CHAPTER XXVII.

MOVEMENTS BEFORE BOSTON.--ITS EVACUATION.

The siege of Boston continued through the winter without any striking

incident to enliven its monotony. The British remained within their

works, leaving the beleaguering army slowly to augment its forces. The

country was dissatisfied with the inaction of the latter. Even

Congress was anxious for some successful blow that might revive

popular enthusiasm. Washington shared this anxiety, and had

repeatedly, in councils of war, suggested an attack upon the town, but

had found a majority of his general officers opposed to it. He had

hoped some favorable opportunity would present itself, when, the

harbor being frozen, the troops might approach the town upon the ice.

The winter, however, though severe at first, proved a mild one, and

the bay continued open. General Putnam, in the meantime, having

completed the new works at Lechmere Point, and being desirous of

keeping up the spirit of his men, resolved to treat them to an

exploit. Accordingly, from his "impregnable fortress" of Cobble Hill,

he detached a party of about two hundred, under his favorite officer,

Major Knowlton, to surprise and capture a British guard stationed at

Charlestown. It was a daring enterprise, and executed with spirit. As

Charlestown Neck was completely protected, Knowlton led his men across

the mill-dam, round the base of the hill, and immediately below the

fort; set fire to the guard-house and some buildings in its vicinity;

made several prisoners, and retired without loss; although thundered

upon by the cannon of the fort.

Meanwhile, Washington was incessantly goaded by the impatient murmurs

of the public, as we may judge by his letters to Mr. Reed. "I know the

integrity of my own heart," writes he, on the 10th of February, "but

to declare it, unless to a friend, may be an argument of vanity. I

know the unhappy predicament I stand in; I know that much is expected

of me; I know that, without men, without arms, without ammunition,

without anything fit for the accommodation of a soldier, little is to

be done; and, what is mortifying, I know that I cannot stand justified

to the world without exposing my own weakness, and injuring the cause,

by declaring my wants; which I am determined not to do, further than

unavoidable necessity brings every man acquainted with them."

He still adhered to his opinion in favor of an attempt upon the town.

He was aware that it would be attended with considerable loss, but

believed it would be successful if the men should behave well. Within

a few days after the date of this letter, the bay became sufficiently

frozen for the transportation of troops. "This," writes he to Reed, "I

thought, knowing the ice would not last, a favorable opportunity to

make an assault upon the troops in town. I proposed it in council; but

behold, though we had been waiting all the year for this favorable

event, the enterprise was thought too dangerous."

At length the camp was rejoiced by the arrival of Colonel Knox, with

his long train of sledges drawn by oxen, bringing more than fifty

cannon, mortars, howitzers, beside supplies of lead and flints. The

zeal and perseverance which he had displayed in his wintry expedition

across frozen lakes and snowy wastes, and the intelligence with which

he had fulfilled his instructions, won him the entire confidence of

Washington. His conduct in this enterprise was but an earnest of that

energy and ability which he displayed throughout the war.

Further ammunition being received from the royal arsenal at New York,

and other quarters, and a reinforcement of ten regiments of militia,

Washington no longer met with opposition to his warlike measures.

Lechmere Point, which Putnam had fortified, was immediately to be

supplied with mortars and heavy cannon, so as to command Boston on the

north; and Dorchester Heights, on the south of the town, were

forthwith to be taken possession of. Their possession would enable him

to push his works to Nook's Hill, and other points opposite Boston,

whence a cannonade and bombardment must drive the enemy from the city.

The council of Massachusetts, at his request, ordered the militia of

the towns contiguous to Dorchester and Roxbury to hold themselves in

readiness to repair to the lines at those places with arms, ammunition

and accoutrements, on receiving a preconcerted signal.

Washington felt painfully aware how much depended upon the success of

this attempt. There was a cloud of gloom and distrust lowering upon

the public mind. Danger threatened on the north and on the south.

Montgomery had fallen before the walls of Quebec. The army in Canada

was shattered. Tryon and the tories were plotting mischief in New

York. Dunmore was harassing the lower part of Virginia, and Clinton

and his fleet were prowling along the coast on a secret errand of

mischief.

