parker's Ford and
took a position to defend that pass of the river.
Wayne set off in the night, and by a circuitous march got within three
miles of the left wing of the British encamped at Trydraffin, and
concealing himself in a wood, waited the arrival of Smallwood and his
militia. At daybreak he reconnoitred the camp where Howe, checked by
the severity of the weather, had contented himself with uniting his
columns, and remained under shelter. All day Wayne hovered about the
camp; there were no signs of marching; all kept quiet but lay too
compact to be attacked with prudence. He sent repeated messages to
Washington describing the situation of the enemy. "I believe he knows
nothing of my situation, as I have taken every precaution to prevent
any intelligence getting to him."
His motions, however, had not been so secret as he imagined. He was in
a part of the country full of the disaffected, and Sir William had
received accurate information of his force and where he was encamped.
General Gray, with a strong detachment, was sent to surprise him at
night in his lair. Late in the evening, when Wayne had set his pickets
and sentinels and thrown out his patrols, a countryman brought him
word of the meditated attack. He doubted the intelligence, but
strengthened his pickets and patrols, and ordered his troops to sleep
upon their arms. At eleven o'clock the pickets were driven in at the
point of the bayonet--the enemy were advancing in column. Wayne
instantly took post on the right of his position, to cover the retreat
of the left, led by Colonel Hampton, the second in command. The latter
was tardy, and incautiously paraded his troops in front of their fires
so as to be in full relief. The enemy rushed on without firing a gun;
all was the silent but deadly work of the bayonet and cutlass. Nearly
three hundred of Hampton's men were killed or wounded, and the rest
put to flight. Wayne gave the enemy some well-directed volleys, and
then retreating to a small distance, rallied his troops and prepared
for further defence. The British, however, contented themselves with
the blow they had given and retired with very little loss, taking with
them between seventy and eighty prisoners, several of them officers,
and eight baggage wagons, heavily laden.
General Smallwood, who was to have co-operated with Wayne, was within
a mile of him at the time of his attack, and would have hastened to
his assistance with his well-known intrepidity, but he had not the
corps under his command with which he had formerly distinguished
himself, and his raw militia fled in a panic at the first sight of a
return party of the enemy. Wayne was deeply mortified by the result of
this affair, and finding it severely criticised in the army, demanded
a court-martial, which pronounced his conduct everything that was to
be expected from an active, brave, and vigilant officer; whatever
blame there was in the matter fell upon his second in command.
On the 21st, Sir William Howe made a rapid march high up the
Schuylkill, on the road leading to Reading, as if he intended either
to capture the military stores deposited there, or to turn the right
of the American army. Washington kept pace with him on the opposite
side of the river up to Pott's Grove, about thirty miles from
Philadelphia.
The movement on the part of Howe was a mere feint. No sooner had he
drawn Washington so far up the river, than by a rapid countermarch on
the night of the 22d, he got to the ford below, threw his troops
across on the next morning and pushed forward for Philadelphia. By the
time Washington was apprised of this counter-movement, Howe was too
far on his way to be overtaken by harassed, barefooted troops, worn
out by constant marching. Feeling the necessity of immediate
reinforcements, he wrote on the same day to Putnam, at Peekskill: "I
desire that without a moment's loss of time, you will detach as many
effective rank and file, under proper generals and officers, as will
make the whole number, including those with General McDougall, amount
to twenty-five hundred privates and non-commissioned fit for duty. I
must urge you, by every motive, to send this detachment without the
least possible delay."
On the next day (24th) he wrote also to General Gates: "I request, if
circumstances will admit, that you will order Colonel Morgan to join
me again with his corps. I sent him up when I thought you materially
wanted him; and if his services can be dispensed with now, you will
direct his immediate return."
Having called a council of officers and taken their opinions, which
concurred with his own, Washington determined to remain some days at
Pott's Grove, to give repose to his troops and await the arrival of
reinforcements.
Sir William Howe halted at Germantown, within a short distance of
Philadelphia, and encamped the main body of his army in and about that
village; detaching Lord Cornwallis with a large force and a number of
officers of distinction, to take formal possession of the city. That
general marched into Philadelphia on the 26th with a brilliant staff
and escort, and followed by splendid legions of British and Hessian
grenadiers, long trains of artillery and squadrons of light-dragoons,
the finest troops in the army all in their best array.