CHAPTER X.

FRONTIER SERVICE.

Throughout the summer of 1756, Washington exerted himself diligently

in carrying out measures determined upon for frontier security. The

great fortress at Winchester was commenced, and the work urged forward

as expeditiously as the delays and perplexities incident to a badly

organized service would permit. It received the name of Fort Loudoun,

in honor of the commander-in-chief, whose arrival in Virginia was

hopefully anticipated.

As to the sites of the frontier posts, they were decided upon by

Washington and his officers, after frequent and long consultations;

parties were sent out to work on them, and men recruited and militia

drafted to garrison them. Washington visited occasionally such as were

in progress, and near at hand. In the autumn, he made a tour of

inspection along the whole line, accompanied by his friend, Captain

Hugh Mercer. This tour furnished repeated proofs of the inefficiency

of the militia system. In one place he attempted to raise a force with

which to scour a region infested by roving bands of savages. After

waiting several days, but five men answered to his summons. In another

place, where three companies had been ordered to the relief of a fort

attacked by the Indians, all that could be mustered were a captain, a

lieutenant, and seven or eight men. When the militia were drafted, and

appeared under arms, the case was not much better. It was now late in

the autumn: their term of service, by the act of the Legislature,

expired in December,--half of the time, therefore, was lost in

marching out and home. Their waste of provisions was enormous. To be

put on allowance, like other soldiers, they considered an indignity.

For want of proper military laws, they were obstinate, self-willed and

perverse. The garrisons were weak for want of men, but more so from

indolence and irregularity. Not one was in a posture of defence; few

but might be surprised with the greatest ease. At one fort the Indians

rushed from their lurking-place, pounced upon several children playing

under the walls, and bore them off before they were discovered.

Another fort was surprised, and many of the people massacred in the

same manner.

What rendered this year's service peculiarly irksome and embarrassing

to Washington, was the nature of his correspondence with Governor

Dinwiddie. That gentleman, either from the natural hurry and confusion

of his mind, or from a real disposition to perplex, was extremely

ambiguous and unsatisfactory in most of his orders and replies. In

nothing was this disposition to perplex more apparent than in the

governor's replies respecting Fort Cumberland. Washington had

repeatedly urged the abandonment of this fort as a place of frontier

deposit, being within the bounds of another province and out of the

track of Indian incursion; so that often the alarm would not reach

there until after the mischief had been effected. He applied, at

length, for particular and positive directions from the governor on

this head. "The following," says he, "is an exact copy of his answer:

'Fort Cumberland is a _king's_ fort, and built chiefly at the charge

of the colony, therefore properly under our direction until a new

governor is appointed.' Now, whether I am to understand this aye or no

to the plain simple question asked, Is the fort to be continued or

removed? I know not. But in all important matters I am directed in

this ambiguous and uncertain way."

Governor Dinwiddie subsequently made himself explicit on this point.

Taking offence at some of Washington's comments on the military

affairs on the frontier, he made the stand of a self-willed and

obstinate man, in the case of Fort Cumberland; and represented it in

such a light to Lord Loudoun as to draw from his lordship an order

that it should be kept up, and an implied censure of the conduct of

Washington in slighting a post of such paramount importance. Thus

powerfully supported, Dinwiddie went so far as to order that the

garrisons should be withdrawn from the stockades and small frontier

forts, and most of the troops from Winchester, to strengthen Fort

Cumberland, which was now to become head-quarters. By these meddlesome

moves all previous arrangements were reversed, everything was thrown

into confusion, and enormous losses and expenses were incurred.

Governor Dinwiddie had never recovered from the pique caused by the

popular elevation of Washington to the command in preference to his

favorite, Colonel Innes. His irritation was kept alive by a little

Scottish faction, who were desirous of disgusting Washington with the

service, so as to induce him to resign and make way for his rival.

They might have carried their point during the panic at Winchester,

had not his patriotism and his sympathy with the public distress been

more powerful than his self-love. He determined, he said, to bear up

under these embarrassments in the hope of better regulations when Lord

Loudoun should arrive; to whom he looked for the future fate of

Virginia.

[While these events were occurring on the Virginia frontier, military

events went on tardily and heavily at the north. The campaign against

Canada hung fire. The armament coming out for the purpose under Lord

Loudoun was delayed. Gen. Abercrombie reached Albany June 25th, with

two regiments. July 12th word was received that the forts Ontario and

Oswego were menaced by the French. Relief was delayed until the

arrival of Lord Loudoun, which took place on the 29th of July. After

some delays Gen. Webb left Albany, August 12th, for the relief of

Oswego. But while the British commanders had debated, Field-marshal

the Marquis de Montcalm had acted.] He was a different kind of soldier

from Abercrombie or Loudoun. A capacious mind and enterprising spirit

animated a small, but active and untiring frame. Quick in thought,

quick in speech, quicker still in action, he comprehended every thing

at a glance, and moved from point to point of the province with a

celerity and secrecy that completely baffled his slow and pondering

antagonists. Crown Point and Ticonderoga were visited, and steps taken

to strengthen their works; then, hastening to Montreal, he put himself

at the head of a force of regulars, Canadians, and Indians; ascended

the St. Lawrence to Lake Ontario; blocked up the mouth of the Oswego

by his vessels, landed his guns, and besieged the two forts; drove the

garrison out of one into the other; killed the commander, Colonel

Mercer, and compelled the garrisons to surrender prisoners of war. His

blow achieved, Montcalm returned in triumph to Montreal.

The season was now too far advanced for Lord Loudoun to enter upon any

great military enterprise; he postponed, therefore, the great northern

campaign, so much talked of and debated, until the following year.