In the general plan it was concerted that, should the enemy detach a

large force to dislodge our men from Dorchester Heights, as had been

done in the affair of Bunker's Hill, an attack upon the opposite side

of the town should forthwith be made by General Putnam. For this

purpose he was to have four thousand picked men in readiness, in two

divisions, under Generals Sullivan and Greene. At a concerted signal

from Roxbury, they were to embark in boats near the mouth of Charles

River, cross under cover of the fire of three floating batteries, land

in two places in Boston, secure its strong posts, force the gates and

works at the Neck, and let in the Roxbury troops.

The evening of Monday, the 4th of March, was fixed upon for the

occupation of Dorchester Heights. The ground was frozen too hard to be

easily intrenched; fascines, therefore, and gabions, and bundles of

screwed hay, were collected during the two preceding nights, with

which to form breastworks and redoubts. During these two busy nights

the enemy's batteries were cannonaded and bombarded from opposite

points, to occupy their attention, and prevent their noticing these

preparations. They replied with spirit, and the incessant roar of

artillery thus kept up, covered completely the rumbling of wagons and

ordnance.

As soon as the firing commenced, the detachment under General Thomas

set out on its cautious and secret march from the lines of Roxbury and

Dorchester. Everything was conducted as regularly and quietly as

possible. A covering party of eight hundred men preceded the carts

with the intrenching tools; then came General Thomas with the working

party, twelve hundred strong, followed by a train of three hundred

wagons, laden with fascines, gabions, and hay screwed into bundles of

seven or eight hundred weight. A great number of such bundles were

ranged in a line along Dorchester Neck on the side next the enemy, to

protect the troops, while passing, from being raked by the fire of the

enemy. Fortunately, although the moon, as Washington writes, was

shining in its full lustre, the flash and roar of cannonry from

opposite points, and the bursting of bombshells high in the air, so

engaged and diverted the attention of the enemy, that the detachment

reached the heights about eight o'clock without being heard or

perceived. The covering party then divided; one half proceeded to the

point nearest Boston, the other to the one nearest to Castle Williams.

The working party commenced to fortify, under the directions of

Gridley, the veteran engineer, who had planned the works on Bunker's

Hill. It was severe labor, for the earth was frozen eighteen inches

deep; but the men worked with more than their usual spirit; for the

eye of the commander-in-chief was upon them. Though not called there

by his duties, Washington could not be absent from this eventful

operation.

The labors of the night were carried on with activity and address.

When a relief party arrived at four o'clock in the morning, two forts

were in sufficient forwardness to furnish protection against

small-arms and grape-shot; and such use was made of the fascines and

bundles of screwed hay, that, at dawn, a formidable-looking fortress

frowned along the height. Howe gazed at the mushroom fortress with

astonishment, as it loomed indistinctly, but grandly, through a

morning fog. "The rebels," exclaimed he, "have done more work in one

night than my whole army would have done in one month."

Washington had watched with intense anxiety the effect of the

revelation at daybreak. An American, who was on Dorchester Heights,

gives a picture of the scene. A tremendous cannonade was commenced

from the forts in Boston and the shipping in the harbor. "Cannon

shot," writes he, "are continually rolling and rebounding over the

hill, and it is astonishing to observe how little our soldiers are

terrified by them. The royal troops are perceived to be in motion, as

if embarking to pass the harbor and land on Dorchester shore, to

attack our works. The hills and elevations in this vicinity are

covered with spectators, to witness deeds of horror in the expected

conflict."

General Thomas was reinforced with two thousand men. Old Putnam stood

ready to make a descent upon the north side of the town, with his four

thousand picked men, as soon as the heights on the south should be

assailed. As Washington rode about the heights, he reminded the troops

that it was the 5th of March, the anniversary of the Boston massacre,

and called on them to revenge the slaughter of their brethren. They

answered him with shouts.

Howe, in the meantime, was perplexed between his pride and the hazards

of his position. In his letters to the ministry, he had scouted the

idea of "being in danger from the rebels." He had "hoped they would

attack him." Apparently, they were about to fulfil his hopes, and with

formidable advantages of position. He must dislodge them from

Dorchester Heights, or evacuate Boston. The latter was an alternative

too mortifying to be readily adopted. He resolved on an attack, but it

was to be a night one.

In the evening the British began to move. Lord Percy was to lead the

attack. Twenty-five hundred men were embarked in transports, which

were to convey them to the rendezvous at Castle William. A violent

storm set in from the east. The transports could not reach their place

of destination. The men-of-war could not cover and support them. A

furious surf beat on the shore where the boats would have to land. The

attack was consequently postponed until the following day. That day

was equally unpropitious. The storm continued, with torrents of rain.

The attack was again postponed. In the meantime, the Americans went on

strengthening their works; by the time the storm subsided, General

Howe deemed them too strong to be easily carried; the attempt,

therefore, was relinquished altogether.

What was to be done? The shells thrown from the heights into the town

proved that it was no longer tenable. The fleet was equally exposed.

Admiral Shuldham, the successor to Graves, assured Howe that if the

Americans maintained possession of the heights, his ships could not

remain in the harbor. It was determined, therefore, in a council of

war, to evacuate the place as soon as possible. But now came on a

humiliating perplexity. The troops, in embarking, would be exposed to

a destructive fire. How was this to be prevented? General Howe's pride

would not suffer him to make capitulations; he endeavored to work on

the fears of the Bostonians, by hinting that if his troops were

molested while embarking, he might be obliged to cover their retreat

by setting fire to the town.

The hint had its effect. Several of the principal inhabitants

communicated with him through the medium of General Robertson. The

result of the negotiation was that a paper was concocted and signed by

several of the "select men" of Boston, stating the fears they had

entertained of the destruction of the place, but that those fears had

been quieted by General Howe's declaration that it should remain

uninjured, provided his troops were unmolested while embarking; the

select men, therefore, begged "some assurance that so dreadful a

calamity might not be brought on, by any measures from without."

This paper was sent out from Boston, on the evening of the 8th, with a

flag of truce, which bore it to the American lines at Roxbury. There

it was received by Colonel Learned, and carried by him to

head-quarters. Washington consulted with such of the general officers

as he could immediately assemble. The paper was not addressed to him,

nor to any one else. It was not authenticated by the signature of

General Howe; nor was there any other act obliging that commander to

fulfil the promise asserted to have been made by him. It was deemed

proper, therefore, that Washington should give no answer to the paper;

but that Colonel Learned should signify in a letter his having laid it

before the commander-in-chief, and the reasons assigned for not

answering it. With this uncompromising letter, the flag returned to

Boston. The Americans suspended their fire, but continued to fortify

their positions.

Daily preparations were now made by the enemy for departure. By

proclamation, the inhabitants were ordered to deliver up all linen and

woollen goods, and all other goods that, in possession of the rebels,

would aid them in carrying on the war. For some days the embarkation

of the troops was delayed by adverse winds. Washington, who was

imperfectly informed of affairs in Boston, feared that the movements

there might be a feint. Determined to bring things to a crisis, he

detached a force to Nook's Hill on Saturday, the 16th, which threw up

a breastwork in the night regardless of the cannonading of the enemy.

This commanded Boston Neck, and the south part of the town, and a

deserter brought a false report to the British that a general assault

was intended. The embarkation, so long delayed, began with hurry and

confusion at four o'clock in the morning. The harbor of Boston soon

presented a striking and tumultuous scene. There were seventy-eight

ships and transports casting loose for sea, and eleven or twelve

thousand men, soldiers, sailors, and refugees, hurrying to embark;

many, especially of the latter, with their families and personal

effects. The refugees, in fact, labored under greater disadvantages

than the king's troops, being obliged to man their own vessels, as

sufficient seamen could not be spared from the king's transports.