Circumstances had led Washington to think that Lord Loudoun "had

received impressions to his prejudice by false representations of

facts," and that a wrong idea prevailed at head-quarters respecting

the state of military affairs in Virginia. He was anxious, therefore,

for an opportunity of placing all these matters in a proper light;

and, understanding that there was to be a meeting in Philadelphia in

the month of March, between Lord Loudoun and the southern governors,

to consult about measures of defence for their respective provinces,

he wrote to Governor Dinwiddie for permission to attend it. "I cannot

conceive," writes Dinwiddie in reply, "what service you can be of in

going there, as the plan concerted will, in course, be communicated to

you and the other officers. However, as you seem so earnest to go, I

now give you leave."

This ungracious reply seemed to warrant the suspicions entertained by

some of Washington's friends, that it was the busy pen of Governor

Dinwiddie which had given the "false representation of facts" to Lord

Loudoun. About a month, therefore, before the time of the meeting,

Washington addressed a long letter to his lordship, explanatory of

military affairs in the quarter where he had commanded. In this he set

forth the various defects in the militia laws of Virginia; the errors

in its system of defence, and the inevitable confusion which had

thence resulted.

The manner in which Washington was received by Lord Loudoun on

arriving in Philadelphia, showed him at once that his long,

explanatory letter had produced the desired effect, and that his

character and conduct were justly appreciated. During his sojourn in

Philadelphia he was frequently consulted on points of frontier

service, and his advice was generally adopted. On one point it failed.

He advised that an attack should be made on Fort Duquesne,

simultaneous with the attempts on Canada. At such time a great part of

the garrison would be drawn away to aid in the defence of that

province, and a blow might be struck more likely to insure the peace

and safety of the southern frontier than all its forts and defences.

Lord Loudoun, however, was not to be convinced, or at least persuaded.

According to his plan, the middle and southern provinces were to

maintain a merely defensive warfare.

Washington was also disappointed a second time in the hope of having

his regiment placed on the same footing as the regular army and of

obtaining a king's commission; the latter he was destined never to

hold. His representations with respect to Fort Cumberland had the

desired effect in counteracting the mischievous intermeddling of

Dinwiddie. The Virginia troops and stores were ordered to be again

removed to Fort Loudoun, at Winchester, which once more became

head-quarters, while Fort Cumberland was left to be occupied by a

Maryland garrison.

The great plan of operations at the north was again doomed to failure.

The reduction of Crown Point, on Lake Champlain, which had long been

meditated, was laid aside, and the capture of Louisburg substituted,

as an acquisition of far greater importance. This was a place of great

consequence, situated on the isle of Cape Breton, and strongly

fortified. It commanded the fisheries of Newfoundland, overawed New

England, and was a main bulwark to Acadia. [In July, Loudoun set sail

for Halifax, with nearly six thousand men, to join with Admiral

Holbourne, who had arrived at that port with eleven ships of the line,

and transports having on board six thousand men. With this united

force Lord Loudoun anticipated the certain capture of Louisburg. But

the French were again too quick for him. Admiral de Bois de la Mothe

had arrived at Louisburg with seventeen ships of the line and three

frigates. The place was ascertained to be well fortified and

garrisoned. Lord Loudoun, aware of the probability of defeat and the

ruin it would bring upon British arms in America, wisely, though

ingloriously, returned to New York.

Scarce had the tidings of his lordship's departure for Louisburg

reached Canada, when Montcalm took the fort. Fort William Henry, on

the southern shore of Lake George, was now his object. Colonel Munro,

with five hundred men, formed the garrison. With eight thousand men

Montcalm invested the fort, and after an obstinate resistance the

brave Colonel Munro surrendered, but not until most of his cannon were

burst and his ammunition expended. He obtained honorable terms.

Montcalm demolished the fort, and returned to Canada.]

During these unfortunate operations to the north, Washington was

stationed at Winchester, shorn of part of his force by a detachment to

South Carolina, and left with seven hundred men to defend a frontier

of more than three hundred and fifty miles in extent. The capture and

demolition of Oswego by Montcalm had produced a disastrous effect. The

whole country of the five nations was abandoned to the French. The

frontiers of Pennsylvania, Maryland and Virginia were harassed by

repeated inroads of French and Indians, and Washington had the

mortification to see the noble valley of the Shenandoah almost

deserted by its inhabitants and fast relapsing into a wilderness.

The year wore away on his part in the harassing service of defending a

wide frontier with an insufficient and badly organized force, and the

vexations he experienced were heightened by continual misunderstandings

with Governor Dinwiddie, who was evidently actuated by the petty pique

of a narrow and illiberal mind, impatient of contradiction, even when

in error. He took advantage of his official station to vent his spleen

and gratify his petulance in a variety of ways incompatible with the

courtesy of a gentleman. It may excite a grave smile at the present day

to find Washington charged by this very small-minded man with looseness

in his way of writing to him: with remissness in his duty towards him;

and even with impertinence in the able and eloquent representations

which he felt compelled to make of disastrous mismanagement in military

affairs.

The multiplied vexations which Washington experienced from this man

had preyed upon his spirits, and contributed, with his incessant toils

and anxieties, to undermine his health. For some time he struggled

with repeated attacks of dysentery and fever, and continued in the

exercise of his duties; but the increased violence of his malady, and

the urgent advice of his friend, Dr. Craik, the army surgeon, induced

him to relinquish his post towards the end of the year and retire to

Mount Vernon. The administration of Dinwiddie, however, was now at an

end. He set sail for England in January, 1758.

The Student's Life of Washington; Condensed from the Larger Work of Washington Irving For Young Persons and for the Use of Schools · 第 10 / 76 章