While this tumultuous embarkation was going on, the Americans looked

on in silence from their batteries on Dorchester Heights, without

firing a shot. At an early hour of the morning, the troops stationed

at Cambridge and Roxbury had paraded, and several regiments under

Putnam had embarked in boats, and dropped down Charles River, to

Sewall's Point, to watch the movements of the enemy by land and water.

About nine o'clock a large body of troops was seen marching down

Bunker's Hill, while boats full of soldiers were putting off for the

shipping. Two scouts were sent from the camp to reconnoitre. The works

appeared still to be occupied, for sentries were posted about them

with shouldered muskets. Observing them to be motionless, the scouts

made nearer scrutiny, and discovered them to be mere effigies, set up

to delay the advance of the Americans. Pushing on, they found the

works deserted, and gave signal of the fact; whereupon, a detachment

was sent from the camp to take possession.

Part of Putnam's troops were now sent back to Cambridge; a part were

ordered forward to occupy Boston. General Ward, too, with five hundred

men, made his way from Roxbury, across the neck, about which the enemy

had scattered caltrops or crows' feet,{1} to impede invasion. The

gates were unbarred and thrown open, and the Americans entered in

triumph, with drums beating and colors flying.

{Footnote 1: Iron balls, with four sharp points, to wound the feet of

men or horses.}

By ten o'clock the enemy were all embarked and under way: Putnam had

taken command of the city, and occupied the important points, and the

flag of thirteen stripes, the standard of the Union, floated above all

the forts. On the following day, Washington himself entered the town

where he was joyfully welcomed.

The eminent services of Washington throughout this arduous siege, his

admirable management, by which, "in the course of a few months, _an

undisciplined band of husbandmen_ became soldiers, and were enabled to

invest, for nearly a year, and finally to expel a brave army of

veterans, commanded by the most experienced generals," drew forth the

enthusiastic applause of the nation. On motion of John Adams, who had

first moved his nomination as commander-in-chief, a unanimous vote of

thanks to him was passed in Congress; and it was ordered that a gold

medal be struck, commemorating the evacuation of Boston, bearing the

effigy of Washington as its deliverer.

The British fleet bearing the army from Boston, had disappeared from

the coast. "Whither they are bound, and where they next will pitch

their tents," writes Washington, "I know not." He conjectured their

destination to be New York, and made his arrangements accordingly; but

he was mistaken. General Howe had steered for Halifax, there to await

the arrival of strong reinforcements from England, and the fleet of

his brother, Admiral Lord Howe; who was to be commander-in-chief of

the naval forces on the North American station.

It was presumed the enemy, in the ensuing campaign, would direct their

operations against the Middle and Southern colonies. Congress divided

the colonies into two departments; one, comprehending New York, New

Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware and Maryland, was to be under the

command of a major-general, and two brigadier-generals; the other,

comprising Virginia, the Carolinas and Georgia, to be under the

command of a major-general and four brigadiers. In this new

arrangement, the orders destining General Lee to Canada were

superseded, and he was appointed to the command of the Southern

department, where he was to keep watch upon the movements of Sir Henry

Clinton. The command in Canada was given to General Thomas, who had

distinguished himself at Roxbury and was promoted to the rank of

major-general. It would have been given to Schuyler, but for the

infirm state of his health; still Congress expressed a reliance on his

efforts to complete the work "so conspicuously begun and well

conducted" under his orders, in the last campaign; and, as not merely

the success but the very existence of the army in Canada would depend

on supplies sent from these colonies across the lakes, he was

required, until further orders, to fix his head-quarters at Albany,

where, without being exposed to the fatigue of the camp until his

health was perfectly restored, he would be in a situation to forward

supplies; to superintend the operations necessary for the defence of

New York and the Hudson River, and the affairs of the whole middle

department.

Lee set out for the South on the 7th of March, carrying with him his

bold spirit, his shrewd sagacity, and his whimsical and splenetic

humors. Brigadier-general Lord Stirling remained in temporary command

at New York. Washington, presuming that the British fleet had steered

for that port with the force which had evacuated Boston, hastened

detachments thither under Generals Heath and Sullivan, and wrote for

three thousand additional men to be furnished by Connecticut. The

command of the whole he gave to General Putnam, who was ordered to

fortify the city and the passes of the Hudson according to the plans

of General Lee. In the meantime, Washington delayed to come on

himself, until he should have pushed forward the main body of his army

by divisions.

Lee's anticipations that laxity and confusion would prevail after his

departure, were not realized. The veteran Putnam, on taking command,

put the city under rigorous military rule. All communication between

the "ministerial fleet" and shore was stopped; the ships were no

longer to be furnished with provisions. Any person taken in the act of

holding communication with them would be considered an enemy, and

treated accordingly.

Washington came on by the way of Providence, Norwich and New London,

expediting the embarkation of troops from these posts, and arrived at

New York on the 13th of April. Many of the works which Lee had

commenced were by this time finished; others were in progress. It was

apprehended the principal operations of the enemy would be on Long

Island, the high grounds of which, in the neighborhood of Brooklyn,

commanded the city. Washington saw that an able and efficient officer

was needed at that place. Greene was accordingly stationed there, with

a division of the army. He immediately proceeded to complete the

fortifications of that important post, and to make himself acquainted

with the topography and the defensive points of the surrounding

country.

The aggregate force distributed at several extensive posts in New York

and its environs, and on Long Island, Staten Island and elsewhere,

amounted to little more than ten thousand men; some of those were on

the sick list, others absent on command, or on furlough; there were

but about eight thousand available and fit for duty. These, too, were

without pay; those recently enlisted without arms, and no one could

say where arms were to be procured. Washington saw the inadequacy of

the force to the purposes required and was full of solicitude about

the security of a place, the central point of the Confederacy, and the

grand deposit of ordnance and military stores. The process of

fortifying the place had induced the ships of war to fall down into

the outer bay, within the Hook, upwards of twenty miles from the city;

but Governor Tryon was still on board of one of them, keeping up an

active correspondence with the tories on Staten and Long Islands, and

in other parts of the neighborhood.

In addition to his cares about the security of New York, Washington

had to provide for the perilous exigencies of the army in Canada.

Since his arrival in the city, four regiments of troops, a company of

riflemen and another of artificers had been detached under the command

of Brigadier-general Thompson, and a further corps of six regiments

under Brigadier-general Sullivan, with orders to join General Thomas

as soon as possible.

Still Congress inquired of him whether further reinforcements to the

army in Canada would not be necessary, and whether they could be

spared from the army in New York. His reply shows the peculiar

perplexities of his situation and the tormenting uncertainty in which

he was kept, as to where the next storm of war would break. "With

respect to sending more troops to that country, I am really at a loss

what to advise, as it is impossible, at present, to know the designs

of the enemy. Should they send the whole force under General Howe up

the river St. Lawrence, to relieve Quebec and recover Canada, the

troops gone and now going will be insufficient to stop their progress;

and, should they think proper to send that, or an equal force, this

way from Great Britain, for the purpose of possessing this city and

securing the navigation of Hudson's River, the troops left here will

not be sufficient to oppose them; and yet, for anything we know, I

think it not improbable they may attempt both; both being of the

greatest importance to them, if they have men. I could wish, indeed,

that the army in Canada should be more powerfully reinforced; at the

same time, I am conscious that the trusting of this important post,

which is now become the grand magazine of America, to the handful of

men remaining here, is running too great a risk."

Washington at that time was not aware of the extraordinary expedients

England had recently resorted to against the next campaign. The Duke

of Brunswick, the Landgrave of Hesse Cassel, and the Hereditary Prince

of Cassel, Count of Hanau, had been subsidized to furnish troops to

assist in the subjugation of her colonies. Four thousand three hundred

Brunswick troops, and nearly thirteen thousand Hessians, had entered

the British service. Beside the subsidy exacted by the German princes,

they were to be paid seven pounds four shillings and four pence

sterling for every soldier furnished by them, and as much more for

every one slain.

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